Robynne Rogers Healey on Tituba, Reluctant Witch Of
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A Comprehensive Look at the Salem Witch Mania of 1692 Ashley Layhew
The Devil’s in the Details: A Comprehensive Look at the Salem Witch Mania of 1692 __________ Ashley Layhew Nine-year-old Betty Parris began to convulse, seize, and scream gibber- ish in the winter of 1692. The doctor pronounced her bewitched when he could find no medical reason for her actions. Five other girls began ex- hibiting the same symptoms: auditory and visual hallucinations, fevers, nausea, diarrhea, epileptic fits, screaming, complaints of being bitten, poked, pinched, and slapped, as well as coma-like states and catatonic states. Beseeching their Creator to ease the suffering of the “afflicted,” the Puritans of Salem Village held a day of fasting and prayer. A relative of Betty’s father, Samuel Parris, suggested a folk cure, in which the urine of the afflicted girls was taken and made into a cake. The villagers fed the cake to a dog, as dogs were believed to be the evil helpers of witches. This did not work, however, and the girls were pressed to name the peo- ple who were hurting them.1 The girls accused Tituba, a Caribbean slave who worked in the home of Parris, of being the culprit. They also accused two other women: Sarah Good and Sarah Osbourne. The girls, all between the ages of nine and sixteen, began to accuse their neighbors of bewitching them, saying that three women came to them and used their “spectres” to hurt them. The girls would scream, cry, and mimic the behaviors of the accused when they had to face them in court. They named many more over the course of the next eight months; the “bewitched” youth accused a total of one hundred and forty four individuals of being witches, with thirty sev- en of those executed following a trial. -
Perjurium Maleficis: the Great Salem Scapegoat
Perjurium Maleficis: The Great Salem Scapegoat by Alec Head The Salem Witch Trials, often heralded as a sign of a religious community delving too deep into superstition, were hardly so simple. While certainly influenced by religion, the trials drew upon numerous outside elements. Though accusations were supposedly based in a firm setting of religious tradition, an analysis of individual stories—such as those of Rebecca Nurse, John Alden, and George Burroughs—shows that the accused were often targeted based on a combination of either fitting the existing image of witches, personal feuds, or prior reputations. The Puritans of Salem considered themselves to be “God’s chosen people,” building a new land, a heaven on earth.1 As with many endeavors in the New World, the Puritans faced innumerable struggles and hardships; their path would never be an easy one. However, rather than accepting their hurdles through a secular perspective, the Puritans viewed matters through a theological lens to explain their difficulties. While other, non-Puritan colonies faced similar challenges, the Puritans took the unique stance that they lived in a “world of wonders,” in which God and Satan had hands in the daily lives of humanity.2 In effect, this led to desperate—eventually deadly— searches for scapegoats. Upon his arrival in Salem, Reverend Samuel Parris publicly insisted that the hardships were neither by chance nor mere human hand. After all, if they were God’s chosen people, any opposition must have been instigated by the devil.3 Satan would not simply content himself with individual attacks. Rather, Parris insisted, grand conspiracies were formed by diabolical forces to destroy all that the Puritans built. -
Yo, Tituba, La Bruja Negra De Salem: Versiones Y Per-Versiones Del Discurso Histórico En La Novela De Maryse Condé I, Tituba
Artículo de investigación. Recibido: 23/07/12; aceptado: 10/09/12 aceptado: 23/07/12; Recibido: Artículo investigación. de Yo, tituBa, La BRuJa nEGRa dE saLEM: VERSIOnes Y Per-VERSIOnes DeL DiscUrsO HISTÓRICO en La nOVeLa De MarYSE cOnDÉ Emiro Santos García Universidad de Cartagena – Colombia [email protected] El presente artículo ofrece una lectura de la novela Yo, Tituba, la bruja negra de Salem (1986), de la narradora guadalupense Maryse Condé, que parte de las · páginas páginas 127-151 · intersecciones entre raza, género y clase obviadas tanto por las antropologías tradicionales como por los proyectos negristas, americanistas y criollistas de linaje poscolonial. Alejándose de las convenciones de la novela histórica tra- dicional, así como de la llamada “nueva novela histórica”, Condé construye un discurso literario afianzado en la visión interiorista de los sujetos femeninos 2256-5450 (en línea) 2256-5450 · como agentes de cambio del orden colonial y de la razón histórica patriarcal. Palabras clave: novela histórica; imaginación histórica; sujetos racializados; feminismos negros; heroicidad; resistencia. i, tituBa, tHE BLaCK WitCH oF saLEM: 0123-5931 (impreso) (impreso) 0123-5931 · VERSIOns anD Per-VERSIOns OF HISTORICAL DiscOURSE in MarYSE cOnDÉ’s nOVeL This article proposes a reading of the novelI, Tituba, the black witch of Salem , n.º 2, jul. - dic. 2012 - dic. jul. n.º 2, , (1986), by the Guadaloupean author Maryse Condé, taking as a starting point 14 some intersections of race, gender and social class that have been ignored as ol. V much by the traditional anthropologies as by the “negrista” and “criollista” post- colonial projects. Distancing herself from the conventions of the traditional his- torical novel and the so-called “new historical novel”, Condé’s novel constructs a literary discourse based on the interior vision of the female individual as an agent of change of the colonial order and patriarchal historical reason. -
Hesitating Between Irony and the Desire to Be Serious in Moi, Tituba, Sorcière
Studies in 20th & 21st Century Literature Volume 28 Issue 2 Article 2 6-1-2004 Hesitating Between Irony and the Desire to be Serious in Moi, Tituba, sorcière... noire de Salem: Maryse Condé and her Readers Sarah E. Barbour Wake Forest University Follow this and additional works at: https://newprairiepress.org/sttcl Part of the French and Francophone Literature Commons This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 4.0 License. Recommended Citation Barbour, Sarah E. (2004) "Hesitating Between Irony and the Desire to be Serious in Moi, Tituba, sorcière... noire de Salem: Maryse Condé and her Readers ," Studies in 20th & 21st Century Literature: Vol. 28: Iss. 2, Article 2. https://doi.org/10.4148/2334-4415.1580 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by New Prairie Press. It has been accepted for inclusion in Studies in 20th & 21st Century Literature by an authorized administrator of New Prairie Press. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Hesitating Between Irony and the Desire to be Serious in Moi, Tituba, sorcière... noire de Salem: Maryse Condé and her Readers Abstract In writing her fifth novel, a fictive autobiography of the title character, Maryse Condé has said that she "felt a strong solidarity with Tituba," and at the same time she admits hesitating "between irony and a desire to be serious" in the invention of this "mock-epic character." This article explores the reader's relationship to the novel as a variation on this hesitation. Once Condé sets up Tituba's authority to narrate her story, the reader is left in the precarious position of hesitating between getting the author's irony and desiring to be serious about Tituba's narrative of a painful history. -
The Crucible As a Political Allegory
THE CRUCIBLE AS A POLITICAL ALLEGORY MCCARTHYISM SALEM WITCH TRIALS the word Communism the word witchcraft Communism was a dangerous, invisible enemy that Witchcraft was a dangerous, invisible enemy that caused people to become fearful and take reckless caused people to become fearful of their neighbors and action. take reckless action. The McCarthy hearings pitted people against each other The Salem Witch Trials encouraged people to testify as they were called to testify about their own loyalty to against each other. their country as well as the loyalty of others. Many professional and personal lives were ruined by People’s reputations and lives were ruined because they the “hysteria” of fear and suspicion that came from were accused of being witches based on no evidence. McCarthy’s accusations which were based on little to no evidence. Some Americans believed that the threat of a Many in Salem believed that witchcraft was simply a Communist conspiracy within the United States was a superstition. mere superstition. Senator McCarthy was suspicious of American Giles Corey was suspicious of his wife’s reading because intellectuals, whom he suspected of being influenced by he believes people can gel evil/sinful ideas from books. subversive ideas. (Think of intellectuals as people who are continually learning and thinking.) During the McCarthy hearings, fear caused many people During the Salem Witch Trials, fear caused many people to suspend their powers of reasoning and to believe to lean away from common sense and believe unsupported allegations of unreliable witnesses. accusations by those who had no evidence. The HUAC bribed witnesses to implicate suspects by Rev. -
Summary the Salem Witchcraft Crisis Began During the Winter of 1691
Salem Witch Crisis: Summary The Salem witchcraft crisis began during the winter of 1691- 1692, in Salem Village, Massachusetts, when Betty Parris, the nine- year-old daughter of the village’s minister, Samuel Parris, and his niece, Abigail Williams, fell strangely ill. The girls complained of pinching, prickling sensations, knifelike pains, and the feeling of being choked. In the weeks that followed, three more girls showed similar symptoms. Reverend Parris and several doctors began to suspect that witchcraft was responsible for the girls’ behavior. They pressed the girls to name the witches who were tormenting them. The girls named three women, who were then arrested. The third accused was Parris’s Indian slave, Tituba. Under examination, Tituba confessed to being a witch, and testified that four women and a man were causing the girls’ illness. The girls continued to accuse people of witchcraft, including some respectable church members. The new accused witches joined Tituba and the other two women in jail. The accused faced a difficult situation. If they confessed to witchcraft, they could escape death but would have to provide details of their crimes and the names of other participants. On the other hand, it was very difficult to prove one’s innocence. The Puritans believed that witches knew magic and could send spirits to torture people. However, the visions of torture could only be seen by the victims. The afflicted girls and women were often kept in the courtroom as evidence while the accused were examined. If they screamed and claimed that the accused witch was torturing them, the judge would have to believe their visions, even if the accused witch was not doing anything visible to the girls. -
The Racial Metamorphosis of Tituba of Salem Village
Grand Valley State University ScholarWorks@GVSU Peer Reviewed Articles African/African-American 3-2000 Purloined Identity: The Racial Metamorphosis of Tituba of Salem Village Veta Smith Tucker Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/aaa_articles ScholarWorks Citation Smith Tucker, Veta, "Purloined Identity: The Racial Metamorphosis of Tituba of Salem Village" (2000). Peer Reviewed Articles. 1. https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/aaa_articles/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the African/African-American at ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Peer Reviewed Articles by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. JOURNALTucker / TITUBA OF BLACK OF SALEM STUDIES VILLAGE / MARCH 2000 PURLOINED IDENTITY The Racial Metamorphosis of Tituba of Salem Village VETA SMITH TUCKER Grand Valley State University In 1692 in the village of Salem, Massachusetts and its environs between the months of March and October, more than 200 people were accused of practicing witchcraft and arrested. Of the con- victed, 19 were hanged, 1 was pressed to death under a plank over- laid with heavy stones, and 4 died in prison waiting to be sentenced. The catalyst for the panic in Massachusetts Bay Colony was Tituba Indian, a slave woman. Considering the primary role Tituba played in these events, official histories pay little attention to her. Indeed, the story of Tituba’s life is not recorded in histories of the Salem witch trials. Those who assumed the authority to record these events found it completely acceptable to omit the biography of Tituba, Salem’s first witness and confessor. -
The Crucible Study Packet
Mrs. Kizlyk - English 3A The Crucible Study Packet 1) What are the four main motifs of the play? A) B) C) D) 2) Describe the society of Salem. 3) What human traits were important to the Puritans and what was considered evil? Act 1 1) When Reverend Parris asks Susanna what the doctor said, what did she say? 2) Why do both Abigail and Parris warn Susanna to “go directly home and speak nothing of unnatural causes? 3) When Abigail admits to dancing the previous night, what is her explanation for Betty fainting? 4) What is Parris’ main concern? Mrs. Kizlyk - English 3A 5) Who does Reverend Samuel Parris see dancing with his daughter Betty in the woods? 6) What explanation does Abigail give when her uncle asks why Tituba was waving her arms over the fire and screeching gibberish? 7) Why did the girls dance in the woods? 8) What does the forest symbolize? 9) What does Parris mean when he asks Abigail if her name is “not entirely white”? 10) Why does Abigail say she was dismissed by the Proctors and why does she seem to hate Goody Proctor? 11) Why did Mrs. Putnam contact Tituba? Mrs. Kizlyk - English 3A 12) What could be some of the motivations for Putnam wanting Parris to announce that there is witchcraft in the town? 13) What did Abigail do in the forest that she wants to hide? 14) What threat does Abigail make to the other girls if they tell what Abigail did? 15) We know that John and Abigail had an affair in the past. -
Role Sheet Tituba
.ROLE SHEET TITUBA CONFESSED WITCH Include this information in your testimony: You and your husband John are slaves in the household of Reverend Samuel Parris of Salem Village. You were originally from Barbados where you learned stories about the Devil, black magic, and voodoo. You told these stories to a group of young girls from Salem. You have been accused of witchcraft, one of the most serious crimes in Puritan society. You realize that if you are found guilty of being an unconfessed witch, you could suffer death by hanging. You will testify to the following: 1. You told stories of witchcraft, voodoo, black magic, and meetings with the Devil to the afflicted girls Ann Putnam, Jr., Abigail Williams, Elizabeth Parris, Elizabeth Hubbard, and Mercy Lewis. Be prepared to relate some of these stories to the court. Do some additional research on this subject and use your imagination. 2. You will deny hurting the afflicted girls, blaming the other accused witches Sarah Good and Sarah Osborne. You think Rebecca Nurse and Martha Corey were there as well, but you are not completely sure. 3. You will confess to riding through the night on a stick or pole with Sarah Good and Sarah Osborne behind you. 4. You will say that Sarah Good and Sarah Osborne told you to kill Ann Putnam with a knife but you refused. 5. You will confess to attending witches' meetings in the night with the accused Sarah Good and Sarah Osborne. If in doubt confess to anything the Magistrates want to hear. You realize that admitting to witchcraft and asking for repentance will be your only salvation from the gallows. -
From the Crucible by Arthur Miller
from The Crucible By Arthur Miller INTO THE PLAY The Crucible is based on real events that took place in Salem, Massachusetts, in 1692. As the play begins, the author provides some background information about the setting, the characters, and their mindsets, before the characters start to speak. The author also draws some comparisons between the events in Salem and the events of the 1950s, when he was writing this play. ACT ONE 1 A HERE’S HOW (An Overture ) Reading Focus A small upper bedroom in the home of !"#"!"$% &'()"* +'!!,&, As I begin to read, I want to draw conclusions about the Salem, Massachusetts, in the spring of the year 1692. A characters’ motivations, or reasons, for what they do. I There is a narrow window at the left. Through its leaded already know what Samuel Parris does for a living, where panes the morning sunlight streams. A candle still burns near the he lives, and what time period bed, which is at the right. A chest, a chair, and a small table are he is from. From the start, I can draw the conclusion the other furnishings. At the back a door opens on the landing of that Reverend Parris might want to maintain a good the stairway to the ground floor. The room gives off an air of clean reputation in his community. spareness.2 The roof rafters are exposed, and the wood colors are I will watch to see if this is a 3 true motivation for Parris. 10 raw and unmellowed. As the curtain rises, !"#"!"$% +'!!,& is discovered kneeling B HERE’S HOW beside the bed, evidently in prayer. -
The Crucible Vocabulary Act 1 ANSWERS
The Crucible Vocabulary Act 1 ANSWERS Define the following words: 1. Predilecon – preexisng preference 2. Ingraang – charming; flaering 3. Dissembling – lying, concealing ones intenons 4. Calumny – false accusaon; slander 5. Compact – make an agreement; enter into a contract 6. Notorious – widely and unfavorably known 7. Evade – avoid or escape by deceit or cleverness 8. Prodigious – abnormal, unusual 9. Defamaon - slander; the act of uering false charges or misrepresentaons maliciously calculated to damage another's reputaon 10. Evade – t o avoid, dodge, escape Complete the following sentences using the words above: 1. Reverend Hale would not allow Abigail to evade his quesoning about what happened in the forest. 2. Tituba, the Parris family slave, was accused of compacting with the devil once the girls started to blame her for helping them conjure spirits in the forest. 3. Some families in the Salem village had a stronger predilection for believing in the existence than others before the situaon with the girls’ “illness” even started. 4. Due to the girls’ prodigious behavior aer being discovered dancing the forest, their families were forced to call in an expert in the demonic arts. 5. Abigail inially has an ingratiating personality, which causes John Proctor become involved with her. 6. Puritans are notorious for placing too harsh of judgment on anyone who they believe to be a sinner. 7. Abigail defended herself vehemently against the supposed calumny being spread against her reputaon in the village. 8. Abigail has a strong ability for dissembling to the point that many of the adults in the town would believe her over what they even knew to be logically possible or true. -
Thesis Part 1
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository Colonial and Postcolonial Perspectives on Racism: Ourika and Moi, Tituba, sorcière…Noire de Salem Julia Anne Steele A thesis submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Romance Languages (French). Chapel Hill 2007 Approved by: Dr. Dominique Fisher Dr. Hassan Melehy Dr. Philippe Barr © 2007 Julia Anne Steele ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT JULIA ANNE STEELE: Colonial and Postcolonial Perspectives on Racism: Ourika and Moi, Tituba, sorcière…Noire de Salem (Under the direction of Dr. Dominique Fisher) This work explores the perspectives on racism presented in Claire de Duras’ Ourika and Maryse Condé’s Moi, Tituba, sorcière…Noire de Salem while looking at the historical context in which each novel was written. The ideas of oppression, Otherness, family, patriarchy and religion, as well as how they affect the black female protagonist in each novel are explored. While Tituba has more autonomy, both she and Ourika convey their thoughts to the reader in an intimate and personal manner. As a result of oppression, Ourika internalizes the power structure of the dominant culture to such an extent that she tries to become white, while Tituba internalizes the power structure but not to the same extent as Ourika. Ourika demonstrates the helplessness and entrapment felt by those under a colonial regime, whereas Tituba resists her oppressors and gives hope to future generations that one can triumph over racism.