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Alexander, Eleanor

A UNIQUELY AMERICAN WATERING HOLE: THE DRUG STORE SODA FOUNTAIN AT THE TURN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY

University of Delaware (Winterthur Program) M.A. 1986

University Microfilms

International 300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, Ml 48106

Copyright 1987 by Alexander, Eleanor

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A UNIQUELY AMERICAN WATERING HOLE;

THE DRUG STORE SODA FOUNTAIN AT THE

TURN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY

By Eleanor Alexander

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the University of Delaware in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Early American Culture

June 1986

Copyright 1986 Eleanor Alexander All Rights Reserved

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. A UNIQUELY AMERICAN WATERING HOLE:

THE DRUG STORE SODA FOUNTAIN AT THE

TURN OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY

By Eleanor Alexander

Approved Kenneth L. Ames, Ph.D. Professor in charge of thesis on behalf of the Advisory Committee

Approved:. ______AJ ^ V - Barbara McLean Ward, Ph.D. Director, Winterthur Program in Early American Culture

Approved:______R. B. Murray, Ph.D. University Coordinator for Graduate Studies

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ©1987

ELEANOR ALEXANDER

All Rights Reserved

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER I. BEGINNINGS FROM TINY BUBBLES ...... 1

NOTES...... 11

CHAPTER II. FROM MEDIOCRE TO MAGNIFICENT...... 14

NOTES...... 65

CHAPTER III. GOBLETS OF GOODNESS...... 74

NOTES...... 89

CHAPTER IV. "VIRTUES OF SODA FOUNT"...... 95

NOTES...... 110

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 114

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure Page

1. Early gooseneck fountain with flavoring and crushed fruit j a r s ...... 49

2. Fancy gooseneck fountain ...... 50

3. Urn fountain, generally in use 1830s-1870s . . 51

4. Basic column fountain circa 1840s...... 52

5. Column fountain sold by a Philadelphia Company in 1858...... 53

6. Gustavus Dows's marble box fountain circa 1859 ...... 54

7. James Tufts's original Cottage fountain, 1869. 55

8. James Tufts's French Cottage fountain originally made in 1870, in the Magnolia Drug Store (Georgia, 1890s)...... 56

9. Elaborate cottage-style fountain popular during the 1870s-1880s ...... 57

10. The Nonpareil cottage-style fountain manufactured in Boston, 1878 ...... 58

11. James Tufts's Centennial fountain, 1876. . . . 59

12. Basic marble wall fountain in the James & Allen Drug Store (Chattanooga, 1890s)...... 60

13. The Riverside fountain, believed to have been the largest fountain in the world in the early 1890s ...... 61

iv

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 14. Double wall fountain in a Georgia pharmacy, 1980s...... 62

15. Modern counter service fountain in Riker’s Drug Store (New York, circa 1908)...... 63

16. Domed square fountain in Hedgeman's Pharmacy (New York, circa 1906)...... 64

v

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER I

BEGINNINGS FROM TINY BUBBLES

Ah, that little soda fountain in the little village store You remember it, I reckon from amidst your childhood lore? As an altar, mystic onyx, at which thirsty souls would bow— Marble, glass (and also pewter)— mean compared with founts of now. Ah, the grand anticipation when we shyly sidled in And surveyed the magic frontage as we dangled happy shin. While the keeper of the Altar (Mr. Brown or Mrs. Jones) Queried: "Well, what flavor?" in not overpatient tones. Choc'late, strawberry, or ginger? Cherry— huh! or sass'prilla! Ever taste the combination, mingled lemon and vanilla? 'Twas a gamut quite sufficient for the strictest epicure, And the wildest dreams of childhood Might no finer [drink] conjure.

The soda fountain, an ornate dispenser of myriad

treats, was a nineteenth-century American innovation that

became a financial and social success. Although the

apothecary existed in many countries, only this nation's

drug stores incorporated the fountain as an essential

merchandising component. Introduced in the early 1800s as

1

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a marketing aid to shore up flagging profits, the drug

store soda fountain evolved into a uniquely American social

institution.

The fountain was both an apparatus for advertising

and dispensing what was commonly called soda water, and a

gathering site for good soda and good times. To fulfill

these simultaneous roles, the fountain changed forms, evolv­

ing from simple but attractive structures to architectural

masterpieces often grand in scale. Fountains appealed to

the eye and imagination. They were expressly designed "to

tempt a thirsty mortal or make a mortal thirsty."2 Some

early fountain forms literally embodied this notion.

Shaped like swans or water-bearing vessels, they inspired

customers to buy soda water.

This artificially carbonated beverage was invented

in Europe, probably during the eighteenth century. Sold

generally as an unflavored bottle tonic, it was a viable

commodity there. But American ingenuity transformed soda

water into an epicurean delight. Sweet flavored drinks and

complex concoctions made with ice cream and other ingredi­

ents eclipsed the basic European product. The new taste

sensations were created and dispensed at fountains.

As highly visible symbols of soda water, the

apparatus promoted the beverage well. Customers flocked,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. lured by picturesque fountains made of luxurious materials.

Soda water's growing popularity obscured its origins and

made it seem an American invention. Indeed, late

nineteenth-century boosterism proclaimed it the "national

drink," saying in essence: the English have ale; the

Germans beer; the French, wine; but we have soda water!3

. The term soda water described a man-made carbonated

drink by the end of the eighteenth century in Europe.4

Some form of soda was a required production ingredient;

hence the name soda water. One popular formula involved

dissolving sodium carbonate in water impregnated with car­

bonic acid, thus giving the drink its effervescent quality.

However, this seemed an unsatisfactory method, since the

product had "mischievous results, especially if indulged in

to the extent to which some persons pursue the use of soda

water."5 Although the complainant did not specify these

mischievous results, another scientist may have provided a

clue. He found that creating the beverage from baking soda

(sodium bicarbonate) and tartaric acid in water, yielded an

acceptable drink, but one with laxative properties.6

Apparently the culprit in these soda water making tech­

niques was some form of sodium. For by the nineteenth cen­

tury, it was the missing rather than required ingredient.

A Philadelphia doctor wrote (1821):

. . . this carbonated water which is sold at all the apothecaries . . . under the name of soda

with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. water is a wrong appellation, for although at first it was customary to add a small quantity of soda to the water, at present there is not . . . any addition of the kind made.

On the threshold of mass appeal, soda water became

a misnomer. Some thought the name should more honestly

reflect production. For a while, the term aerated (fixed

or charged air) water co-existed with the popular pseudonym

soda water. Other preparation methods brought other

appellations. Soda water was created by forcing carbonic

acid gas into pressurized water, and became known as

carbonic acid water.

Americans developed a new technique for producing

the drink, whereby a gas made from marble dust and

sulphuric acid was added to pressurized water. When

Carbonated Prinks Quarterly (October 1877) suggested

calling the beverage "marble water," the recommendation

fell on deaf ears.8 Only native American stone was used,

giving rise to the notion of soda water as a patriotic

drink. Soda water was similarly called an economical

beverage, since the marble dust component came from

demolished buildings, tombstones, and monuments.9 But

drinking gravestones struck skeptics as unpleasant and

unhealthy. As they quaked at the thought of consuming

marble, a soda booster countered with a more alluring

perspective. Look at what modern science has wrought, he

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. declared. "[It] has made it possible to transmute the

Venus diMedici . . . into a glass of soda water. . . .10

While the nineteenth century brought refined means

for making the drink, attempts at creating it actually

began in the sixteenth century. The goal of duplicating

natural seltzer or bubbling water challenged many scien­

tists. Most often cited is the work of eighteenth-century

chemists, with Joseph Priestly, noted discoverer of oxygen,

receiving credit for inventing soda water. French

physician Gabriel Venel produced a sparkling water in 1750; but Priestly*s experiments in Leeds (c. 1767) yielded the

first palatable drink. Three years later, a generator for

making soda water in volume was invented in Sweden, causing

Europeans to investigate the beverage's commercial

potential.11

Since the medicinal value of naturally carbonated

water had long been touted by persons of means, the same

role fell to its imitator. After a night of wine, women,

and mirth, Lord Byron called for soda water.12 Others

sought it as a remedy for heartburn and weak stomachs,

heat, and fatigue. By the late eighteenth or early nine­

teenth century, citrus juice, also praised for its healing

powers, was added to soda water. As the first flavored,

although unsweetened, effervescent drink, it was the

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precursor of the sugary variants on which American trade

would thrive.

Early retailing of the beverage in Europe centered

in apothecaries. Trade was brisk in plain carbonated

water. Theirs was a business in packaged take-home goods,

with soda water sold mainly by the bottle and consumed off

the premises. Because of this, fountains were not used as

dispensers.

In the early nineteenth century, American druggists

also distributed soda water in bottles. However, pharma­

cists soon saw the possibilities inherent in selling by the

glass. Not only was it more profitable, but it eliminated

the need to purchase bottles that were taken from the

premises. Selling by the glass also meant that customers

clustered at the service center, sipping drinks and social­

izing. For this style of soda vending, a larger container

of carbonated water was a necessity. Hidden in cellars or

under counters, it was, by manufacturer's definition, the

fountain.13 A countertop device linking the vessel below

was used to "draw-off water into tumblers." It was this

device, encased in handsome form and material, that the

public dubbed the fountain.

The fountain was a commercial asset to American

soda sellers. It was a novel means of advertising the new

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. version of soda water. The fountain's high visibility on

the service counter invited attention and afforded self-

promotion. In England and Europe, when soda water was sold

by the glass, a more inconspicuous dispenser was used.

Drinks were poured or siphoned from stoppered bottles that

retained carbonation of unused contents.14 The highly

decorative fountain seems to have been an American idea.

The earliest mention of a fountain appears in 1808.

A Philadelphia merchant is recorded as dispensing mineral

water "from the reservoir in which it is prepared under­

ground, through perpendicular wooden columns, which enclose

metallick tubes. . . ."15 a year later, a similar but

more elaborate soda-water apparatus, as it was also called,

enhanced a New York City firm:

. . . the waters pass up into mahogany pillars, crowned with gilt urns. . . . The pillars with their urns, stand a foot apart and the middle one is raised above the others; silver stop-cocks inserted in the side of the pillars give the whole much neatness and richness of appearance.16

Such fountains may have been the first to elevate

the apparatus to the status of an art form. Manufacturers

of these embellished dispensers printed testimonies from

enthusiastic owners. One proprietor rhapsodized: "...

its beauty, its symmetry and attractiveness, with its

statuettes and gas jets, attracts the admiration of all"

(1878). Wrote another to a fountain maker: "Words of mine

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. cannot do it justice. If you could hear the 'Oh's! Ain't

it grand?' and similar expressions from patrons, your cup

of happiness would be full" (1876).17

Other contemporary descriptions confirm that

viewing a fountain was an aesthetic experience. People

even traveled for miles to see a fanciful model. A social

critic observed of this popular art form (1891):

There are hundreds of thousands of people to whom the soda water fountain has given their first realizing gaze of the beauties of art. . . . There are thousands of arid little villages . . . out of whose dull materialism it arises . . . to refresh the weary eye and soul. 8

For all its aesthetic properties, it should be

remembered that the fountain was a utensil, an implement

for doing a job. John Kasson has observed in Civilizing

the Machine (1976) that all manner of machinery— power

looms, printing presses, locomotives— were festooned and

adorned; and their beauty was duly noted. He explains:

Many of the same aesthetic values Americans demanded in the fine arts they sought also in technology. As a result, form followed . . . fashion and symbolic expression to a surprising degree in nineteenth century industrial design. . . . As works that satisfied the national passion for both beauty, utility, productive achievement, and artistic expression, American machinery formed a major part of the aesthetic experience. . . . 9

The fountain, which Kasson overlooks in his study, may have

been the supreme manifestation of the tool as art; its

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acclaim as an art object appears unmatched.

The fountain was a godsend for pharmacists. With

the new department stores cutting druggists' retail trade,

and the popularity of patent medicines eroding their

prescription business, pharmacists needed a money-making

sideline. The fountain provided it. Druggists had the

knowledge and ingredients for making soda water, and

tradition linked the beverage to the pharmacy. Although

competition arose from confectionery shops and eateries,

the fountain was "recognized by the public as peculiarly

the druggists'" (1890), and "there [were] few stores in the

land without a soda apparatus of some character" (1892).20

At the height of the fountain's popularity, an

observer claimed it to be a manifestation of biblical

prophecy, noting (1906):

In Deuteronomy (8:7), "a land of fountains" is definitely promised. Surely this has been fulfilled. Are they not to be found in every town and hamlet from Eastport, Me. to San Diego, Cal.?21

While his statement was exaggerated for dramatic

effect, the soda fountain was certainly everywhere.

Proliferation, however, only hints at its significance.

The drug store soda fountain manifested and supported

American values. It was an acceptable social space for

families, children, and courting couples. It was also one

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. of the few decorous public sites for both sexes that

catered to unescorted ladies. During the temperance era,

the drug store soda fountain rivalled the saloon for

customers. Offering fancy soda-water beverages as an

alternative to alcoholic drinks, the drug store provided a

wholesome alternative to the barroom. The drug store

fountain assumed political significance, as office seekers

used its resources to woo temperate voters. Moreover, the

soda fountain was a major self-promoting industry, provid­

ing jobs and income. Because of these and other factors,

the Bible thumper was on target with his summary statement

"... the fountain is entitled to a dignity not yet

ascribed to it."

A

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NOTES

CHAPTER I

1"01d Time Sody," Soda Fountain. November 1908, p. 26.

2American Soda Fountain Company, How to Make a Soda Fountain Pav (Boston: American Soda Fountain Company, 1903), p. 10.

3Ibid., p. 11? Mary Gay Humphreys, "The Evolution of the Soda Fountain," Harper's Weekly. 21 November 1891, p. 924. Numerous late nineteenth-century articles refer to soda water as "the national or American drink." See for example: "The Soda Fountain," Pharmaceutical Era. 15 February 1890, p. 7? Frederick Stansbury, "Evolution of the Soda Water Industry in New York City," Pharmaceutical Era. 15 May 1891, p. 329.

4John Riley, A History of American Soft Drink Industry (Washington, D.C.: American Bottlers of Carbonated Beverages, 1958), p. 4.

5Ibid., p. 7.

6Ibid.; Charles La Wall, Four Thousand Years of Pharmacy (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1951), p. 488. La Wall and Riley also state that soda water derived its name from this process of mixing baking soda and tartaric acid in water.

7'Riley, • A History • of American Soft Drink Indus­ try. pp. 6, 220, note 4. The following also call soda water a misnomer and describe early manufacturing proces­ ses: "Soda-Water," Harper's Monthly. August 1871, p. 341; "The Soda Fountain Business in St. Louis," Pharmaceutical Era. 1 June 1892, p. 369. By the 1890s, liquid carbon

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dioxide was used in soda water; see Chauncey Depew, ed., One Hundred Years of American Commerce (New York: D. 0. Haynes, 1895), p. 470; Emil Hiss, The Standard Manual of Soda and Other Beverages (Chicago: G. P. Englehard and Co., 1897), pp. 12-13; "Reminiscences of Pioneer Days," Soda Fountain. July 1906, p. 19; Humphreys, "The Evolution of the Soda Fountain," p. 924.

8Riley, A History of American Soft Drink Indus­ try. p. 11. In the literature of the 1870s, the terms aerated water and carbonic acid water are sometimes used.

9Humphreys, "The Evolution of the Soda Foun­ tain," p. 924. On the use of marble dust in soda-water making as an American innovation, see Joseph Morrison, "The Soda Fountain," American Heritage. August 1961, p. 11. i n . AUStansbury, "Evolution of the Soda Water Industry," p. 333.

■'••‘•Swedish1 1 • chemist • Tobern Bergman is credited • with inventing a generator for making soda water in volume (1770). For detailed accounts of soda water's origins, see Riley, A History of American Soft Drink Industry, pp. 3-21; Carl Palmer, History of the Soda Fountain Industry (n.p.: Soda Fountain Manufacturers Association, 1947), pp. 1-3. 1 ? -‘■^George Gordon Byron, Don Juan, canto 2, stanza 178:

"Let us have wine and women, mirth and laughter Sermons and soda water the day after."

On the other hand, Byron (cited in Stansbury, "Evolution of Soda Water, p. 330) is also credited with writing:

"Ring for your valet— bid him quickly bring Some hock and soda water then You'll know A pleasure worthy Xerxes, the Great king."

13Edward Knight, Knight's American Mechanical Dictionary, vol. 1 (Boston: Houghton, Osgood, 1880), p. 911; "Soda-Water," Harper's Monthly, p. 342; Hiss, Standard Manual. pp. 12, 15.

14Riley, A History of American Soft Drink Industry, pp. 31-32.

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15Ibid., p. 50.

1 fi • J-°Ibid., p. 49; Palmer, History of the Soda Fountain Industry, p. 6; [Janet Marcet], Conversations on Chemistry (New Haven: Increase Cooke & Co., 1813), p. 358.

17[A. D. Puffer], Catalogue of Puffer's Frigid Soda and Mineral Water Apparatus (Boston: n.p., 1878), p. 73; [James Tufts], Descriptive Catalogue of James W. Tufts' Arctic Soda Water Apparatus (Boston: n.p., 1876), p. 119.

18Humphreys, "The Evolution of the Soda Foun­ tain," p. 924.

IQ • • • • • John Kasson, Civilizing the Machine (New York: Grossman, 1976), pp. 154-161. A detailed discussion on decorated tools and appliances is found in Chapter 4, "The Aesthetics of Machinery," pp. 137-80.

20"The Soda Fountain," Pharmaceutical Era. 15 February 1890, p. 7; "Hot Soda," Pharmaceutical Era. 15 November 1892, p. 218.

21"The Fountain Also," Soda Fountain. January 1906, p. 10.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER II

FROM MEDIOCRE TO MAGNIFICENT

I sing the fount of soda That sweetly springs for me; And hope to make this ode Delightful melody.

In the nineteenth century, no serving utensil for

food or drink was as fanciful in shape and style as the

soda fountain; nor did any serving piece undergo as many

structural changes. From the first descriptive record of a

fountain in 1808 until 1903 when the final form was intro­

duced, the apparatus had seven major and often imaginative

shapes: the gooseneck, urn, column, box, cottage, wall

fountain, and modern counter fountain. Several factors

influenced these forms. To fulfill the major function of

promoting soda water, the apparatus had to catch the

public's eye. As the drink's popularity increased, new

fountain shapes emerged to better serve that demand. The

fountain grew in size and complexity. Initially a small

countertop device, it became a free-standing unit, often of

massive scale. Technological advances, business acumen,

design philosophy, and aesthetics also governed fountain

14

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forms.

GOOSENECK (1808?-1890s?)

The first known fountain, which in 1808 dispensed

mineral water through perpendicular metal tubes encased in

wood, was probably a gooseneck;2 for the gooseneck was

later described as a "perpendicular tube, more or less

gracefully curved.3

Essentially, this fountain form was a vertical pipe

placed on a counter and attached to a tank of soda water

below. The pipe rose ten to twenty inches in height.4

At the top was a short right-angle extension (Figure 1) or,

more commonly, a semicircular shape. Although properly

known in the trade as a draught stand or draught column,

the apparatus was popularly called gooseneck because of its

appearance. Philadelphian Charles Lippincott (1823-1908),

who became a prominent fountain manufacturer, recalled the

early years: "In those days, soda water [was] drawn from a

silver tube— the top of the silver tube curving down.

Goose-necks we called them. . . . "5 Perhaps because of

its appellation, the fountain began to resemble its

namesake shortly after the first quarter of the century.

The curved portion was fashioned into a head, complete with

eyes and beak (Figure 2). More elaborate models assumed

the shape of swans, "with feathers prettily ruffled"; soda

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water passed through an open beak.6

This type of model may have initiated a marketing

practice that was to stand fountain maker and soda seller

in good stead. It blended symbolism with a popular design

motif. While the swan evoked ideas of water and thirst,

swan heads were also a prevalent decoration on then-current

Empire style furnishings. Their appearance signaled that

the gooseneck was an attractive up-to-date apparatus, as

well as one that could quench a thirst.

Goosenecks were made of metal. Cheaper models were

lacquered tin; others silverplated or bronze. Early foun­

tains were probably the work of local craftsmen, since the

first manufacturing firm, the John Matthews Company (New

York), began a small-scale operation in 1832.7 Even

then, goosenecks may have remained primarily the domain of

local companies. By the 1830s there was a new fountain

form; and in the soda-water business, newest fountain

equalled best fountain and was accordingly preferred by

aggressive retailers. The gooseneck, however, was a long

lived form. It was still in use in unpretentious rural

stores as late as the 1880s, and appeared as a bottom-of-

the-line item in manufacturers' catalogues during that

time. John Matthews placed his models near the end of his

1888 brochure.8 Charles Lippincott's catalogue thirteen

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years earlier extolled the virtues of then-stylish

fountains, but underscored the gooseneck's shortcomings by

designating it an apparatus "for a very small trade."9

In a climate that guaranteed that the latest fountain could

build and sustain a thriving business, a fountain for

limited clientele was of negligible value to enterprising

druggists.10 The plain design of both manufacturers1

goosenecks shows the form no longer warranted special

attention. These were basic goosenecks, without beaks,

heads, and ruffled feathers. Price also reflected their

worth. Matthews's goosenecks cost $12 to $40, while his

popular 1880s fountains ranged from $375 to $4,200.11

The gooseneck had one major flaw— it was a fountain

with only one faucet for dispensing soda water. To have

more faucets, goosenecks were installed across the counter,

consuming counter and floor space, since each faucet

required a separate soda-water tank.12 Furthermore,

service from a gooseneck was cumbersome and slow, mainly

because of prevailing technology. When a glass of soda was

drawn, pressure was released and the liquid surged from the

fountain, splashing anything in its path. Of this problem,

a New Jersey druggist wrote (1820): "How it scatters its

volatile spray, and sends up its sparks in our faces!"13

Another recalled: "... the aerated water came into the

glass with sufficient force to rebound to the ceiling, if

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 18

care were not taken."14 To prevent this, soda water was

drawn first into a small-necked bottle, then poured into

the customer's glass. The bottle method had the added

advantage of retaining as much carbonation as possible in a

glass of soda; for when dispensed directly from fountain to

glass, escaping gas rendered the beverage almost flat.15

There were other limitations to the gooseneck.

Because of its design, it was not equipped to house or

dispense syrups. A small selection of flavorings,

generally four to six, was kept in jars on or below the

counter (Figure 1). Syrup was poured into the glass of

soda water after it was drawn. Seldom was this a cold

drink, since the fountain had no internal refrigeration.

At best, the soda water tank rested in a box of cracked

ice.

Goosenecks had characteristics of most new

inventions. As the first of its kind, it was rudimentary.

However, it was probably an adequate apparatus for the

inaugural soda-water business. In those days, there was

little demand for soda water. At best, it was an experimen­

tal venture in city drug stores, and was just one of many

products offered for sale. Typically, in 1818, a New

Jersey pharmacist hung signs advertising his new fountain;

and also the paint, oil, hardware, medicines, and window

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 19

glass he sold.16 The fountain probably came into more

general use as a sideline during the 1840s-50s.17 As the

popularity of soda water grew and its profit potential was

recognized, more efficient fountain forms evolved.

URN (183Os-187Os)

The urn, or vase, in use by the 1830s, remained a

viable commodity for about forty years.18 Its heyday

seems to have been during the 1850s and 1860s. An early

soda water seller in Boston recalled that at that time

"some very pretty apparatus shaped like urns came into

use." A New Yorker remembered urns as the most prevalent

fountain form in his city; many were artistic and chaste in

design. The vase was also a heavy favorite in St.

Louis.19

Urns may have been the first soda-water apparatus

marketed by manufacturers. Fountains from Matthews (New

York) and A. D. Puffer (Boston) were visible in the latter

city during the first half of the century.20 Introduced

when the classical style was in vogue, the urn was a

popular fountain, probably because of its classical form.

Like the gooseneck, the urn melded symbolism and current

design, for the urn had a traditional image as a water­

bearing vessel.

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The urn fountain was shaped as its name implies,

with a footed pedestal and gradually swelling body. From

one to three draught arms or faucets were attached to the

front and sides. A fitted removal lid allowed ice to be

placed in the fountain. If made by a manufacturer, the

firm's name was artistically inscribed on the base

(Figure 3).

Urn sizes varied, but there was usually a direct

relationship between ornamentation and mass. In Matthews's

1874 catalogue, a relatively plain fountain with one

draught arm and modest lid finial stood twenty-four inches

high and had an eighteen-inch diameter. A three-draught

urn with soaring terminal statue was forty-six inches high

and twenty-four inches wide. It should be noted that by

the 1870s, urns were stylistically and technologically

obsolete, rendering them of little value to mainstream

trade. Accordingly, Matthews suggested his models were

best suited "for country stores in small towns."21

The vase was made only in metal. Cheaper models

were of iron painted to resemble marble, or of an unspeci­

fied hard metal. Others were bronze or silverplated.

Fountains in luxury materials were richly decorated with

chased moldings, sculptures, and figures in relief.

Draught arms were disguised as fish or water-spewing

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animals (Figure 3).22 Costs varied, reflecting design,

size, material, and number of draught arms. In New Jersey

prior to 1840, one fancy metal fountain (presumably an urn)

was $60. Price included soda-water tank, connecting pipes

and valves, and recipes for flavored syrups.23 However,

urns could cost as much as $600.24

Like the gooseneck, the vase was a countertop

fountain. Long pipes through the urn connected draught

arms to the soda-water tank below. But the urn was a more

practical fountain than the gooseneck because of the

radical difference in form. The vase was essentially a

container. While customers thought it was brimming with

soda water, it held, instead, ice that chilled the soda

water in the draught arm tubes.25 It also housed syrup

jars, although there was no means for dispensing flavorings

through the fountain. The need for storage and internal

refrigeration may have caused the change in fountain forms

from the gooseneck to a container like the vase. It was a

significant development, for succeeding fountains were

containers, albeit in different forms.

There was another advantage to the vase. Unlike

the gooseneck, it was not limited to one draught arm.

Contemporary illustrations show that an urn generally had

- two or three faucets, making it better designed to serve

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the growing soda water habit. Eventually, even this proved

insufficient. A good business commonly operated two

fountains. Where the trade flourished, there were even

more. A St. Louis druggist equipped his new store with

five silver urns. During that hot summer of 1860, he

claimed sales of up to $200 a day. With soda water custom­

arily at ten cents a glass, two thousand customers a day

was an astounding business. Reportedly, it induced others

to try this promising sideline.26

COLUMN (184Os-187 Os)

Scattered reports of the column fountain in the

1840s and 1850s indicate it may not have been a universally

popular form. There are few references to it in

contemporary or current literature, and by the mid-1870s,

it had almost disappeared from manufacturers' catalogues.

Matthews offered one "new and elegant pattern," but his

chief rivals, Lippincott, Tufts, and A. D. Puffer, had

none.*'27

The column was a countertop apparatus that also

borrowed its form from a classical or neo-classical

element. It resembled an architectural pillar (Figure 4).

To some it conjured other visual references, and was

accordingly called the monument or fireplug fount.28 The

latter appellation may explain why the form was not too

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well known. Its imagery as a thirst quencher may have been

inscrutable to many soda drinkers and sellers. Unlike the

gooseneck and urn, which were universally associated with

water, hydrants did not have that distinction. These

emulative fountains were seemingly more popular where

hydrants were an established means of fighting fires. In

Philadelphia, for example, hydrants were in use by the

early 1800s. Reportedly, they looked like hollowed logs

(as did the basic fireplug fount) and carried water from

the Schuykill River.29 In New York City where John

Matthews manufactured the fountain, the first working

hydrant was installed in 1808.30 However, evidence

suggests that many towns and cities did not have this fire­

fighting system at such an early date. Without this frame

of reference, the fountain's imagery would have little

impact. The modern connotation of a fireplug fount as

offering relief from the summer heat would seem

unfathomable.

The fountain had a base and cylindrical body, with

usually one draught arm at opposite sides. It was capped

with a fitted, removable lid. The Matthews Company model

was twenty-one inches high and twelve inches in diameter.

Cost during the fountain's heyday is speculative, but it

was probably expensive. For while many were silverplated

and ornamented with eye-catching motifs (Figure 5), the

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column was the first apparatus actually made of marble. It

marked the end of the fashionable metal fountain. Marble

and other rich stones were used for succeeding fountain

forms because of their beauty and durability.

The marble column proved winsome. An apprentice

Philadelphia druggist dispensed his first sodas from

two little marble designs made up in the shape of fire-plugs. . . . They were the finest in the city at that time, and when I bought my store in April 1846, I had the same designs made in marble at the marble yard.1

In the larger cities of Massachusetts during the early

1850s, "the really enterprising druggists of aesthetic

taste" had marble fountains.32 While in Chicago, the

first marble fountain "proved a wonder and a shrine at

which many worshipped.1,33 An interesting result of this

was manifested in St. Louis, where a precedent was noted

that fueled the soda water industry. A pioneer recalled:

With the advent of the marble fountain people refused to patronize the urn and gooseneck, imagining that soda from them was not as good as from the marble. This education of the public has been of rapid growth, until now they feel that soda-water from a small apparatus, albeit of marble, is not as good as it is when drawn from a large and handsome one.34

Column fountains were technically superior to goose­

necks and urns. By the late 1850s, pipes joining draught

arms to soda-water tanks were replaced by coils of block

tin, layered in ice inside the fountain.35 A colder

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drink resulted. The marble covering, admired for beauty,

was also an excellent refrigerator. Its density insulated

the ice, trapping cold air within the fountain in a manner

not possible for metal. Like the urn and gooseneck,

however, there were no provisions for dispensing syrups.

Soda drawn directly from fountain to glass still tended to

be flat because of lost carbonation, making the bottle

method of dispensing still a necessity.

BOX (1850S-1870S)

With the shapes of more elegant and picturesque

fountains restricting their service function, the box seems

a natural evolutionary form. Its shape, which was actually

rectangular, accommodated more syrup containers. It was

also a compact ice receptacle. While a believable

gooseneck could have only one beak to emit soda water, and

aesthetics seemingly limited the number of draught arms on

curvilinear fountains, the broad side of a box permitted a

number of dispensers. As a fashion, the basic form peaked

in the 1860s and declined in the 1870s. Its greater

significance is that the generic structure was the

prototype for following forms.

Box fountains must have existed before 1859,

although none appears in the literature before then. In

the summer of that year, Gustavus Dows (1828-1886), a

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Massachusetts drug store clerk, may have invented the first marble box apparatus.36 Legend has it he wanted to

improve on the relatively uninteresting type of soda foun­

tain then in use.37 Dows's marble box apparently made

major strides, since many sources call Dows the father of

the modern fountain, saying he invented the first marble oo 9 9 apparatus. ° However, this seems unlikely, since there

were marble column fountains more than a decade before

Dows's invention. Technologically his creation rendered

preceding forms obsolete by providing means for dispensing

flavorings and soda water through the fountain. The white

marble box had a draught arm at center front, with a row of

eight syrup dispensers for the then-standard flavors. The

dispensers were connected to one-gallon metal cans inside

the apparatus. On the side, a hand crank shaved ice in the

fountain and delivered it into a soda glass (Figure 6).39

While the ice shaver contributed to making "the coldest

most delicious glass of soda water that had ever been

produced," it did not become a fountain staple.40 The

marble box also had a coil pipe cooling system that contem­

poraries hailed as a Dows invention. Since this method was

also used in column fountains of the time, and since Dows's

patent excluded a cooling system, the claim is difficult to

substantiate.41

Dows's marble box was modest in design when

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compared to existing fountain forms. Yet it did not lack style. Perched silverplated eagles, with wings poised

"just ready to take flight," adorned each syrup faucet.

When the eagles flapped their wings, syrups flowed.42

Dows entered the manufacturing business, retailing

his fountain for $225.43 His first sale, to a Boston

druggist, brought this response (1864):

I am indebted to the . . . apparatus for the immense increase in my sale of soda from $500 in 1861, to $16,000 in 1863. No doubt they will continue to increase. Customers are guaranteed a colder, richer more sparkling glass of soda water than from any other apparatus. I heartily recommend this to anyone in want of a soda fountain, it being the best ever invented.44

Sales of $16,000 meant Dows's marble box had done

exceedingly well for the druggist, since soda water was

only sold for a few months each year. Until late 1880,

fountains were operated solely during "soda season,"

roughly the warm months of May to September. Apparently,

other druggists and manufacturers noted this success. The

rectangular marble box (without ice shaver) was soon in

production at rival companies. Generally, it was twenty-

four inches long, eighteen inches wide, and nineteen inches

tall.45 For easier icing of the fountain, there was now

a hinged top, rather than a removable lid; and it was

decorated with an attached vase of flowers or statue in

domed vase.

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In spite of competitors, Dows had more business than he could handle. When in 1863 a Somerville, Massa­

chusetts, pharmacist requested a fountain without delay, he

was told he would just have to wait. There were many

orders ahead of his, and production was limited. Impa­

tient, James W. Tufts (1832-1902) built his own marble box

and called it "The Arctic."46 The inference was clear:

only good, cold soda flowed from a fountain of that name.

So far as can be determined, Tufts began a trend that

continued well into the twentieth century. All fountains

were named, and names were often allusive or pleasantly

suggestive. They evoked fond associations in soda-water

buyers and vendors. An adroitly chosen name linked foun­

tains to the good life. Somehow Tufts had hit upon a major

marketing tactic. If asked the question: "What's in a

name?" he and competitors might have answered: "A key to

selling fountains and soda water."

Tufts's entry in the manufacturing business had

even greater impact. Soon he introduced a model that set

the mode of fountains for almost thirty years. He called

his pace setter "The Cottage."

COTTAGE (1869-1880)

Tufts admitted that he designed and patented the

cottage in 1869 because his Arctic apparatus was being

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imitated and competition was keen.47 To outwit rivals, he added a pitched roof to the marble box fountain, a

simple appendage changing style and character of the form

(Figure 7). Building the cottage of colored marble was a

further innovation, and set the tone for future fountains.

The "dog-house" or "dog kennel" (as it was

affectionately, perhaps derisively, known), was a counter

AO apparatus. ° It was larger than the box fountain,

standing thirty-one inches high, twenty-four inches long,

and eighteen inches wide.49 The broad side had draught

arms for soda water, seltzer, and congress, a popular

mineral water. Each was handsomely labeled, as were ten

syrup dispensers. On the fountain's narrow side, a metal

escutcheon read: "Arctic Soda Apparatus, J. W. Tufts,

Boston"; for Arctic was now his patented trademark.

The novel design cost $250 and had immediate

appeal.50 A Pennsylvania merchant wrote that his sales

had increased nearly one hundred percent since he exchanged

his old apparatus for a cottage.51 In St. Louis it was

said that a druggist with a dog-house "was thought to be

putting on style."52 Response was so favorable, that

according to Tufts, he was induced to bring out a different

version the following year. His new "French Cottage," with

a vase of flowers surmounting its gambrel roof, caused a

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sensation, and Tufts could hardly fill all the orders (Figure 8). By 1870, over 1500 Arctic soda-water fountains

were in use.53

By this time, other manufacturers were in the lucra­

tive cottage business. There were rustic lodges surmounted

with elk heads, Uncle Tom's Cabin cottages, "designed to

surprise patrons with something out of the ordinary"; and

any number of interpretations of the humble bungalow. Once

again, to ward off rivals, Tufts altered the fountain

image, by introducing in 1871 a cottage so grandiose that

it resembled a castle. His seems to have been the first in

the reign of visually commanding edifices that awed the

public and promoted soda water so well for almost two decades.54

Tufts's motives notwithstanding, there was a

genuine need for this type of fountain, still generically

called the cottage. Its immense size, accommodating up to

twenty syrups and six draught arms, reflected entrenchment

of the soda-water habit. Service was swifter and customer

turnover greater because of the invention of the double­

stream action draught tube during the 1860s.55 Soda

water could now be drawn directly into a glass without

losing carbonation, and the time-consuming bottle method of

dispensing was eliminated. Stylistically, the fountain

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it would "attract attention, customer and profit to the

enterprising proprietor."56

How could it fail? Fountains embraced all archi­

tectural modes (Figure 9). There were French cathedrals,

Byzantine, mediaeval, and Gothic structures. There were

also Egyptian tombs, roman ruins, and architecture created

by fountain manufacturers. The latter was highly prized,

for of such a fountain A. D. Puffer Company (Boston) wrote:

"This apparatus makes itself conspicuous as an original

. . . attractive design" (Figure 10).57

Puffer's 1878 model, named "The Nonpareil," gives a

clue to the genre. It was a combination of colorful varie­

gated marble incised with carvings. The top was reddish-

brown; the body, chocolate with white graining; the base

and cornices were black, inlaid with silver. It was three

feet square and five feet tall, with a statue bearing a gas

jet crowning the top. Eight other bronze maidens in

Grecian garb were distributed along two levels. With

twelve syrup dispensers and four draught arms, the fountain

cost $1,300. At that price it was somewhat of a bargain.

Usually fine fountains were closer to $2,000, more than it

cost to buy a small country pharmacy.58

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Venturesome druggists did not find this dispropor­

tionate, because the fountain delivered customers, as prom­

ised. Manufacturers were swamped with letters confirming

this. Not only did these fountains draw customers, but a

real eye-catcher stole patrons from rival stores. Pharm­

acist J. G. Forman of Massachusetts was one of countless

others, declaring that his apparatus caused a competitor to

throw up his hands in despair, moaning, "It's no use, For­

man's new fountain gets all the customers this summer."59

It is interesting that soda-water consumption

increased and elaborate fountains flourished during the

1870s. America was in a recession in 1873. Customarily,

tight money and the sharp curtailment of spending occur

before an economic slump. Yet Tufts in 1872 could not fill

all his fountain orders, although he doubled produc­

tion.60 In 1875, Charles Lippincott admitted that while

money was still tight, demand for his goods had "largely

increased."61 Fountains were obviously selling, and they

were selling soda water.

During the last quarter of the century, the Phila­

delphia Centennial gave the business a tremendous boost.

Lippincott and Tufts corned the soda-water concession and

each supplied fourteen of their fanciest fountains. Along

with this, the enterprising Tufts, ever the showman and

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innovator, built a gargantuan soda-water apparatus over

thirty feet tall (Figure 11). Crowds there were enormous

and business at other fountains seldom lagged. Those

needing proof that the apparatus was a money-maker now had

it. During those six months of the Centennial, soda water

was advertised as never before. Thousands of visitors

treated to its delights returned to home towns demanding

the beverage.62

WALL FOUNTAIN (1870S-1900)

There were indications during the castle fountain's

extreme popularity that the fountain form was destined for

another change. In the 1870s, Lippincott's and Matthews's

catalogues forecasted the new direction. Models designed

to be placed on a side or back wall counter were offered

for merchants who wanted to free front-counter space of the

expansive palace fountain. These trial fountains still

clung to the castle format; they were half-castles, sawed

longitudinally, with the cut edge facing the wall.63

While this arrangement freed the main service counter, it

was not aesthetically pleasing, nor could it accommodate

the increasing need for more soda and syrup dispensers. As

a solution, around 1880, the fountain reverted to a longer,

taller version of the marble box apparatus (Figure 12). By

1890, a towering superstructure in marble or wood was

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added. The superstructure generally reached the ceiling,

framing an expensive, large-scale mirror; but murals and

sculpture were sometimes substituted. 'The wall fountain

had reached maturity and was hailed as the most stunning

apparatus to date.

The fountain installed in the Arlington Pharmacy,

Washington, D.C., may indicate why. A prize winner at the

Columbian Exposition where it was exhibited (Chicago,

1893), it was purchased for the considerable sum of $5,000.

Above a lengthy row of soda and syrup draught arms, a

superstructure of white tiles shading into green surrounded

a life-sized allegorical sculpture. The sculpture, semi­

circular in shape, showed people flocking to the fountain

of youth. A coronal frieze of cupids and nymphs capped the

massive fountain.64

These fountains were recognized as works of art.

An observer wrote;

Some . . . if taken out of their natural habitat would adorn our most beautiful parks. The bronze and marble statues crowning these masterpieces . . . could find a place in some art galleries.65

Wall fountains varied in size, from a basic unit

about three feet long to custom models that were store

length. The latter became almost commonplace. Best known

was a $13,000, forty-five foot long fountain in New York

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City. Almost fifteen feet high, "the bewildering combina­

tion of mirrors, Italian marble and Mexican onyx" housed

thirty syrup dispensers, from which 123 different soda

water combinations were regularly mixed and served (Figure

13). During the summer of 1896, a team of six clerks made

sales amounting to $400 a day.66 Where the druggist did

a more modest trade, two standard but attractive fountains

were often used, and were united with a decorative central

mirror (Figure 14). The entire eye-catching structure— the

architectural wall apparatus and accouterments— was

generally purchased as a unit.

Because of grandeur and scale, the wall fountain

promoted soda water in a manner impossible for smaller,

preceding fountains. Druggists agreed that display was

essential for a retail business, and the wall fountain was

superior in that respect. But grandeur also brought

problems. Fountains were hard to clean, since many were

encased in rich woods that were not intended for soaping

and scrubbing. Dripping syrup and soda-water faucets

rotted the wood, carrying with it an odor druggists found

impossible to eliminate and attractive to flies. While the

silver trimmings and bronze sculptures were meritorious,

soda clerks called them polishing nightmares.

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Wall fountains were also poorly arranged for good

service. Flavorings and soda-water dispensers were part of

the unit, but ice cream was stored under the front counter.

The length of fountains posed problems, with clerks running

from end to end combining syrups for now-requisite

specialty drinks. Moreover, some found the method of

service rude. Drawing soda required facing the apparatus,

with the clerk's back turned to customers.

Technologically, the fountain was deficient. It

was still refrigerated by large blocks of ice that melted,

forming pools of drainage water on the floor. Fountain

operators cited this as a hazard to their health, saying

wet feet, chilblains, and rheumatism resulted.67

Towards the end of the century, there was a more

serious factor to consider. The nation, caught up in

sanitation, became concerned about germs and uncleanliness

in food preparation. Stringent legislation was passed,

culminating in the National Pure Food Law in 1907. Soda-

water tradesmen realized that continued success in the

twentieth century mandated a cleaner, better fountain.

MODERN COUNTER FOUNTAIN (1903- )

Perhaps little could be done to improve the beauty

and efficiency of the wall apparatus, for in 1903 the

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fountain form had another radical change.68 The ornate

superstructure was divorced from the apparatus, with the

former remaining a decorative element on the back wall.

However, the dispensing part of the fountain— ice cream

containers, syrup, and soda water draught arms— were placed

in the front counter. For the first time, the form was a

free-standing, self-sufficient unit. It was also

functional, with the ingredients for soda-water making and

serving within arm's reach. After almost ninety-five

years, the fountain form was now set.

The counter fountain was a hybrid of technological

advances. Some were cooled by mechanical refrigeration;

others used brine or improved icing systems. With one

refrigeration method, soda water was drawn at a uniform

temperature of 36 degrees, banning forever a tepid drink.

Drip-proof plungers replaced leaky syrup faucets. A press

of the knob released a measured amount of syrup that

removed the guesswork from flavored drinks. It was a more

hygienic apparatus, with parts that needed frequent

cleansing made of washable, noncorrosive materials.69

It was also a more expensive fountain. By 1910,

prices ranged to $30,000. The average cost of the 120,000

fountains then in use was $2,000, more than the price of a

comfortable house in a major city. Now proclaimed the

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"life blood of modern drug stores," an estimated eighty percent of the nation's pharmacists gladly paid the price,

for fountains stimulated other trade.70 On leaving the

soda-water counter, customers invariably bought pills,

candy, or some item needed at home. Druggists were

unanimous; a business without a fountain was no business at

all!

The new counter fountain was as beautiful as it was

profitable. Marble, onyx, and other rich stones were still

used for construction. While the basic format consisted of

a counter averaging ten feet in length, and back wall

resplendent in marble, mirror, and statuary (Figure 15),

distinctive geometric models emerged. Fountains were built

in diagonal, circular, and oval shapes.71 Of these, the

square was probably most common; and when domed, the most

visually commanding. It stood in the center of the store.

A striking model in Hegeman's Pharmacy (New York, c. 1906)

was forty-five feet of onyx (Figure 16). Pillars capped in

bronze and 14-karat gold supported the stained-glass roof.

There was a mural on the ceiling, and hanging bunches of

glass grapes enclosed electric lights.72 This fountain

and others of its type were no longer merely fountains.

They were architectural masterpieces.

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Conspicuous in these opulent structures and to most

counter service fountains was the placement of soda-water

dispensers. While the syrup plungers and other utensils

were concealed in the counter, the soda-water dispenser,

like the gooseneck of old, stood on the counter. Disguised

as an electric lamp, it was about two feet high, and had a

marble or onyx base. Draught arms projected from either

side, and a globe or leaded glass shade covered the top

(Figure 16). The noticeable location of these fashionable

lighted lamp-draught tubes on the counter attracted

attention and proclaimed: soda water sold here.

In essence, the design concept of the modern

counter service apparatus was like that of the first

fountain. Then, too, a soda-water draught tube stood on

the front counter, with mixings for drinks often concealed

below. From approximately 1808 to 1903, the fountain

concept had come full circle. Subsequent years brought new

decorations and improved materials and construction, but

the fountain form remained constant.

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When soda fountains and soda-water drinking were

approaching maturation in the 1890s, a question arose

regarding who was responsible for this success. Some

believed manufacturers were. They stimulated demand for

beautiful fountains by anticipating the need, while concom­

itantly selling their wares. Others gave manufacturers

their due, but said druggists had brought the business from

obscurity to its present level of magnitude. It was the

pharmacist, in constant contact with the purchasing public,

who discerned their tastes and needs.73 On the surface

both camps were right. Proof positive may be offered with

G. D. Dows and James Tufts. Both were retail druggists who

noted the fountain needs of soda seller and customer, and

accordingly entered the manufacturing business. This type

of consumerism encouraged the taste for costly, elegant

fountains. There was a need for such an apparatus; it

nurtured the nation's social and aesthetic demands. It

further allowed the large class of middle and lower income

fountain customers to enjoy, for the price of a soda, the

beauty and benefits of a prohibitively expensive object.

By association with an elaborate fountain, these same

customers claimed a prideful ownership of an extremely

popular item.74 If the soda apparatus did not nourish

these types of social and aesthetic needs, how could the

embellished castle style fountain of the 1870s emerge and

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thrive during an economic recession? Why was there a boom

in the even costlier fountain of the 1890s, and a surge in

soda-water drinking when the country was in a prolonged

depression? To understand this is to understand

nineteenth-century American values, for the fountain

reflected the philosophy of the times.

Mark Twain and Charles Dudley Warren coined the

term "Gilded Age" in their novel of that title in 1873. It

satirized the tendency toward material gain and the worship­

ping of ostentatious lifestyles and objects. The 1870s saw

the rise of big business, the accumulation of great riches

among a handful of men, and a reverence of their power.

Industrialization and urbanization took root in the 1870s

and '80s. These twin forces created a middle class that

parroted on a more modest scale the affluent lifestyle and

aesthetics of the prestigious rich. These were heady times

for Americans, who were convinced that they lived in the

most progressive society to date. Indeed, by the turn of

the century, the nation's material wealth was "greater than

all the people in the Western Continent had been able to

make from the discovery [by] Columbus to the breaking out

of the Civil War. . . . »75

In this period of growth and change, the fountain

also grew and changed. In this Gilded Age, it fared well.

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From the beginning its primary consumer group and target

audience was the carriage trade, for soda water was

considered a luxury item. As a fountain jobber remarked

pointedly: "... soda and ice cream are in no way

necessities. They are simply, but not simple luxuries." A

druggist was more terse, reminding his fellow tradesmen

that "people don't have to have [soda water] to live. Only

the ones who can afford it buy it. The man who plugs for

this class of trade gets it." Pharmacists were also aware

that this type of clientele often traveled in railroad

"palace cars" and expected an aesthetically pleasant atmos­ phere. If they had to stand and drink at sloppy counters,

soda-water parlors would soon have their business.76

It may be that the fountain's tie to the up-scale

consumer market helped it weather tough economic periods of

the nineteenth century. An ornate apparatus signaled

success, particularly in hard times. Soda sellers were

cognizant of this and used it to their benefit. In 1892,

prior to a prolonged depression, druggists were lectured on

the "advantage of appearing well." They were reminded that

only a beggar could make a living by the poverty of his

looks, and he did so at the risk of evoking disgust.

Appearance was an indicator of worth. Since the world had

always catered to the rich and shunned the dependent, a

store with an opulent air could draw and sustain trade.77

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 43

Those near the bottom of the economic ladder also swelled

the ranks at the fountain, partaking of its public opulence

during the lean years. For opulence was inherent to

fountains that were grand in scale, materials, and artistic

sculptures.

The bit of affluence that the fountain brought to

the lives of those of lesser means may have also helped the

apparatus to flourish. A St. Louis druggist reported that

an annoying result of industrialization was noise, dust,

and coal smoke. But the sight of his beautiful fountain

with its shining ornaments gave customers a feeling of rest

and luxury (1892).78 When the turn of the century

brought better economic times, the fountain drew even more

workers. With the average paycheck at less than $10 per

week, customers paid five cents for a glass of soda water,

the cost of a New York City transit fare.79

The fountain had the right attributes to attract

clientele with large or small incomes. As a purveyor of an

affordable luxury good, it was clothed appropriately.

Soda-water tradesmen recognized the public's adoration of

elegance. Accordingly, they adhered to the dictum that the

full enjoyment of soda water required a handsome apparatus,

and vice versa.80 Soda vendors also knew that a food

item had to satisfy the sense of sight as well as taste,

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and that "all, even the poorest appreciate luxury, particu­

larly that which [relates] to food and drink" (1903).81

The aura of luxury contributed to the fountain's

success, but it had other requisites that were established

in the Gilded Age. The times brought a distinct city and

country aesthetic, resulting from rapid urbanization.

Fountain manufacturers were aware of the differences and

serviced both tastes. In the 1870s, John Matthews's firm

revived urn and column fountains, saying these old-time

styles were "for small country stores."82 At the same

time, the catalogue featured expensive fashionable

fountains, presumably for the city trade.

The apparatus was also technologically up-to-date.

When gas jets first lighted America in the 1870s and '80s,

contemporary fountains were similarly adorned. This fact

was duly noted by admiring customers.83 By the same

token, light bulbs were included in fountain design when

the nation switched to electricity. The fountain may even

have been a trend setter, for in 1912, while just 16

percent of the nation's homes had electricity, all stylish

fountains had decorative lights.84 They were far from

rudimentary, taking the form of fancy globes, hanging

pendants, and imaginative lamps incorporating soda-water

draught arms (Figure 16). In fact, these lighting elements

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decorated the apparatus as early as 1905.85

More than anything, it was perhaps the fountain's

blending of technology and art that accounted for its

success. Picturesque properties attracted fascinated

customers, but the concept of the fountain as a functional

art object endeared it to the public. John Kasson writes

in Civilizing the Machine (1976) that a beautiful tool

epitomized American values, and that it was not perceived

as a laughable, frivolous object. Instead, it reflected

the ingenuity and industry that had made America great.86 Just as the work ethic was glorified, so embellished tools

and machinery were given an honored status in the life of

the nation.87

Americans demanded from these working art objects

the same aesthetic values they sought in fine art. They

expected elegance, moral purpose, and symbolism.88 The

latter was inherent to the soda-water fountain almost from

inception. Early apparatus forms— gooseneck, urn, fire­

plug— connoted blatant water imagery. When the form

changed, its symbolic message changed. Patriotic motifs

were used. Spread eagles embellished G. D. Dows1s landmark

marble box in 1859; others put the star and liberty cap on

syrup faucets.89 It is possible that these icons were

employed to signify national unity, since there were

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rumblings of secession and civil war in the air. Or they

may have been simply familiar references. Patriotic

emblems had festooned home furnishings and even machinery

from the early 1800s.

But what of a fountain shaped like a cottage?

Could it have a discernible meaning? James Tufts intro­

duced this apparatus in 1869, during the troubled times of

Reconstruction. This was also the period of what has been

termed the cult of domesticity, when the home symbolized

stability and unity. The home was further viewed as the

inculcator of good things, the core of a good life. Were

these attributes applicable to the cottage apparatus? Did

not a good thing— soda water— flow from the cottage

fountain, just as good things emanated from the home?

Manufacturers relied heavily on such cottage

associations. They copied the architecture of dwellings

that were a pleasant part of the American lifestyle. An

1860s Matthews apparatus was described as being a

"duplicate back and front" of a summer bungalow. It even

had "a gable top, like the roof on a summer cottage."90

The iconography went further. For like bungalows at

fashionable spas, cottage fountains were given allusionary

or lofty names.91 Names often referred to the fountain's

cold soda (thereby heightening symbolism), since the drink

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was sold primarily during the summer. Tufts started the

tradition, calling his apparatus the Arctic. A. D. Puffer

had a Winter King; Matthews, an Icicle and Fire-Eater.92

There were other types of allusionary names. Matthews may

have stumbled onto one of the best. He called one model

the Argosy, meaning merchant ship with rich cargo.93

When the turn of the century brought the sanitized modern

counter service fountain, appropriate names were attached.

L. A. Becker Company (Chicago) aligned its new fountain

with the new epoch by calling the apparatus the Twentieth-

Century. Immediately those in the trade knew that this was

a thoroughly modern fountain. The firm that originally

designed the counter apparatus proclaimed it as a startling

innovation. Accordingly, it was christened the « Q4 Innovation. Others capitalized on the nation's

penchant for hygienic food service. As one soda seller

said, "... cleanliness must not only be a feature, [it]

must be featured."95 Not surprisingly, models were named

the Sanitaire and Sanitation.96

Were customers aware that the modern, hygienic foun­

tains sported appellations proclaiming their assets? In

all probability, yes. If a name were not prominently

displayed on an apparatus, customers may have asked, since

fancy names were associated with fountains. Moreover,

astute soda sellers would have imparted this information

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with glee. A name reflecting the times or the latest

technology was a valuable commodity, for Americans at the

turn of the century lived in an era consumed with the

notion of progress.

It may be argued that each fountain was

distinctively named to facilitate record keeping. However,

contemporaries did not believe this was true, since any

series of letters or digits could serve that purpose. As

further proof, a fan of fancy names cited a popular book by

Herbert Spencer. The Philosophy of Style (1871) discussed the impact of certain words and their arrangement on the

human psyche. Surely, said the fan, a person is devoid of

a finer sense if the nomenclature of fountains fails to

suggest pleasant memories. He hinted that the full

enjoyment of soda water required a stimulated palate and

imagination, making suggestive names a "useful adjunct to

the proper indulgence in America's favorite beverage."97

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

9504^6396088195981331946091 TtrnTTf Figure 1. Figure 1. Early gooseneck fountain with flavoring and crushed fruit jars. Source: title page. George M. George M. Dixon, Swan's Atmospheric Soda Fountains (Cincinnati: G. M. Dixon, n.d.),

of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 50

Figure 2. Fancy gooseneck fountain, early 19th century. Source: Robert J. Palmer, History of Soda Fountain Industry (N.p.: Soda Fountain Manufacturers, 1947), p. 9.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 51

» W i : i > i ' M C tx / - ' i ' i i N ' m rr . V' • ^et'iv«%.,,l. t II . w /*"r.~*..f.li;

r a m e w

Figure 3. Urn fountain manufactured by John Matthews Company (New York). In general use 183Os-7Os. Source: Joseph Morrison, "The Soda Fountain," American Heritage 13, No. 5 (August 1962): 13.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 52

Figure 4. Basic column fountain, c. 1840s. Source: "Soda-Water in Chicago," Pharmaceutical Era. 15 June 1892, p. 409.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 53

Figure 5. Column fountain offered by a Philadelphia company in 1858. Source: Edward Kremers and George Urdang, History of Pharmacy. Revised by Glenn sonnedecker, 4th ed. (Philadelphia: Lippincott & Co., c. 1976), p. 309.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Figure 6. Figure 6. Dows' marblebox c. 1859. Source: Beverages, 1958), chapter 6. John J. Riley, Sistor Y _ 2 f ^ J American Soft Drink Industry (Washington, D.C.: American Bottlers of Carbonated

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 55

iiffiw m s ? , V £M l. ! ?V

i m

iffiit&.ivj?; l i i l l f f , llt S ^ B w f stzji YssePM^stssssf f I S . ieSsfisitv. fewwWl .*se»jrffo* ■'-sf’rfffisitftSiaMfe, S » ; ® » yMwii'' ^I.U'v",

Reproduced w»d p e n s io n o, ,de copydgd, owner. Fodder reproduce p ro v e d wddou, permission.

Figure 8. Figure 8. Tufts' French Cottage fountain originallymade in 1870, in the Magnolia Drug Store (Georgia, 1890s). Source: Collection of the author.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 57

*£>)»«£

Figure 9. Elaborate Cottage fountain popular during the 1870s-80s. Source: A. B. Marshall, Ices Plain and Fancy (New York: Metropolitan Museum, c. 1976), p. 43.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 58

Figure 10. The ''Nonpareil'1 Cottage fountain manufactured by 5*^2* 2uffe? Company (Boston) 1878. Source: Catalogue of Puffer,s Frigid Soda & M ineral Water Apparatus (Boston 1878), plate 5.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 59

Figure 11. James Tufts' Centennial fountain, 1876. "Soda Fountain Business of St. Louis," Pharmaceutical Era. 1 ,Tnnp 1892, p. 370. ' '—

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

1890s. 1890s. Source: J. Nichols L. William& Crogman, Progress of a Race York: (New Figure 12. Figure 12. Basic marble wall fountain thein James Allen & Drug Store (Chattanooga) Arno Press, 1969), p. 249.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

Figure 13. Figure 13. "Riverside" fountain in a New Yorkpharmacy was made by the John Pharmaceutical Era. May 13 1892, p. 333. the early 1890s. Source: "Evolution of the Soda Water Industry in New York City," Matthews Company. was It believed to have been the largest fountain in the world in

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 62

Figure 14. Double wall fountain in a Georgia pharmacy, 1890s. Source: Coca-Cola Archives, Atlanta.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission.

1908). 1908). Source: Joseph Bvron Photographs of New York Interiors at the Turn of the Century York: (New Dover Publications, c. plate 1976), 111. Figure 15. Figure 15. Modern counter service fountain Riker's in Drug Store York, (New c.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Figure 16. Domed square fountain in Hedgeman's Pharmacy (New York, c. 1906). Source: "Fountain That is a Work of Art," Soda Fountain. May 1906, p. 21. NOTES

CHAPTER II

•'■Mary Gay Humphreys, "The Evolution of the Soda Fountain," Harper's Weekly. 21 November 1891, p. 924.

2John Riley, A History of American Soft Drink Industry (Washington, D.C.: American Bottlers of Carbonated Beverages, 1958), p. 50.

3Joseph Barker, "History of Boston's Soda Foun­ tain Trade," Pharmaceutical Era. 1 May 1892, p. 289. The gooseneck is similarly described in "Soda Water," Harper's Monthly. August 1872, p. 343.

4This was the size of the 1870s goosenecks. See [John Matthews], Matthews' Illustrated Catalogue and Price List No. 1 (New York: n.p., 1874), p. 40; [James Tufts], Descriptive Catalogue of James W. Tufts' Arctic Soda-Water Apparatus (Boston: n.p., 1874), p. 56.

5"Veteran of Half a Century Reviews Progress of Soda Fountain Industry," Soda Fountain. May 1907, p. 33. The term "gooseneck" also appears in "Soda Fountain Business in St. Louis, Pharmaceutical Era. 1 June 1892, p. 369; William Robinson, "Pharmacy of the Past, Present and Future," Pharmaceutical Era. 25 July 1895, p. 109; "Hot Soda," Pharmaceutical Era. 15 November 1892, p. 318; and Humphreys, "Evolution of the Soda Fountain," p. 924.

cHumphreys, "Evolution of the Soda Fountain," p. 924.

7'"Soda-Fountains," • m . Chauncy Depew, ed., One Hundred Years of American Commerce (New York: D. 0. Haynes, 1895), p. 470; "Reminiscences of Pioneer Days," Soda Fountain. July 1906, p. 19. Matthews was called the father of soda water, the "Neptune of the.trade," because of his prominence in the business.

65

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8 [John Matthews], The Matthews' Catalogue and Price List of Apparatus. Materials and Accessories (New York: n.p., 1888), p. 92. There is one gooseneck fountain in Matthews1 Illustrated Catalogue (1874), p. 40.

9 [Charles Lippincott], Soda Water Apparatus Catalogue and Price List 1875 (Philadelphia: n.p., 1875), p. 54.

10In the above-cited 1870s catalogues of Lippin­ cott, Matthews, and Tufts, all guarantee that their latest and most elaborate models will attract customers.

•^Matthews' Catalogue (1888), p. 38.

1 o • . x^In his 1874 catalogue, Tufts announced that his new Transformation Cylinders allowed any number of goose­ necks to be attached to just one soda-water tank. This seemingly was not true with early gooseneck technology. See [Tufts], Descriptive Catalogue, p. 55.

13Harry Weiss, Life in Earlv New Jersey (Princeton: D. Von Nostrand Company, 1964), p. 62.

14Barker, "History of Boston's Soda-Fountain Trade," p. 289. See also "Soda-Water," Harper's Monthly, p. 343.

15Barker, "History of Boston's Soda-Fountain Trade," p. 287; Riley, History of American Soft Drink, p. 64.

1 ft • • AOWeiss, Life in Earlv New Jersey, p. 62.

17"Development of Soda Apparatus," Soda Fountain. December 1906, p. 15.

1ft • • # AOThere is an illustration of an 1830s ice cream parlor with urn fountains in Russel Rulau, Hard Times Tokens. 2nd ed. (N.p: Krause Publications, 1981), p. 7. Although urns were stylistically and technologically obso­ lete in the 1870s, the John Matthews Company offered three in the 1874 catalogue. It was, however, suggested that the fountains were best suited for "country stores in small towns" (p. 30).

19Barker, "History of Boston's Soda-Fountain Trade," p. 289; Frederick Stansbury, "The Evolution of the Soda Water Industry in New York City," Pharmaceutical Era. 15 May 1892, p. 323; "Soda Fountain Business in St. Louis," p. 369.

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20Barker, "History of Boston's Soda-Fountain Trade," p. 289.

21Matthews' Illustrated Catalogue (1874), pp. 30, 41, 44.

22Ibid., pp. 43-44.

23Weiss, Life in Earlv New Jersey, p. 63.

24Carl Palmer, History of the Soda Fountain Industry (Washington, D.C.: Soda Fountain Manufacturers Association, 1947), p. 9; Matthews Illustrated Catalogue (1874), pp. 41, 43, 44.

25Humphreys, "Evolution of the Soda Fountain," p. 924.

26"Soda Fountain Business of St. Louis," p. 369.

27Matthews Illustrated Catalogue (1874), p. 42.

28Barker, "History of Boston's Soda-Fountain Trade," p. 289; "Sixty Years of Fountain Progress," Soda Fountain. June 1906, p. 19 (for the term fire-plug fount). nq , , £3Dennis Smith, Dennis Smith's History of Firefighting in America (New York: Dial Press, 1978), p. 30.

TO • • JUPaul Lyons, Fire in America (Boston: National Fire Protection Association, 1976), p. 36.

31"Sixty Years of Fountain Progress," Soda Fountain. June 1906, p. 19.

“^Barker, "History of Boston's Soda-Fountain Trade," p. 289.

"Soda-Water m Chicago," Pharmaceutical Era. 15 June 1892, p. 409.

T A • • J*"Soda Fountain Business of St. Louis," p. 369.

35Edward Kremers and George Urdang, History of Pharmacy. 4th ed., revised by Glenn Sonnedecker (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1976), p. 309.

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36The date of Dows's invention is listed as 1859 in Barker, "History of Boston's Soda-Fountain Trade," p. 290. Palmer, History of the Soda Fountain Industry, reports that Dows began working on it in 1858 (p. 11). Others say the box was invented in 1854; see Depew, One Hundred Years, p. 471; "Development of Soda Apparatus," p. 16. The date 1854 seems implausible, since it is also believed Dows and his brother did not operate a drugstore until a year later, and Dows reportedly invented the box while working there as a clerk. See Riley, History of American Soft Drink Industry, p. 64.

37Riley, History of American Soft Drink Industry. p. 64. OQ , , Barker, "History of Boston's Soda-Fountain Trade," p. 290; Depew, One Hundred Years, p. 471; "Development of Soda Apparatus," p. 16.

o q , Barker, "History of Boston's Soda-Fountain Trade," p. 290.

40Apparently only fountains manufactured by Dows had the ice shaver. His patent, issued 10 December 1861, covered the ice shaver "in combination with a soda water apparatus." Since it failed to mention the marble box with internal syrup cans, rival manufacturers used the idea. See Barker, "History of Boston's Soda-Fountain Trade," p. 290.

41Riley, History of American Soft Drink Industry, p. 226, note 13; Barker, "History of Boston's Soda-Fountain Trade," p. 290. Throughout his career Dows either failed to patent his inventions or let long periods of time elapse before seeking a patent. As a result he was unsuccessfully involved in many lawsuits and completely lost his fortune.

42"Soda Fountains," Daily Countersign, newspaper published at Mississippi Valley Sanitary Fair, St. Louis, Missouri, 30 May 1864; Depew, One Hundred Years, p. 471.

43Barker, "History of Boston's Soda-Fountain Trade," p. 290; Palmer, History of the Soda Fountain Industry, p. 11.

44Barker, "History of Boston's Soda-Fountain Trade," p. 290.

45[Lippincott], Soda Water Apparatus (1875), pp. 26-27.

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46Barker, "History of Boston's Soda-Fountain Trade," pp. 290-92; also Depew, One Hundred Years, p. 471. Tufts gives a different version of the story, saying he only wanted to improve "the inefficient and radically impractical apparatus then in use." See Tufts Arctic Soda-Water Apparatus (1874), p. 7.

47Depew, One Hundred Years, p. 472.

A Q , Tufts seemingly never used the term dog-house, yet it was a popular appellation. See "Soda Fountain Business in St. Louis," p. 369; "New Names for Old Drinks," Soda Fountain. May 1907, p. 24; "Hot Soda," Pharmaceutical Era. 15 November 1892, p. 318. A Q , *3"Soda Fountain Business in St. Louis," p. 369.

50Ibid.

51[Tufts], Descriptive Catalogue (1874), p. 32.

52"Soda Fountain Business in St. Louis," p. 369.

53[Tufts], Descriptive Catalogue (1874), p. 9.

54Ibid.

5 5 D o w s is credited with inventing the double- action steam draught tube, and was issued a patent 25 January 1870. However, the tube was used in fountains during the 1860s. See Riley, History of American Soft Drink Industry, p. 226, note 13; [Tufts], Descriptive Catalogue (1874), p. 8.

56[Lippincott], Soda Water Apparatus, p. 8. All manufacturers said their most elaborate models would attract customers.

57[A. D. Puffer], Catalogue of Puffer's Frigid Soda and Mineral Water Apparatus (Boston: n.p., 1878), p. 24, plate 6.

58"Soda-Water," Harper's Monthly, pp. 345-46. CQ , , [James Tufts], Descriptive Catalogue of James W. Tufts' Arctic Soda-Water Apparatus (Boston: n.p., 1876), p. 127.

60[Tufts], Descriptive Catalogue (1874), p. 9.

61[Lippincott], Soda Water Apparatus. p. 3.

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^20n soda water at the Centennial and Tufts's Centennial fountain, see "Soda Fountain Business of St. Louis," p. 370; "Veteran of a Half Century," p. 33; "Reminiscences of Pioneer Days," p. 20; "Death of a Soda Fountain Pioneer," Soda Fountain. August 1908, pp. 44-45; James McCabe, The Illustrated History of the Centennial (Philadelphia; National Publishing, 1876), pp. 318-19, 335-37, 346, 473, 511, 525; J. S. Ingram, The Centennial Exposition (Philadelphia: Hubbard, 1876), pp. 287-88; Paul Dickson, The Great American Ice Cream Book (New York; Atheneum, 1978), pp. 62-63, 88, 90.

63Matthews' Illustrated Catalogue (1874) ; [Lippincott], Soda-Water Apparatus (1875).

64"Historic Fountain in Washington Resplendent with Art Accessories," Soda Fountain. October 1909, p. 27.

65Littell McClung, "The Fountain That Never Runs Dry," Harper's Weekly. 18 June 1910, p. 32.

66Stansbury, "Evolution of Soda Water," p. 333; "Riker's Altar to Thirst," Pharmaceutical Era. 4 June 1896, pp. 715-16.

67On pros and cons of the wall fountain, see "Soda Fountain Types," Pharmaceutical Era. 8 December 1904, pp. 593-94; "Soda Fountains of Today," Pharmaceutical Era 32 (1904), p. 621; "Soda Dispensers Talk," Pharmaceutical Era, 5 January 1905, p. 30; "Soda in a Railway Station," Pharmaceutical Era. 25 May 1905, p. 593; "The Hegeman Corporation Fountain," Pharmaceutical Era. 30 March 1905, pp. 386-87; "Modern Soda Fountain," Soda Fountain. December 1906, pp. 17-19; R. A. Heitsman, "Why is the Old Fountain Costly?" Soda Fountain. March 1912, p. 30.

68Palmer, History of the Soda Fountain Industry. p. 35.

u^For6Q technological . improvements . m the modern counter fountain, see "Soda Fountain Types," pp. 593-94; "Modern Soda Fountain," pp. 17-19; "Soda in a Railway Station," pp. 592-94; "Soda on Central Broadway," Pharma­ ceutical Era. 13 April 1905, pp. 434-35; "The Evans System of Fountain Management," Pharmaceutical Era. 16 March 1905, pp. 338-39; "Pure Food Era the Inspiration of the Liquid Carbonic's Geniuses," Soda Fountain. December 1906, pp. 20-22; "Soda Fountain Mechanically Refrigerated," Soda Fountain. March 1915, pp. 21-23.

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700n the cost of fountains and houses, and number of drugstores with fountains, see "Ten Billion Nickels a Year for Soda Water!" Soda Fountain. May 1910, pp. 393-94.

71"Modern Soda Fountain," p. 19.

72"Fountain That is a Work of Art," Soda Fountain. May 1906, pp. 21-22.

730n the role of manufacturers in the fountain's success, see "At the World's Fair," Pharmaceutical Era. 1 September 1893, p. 321. On the role of druggists, see Barker, "History of Boston's Soda," p. 293.

74The concept of sharing common facilities and resources in the nineteenth century is discussed in Delores Hayden, The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Houses. Neighborhoods, and Cities (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1981).

75An observation of the chief statistician, Bureau of Census, 1901, as quoted in Richard Abrams, The Burden of Progress 1900-1929 (Glenview, ILL: Scott, Foresman, c. 1975), p. 3.

76Pharmaceutical Era. 9 May 1907, p. 459; A. F. Davidson, "Female vs. Male Dispensers," Soda Fountain. March 1909, p. 26; Thomas Warwick, "Summer Notes on Soda Water," Pharmaceutical Era. 24 August 1899, p. 267. For other statements on soda water as a luxury, see "Perfect Soda Advertisement," Pharmaceutical Era. 18 June 1897, p. 778; American Soda Fountain Company, How to Make a Soda Fountain Pay (Boston: American Soda Fountain Company, 1903), p. 9; Spatula Soda Water Guide. 3rd ed. (N.p.: Spatula Publishing Company, 1909), p. 90.

77C. H. Bangs, "The Advantages of Appearing . Well," Pharmaceutical Era. 15 June 1892, p. 53.

7'°"Soda fi Fountain • Business m St. Louis," p. 372. 7Q # /3For the average pay of skilled and unskilled workers, see The Life History of the United States 1901- 1917. vol. 9, The Progressive Era (New York: Time-Life, c. 1964), p. 31. On the New York City transit fare, see "Reminiscences of Pioneer Days," p. 20.

80"At the World's Fair," p. 231; also Leslie Dorsey and Janice Devine, Fare Thee Well (New York: Crown, 1964), verso of title page quotes the Steward's Handbook: "The eye must be feasted as well as the palate" (1889).

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81American Soda Fountain Company, How to Make a Soda Fountain Pav. p. 22.

82Matthews Illustrated Catalogue (1874), pp. 30, 41, 42, 44.

83[A. D. Puffer], Catalogue of Puffer's Frigid Soda and Mineral Water Apparatus (Boston: n.p., 1878), p. 73.

Q A . . . • On the use of electricity m America, see Abrams, The Burden of Progress, p. 10.

85See photographs of fountains in issues of Soda Fountain from about 1905.

86John Kasson, Civilizing the Machine (New York: Grossman, 1976), pp. 146, 161, 180.

87Ibid., p. 160.

88Ibid., pp. 154, 161, 180. pq , °3,,Soda Fountains," Daily Countersign (1864); Depew, One Hundred Years, p. 471.

q n 7U"Soda Water on the East Side," Pharmaceutical Era. 11 June 1896, p. 745.

91Dorsey, Fare Thee Well, pp. 245-46.

92[Puffer], Catalogue 1878), p. 37; Thomas Chester, Carbonated Beverages (New York: P. H. Riley, 1882), pp. 66, 80.

Q O ^Chester, Carbonated Beverages, p. 78. QA ^ O n the Becker Company fountain called the Twentieth-Century, see "Alper's Fountain Methods," Pharma­ ceutical Era. 2 March 1905, p. 280; "Development of Soda Apparatus," p. 16; "Soda on Central Broadway," Pharmaceuti­ cal Era. 13 April 1905, p. 434; "Soda Business North and South," Pharmaceutical Era. 18 May 1905, p. 564. The Innovation was manufactured by the American Soda Fountain Company, a trust composed of the firms of Tufts, Lippin- cott, and a few others. See "Soda in a Railway Station," pp. 592-93; "Reminiscences of Pioneer Days," p. 20; "Meth­ ods of Operating Seven Riker Fountains," Pharmaceutical Era. 9 March 1905, p. 312.

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95"Soda Fountain of Today," Pharmaceutical Era 32 (1904), p. 621. Q c 3°Alcorn Brass Company (Chicago) manufactured the Sanitaire fountain. See "St. Paul's New Soda Fountain," Pharmaceutical Era. 1 June 1905, p. 620. Becker Company had a fountain called the Twentieth-Century Sanitation System. See "Development of Soda Apparatus," p. 16.

97"At the World's Fair," p. 231.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER III

GOBLETS OF GOODNESS

Bright or dun day Matters not When a sundae Hits the spot Half the heaven on earth there is Greets you in the soda's fizz Solid comfort, tenuous dream Spring from carbonated cream.

Soda water was transformed in the nineteenth cen­

tury from a medicine into a delicious assortment of lip-

smacking treats. Its rise as an epicurean delight was not

unhampered. Naysayers and health officials proclaimed it a

menace. An ever-changing selection of tasty new creations

and the advent of temperance reform galvanized the

popularity of soda water.

Americans loved the beverageI By 1910 it was so

much a part of the nation's gustatory habit that an esti­

mated half billion dollars was spent on fountain treats,

more than double the yearly cost of maintaining the Army

and Navy.2 The drink's appeal was universal, crossing

geographic and class lines. In New York it was said that

millionaires sipped champagne while the poor guzzled beer,

74

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but both drank soda water. Among Chicagoans, soda patrons

ranged "from the highly educated and cultured to the most

illiterate and debased."3 Boosters proclaimed soda water

the favorite of man, woman, and child; the truly democratic

beverage; the great American national drink.4

No mystery surrounded soda water's popularity. It

was an affordable luxury that was available and, above all,

delectable. Just how delectable was best summed up by Will

Rogers after his first ice cream soda in an Oklahoma Terri­

tory drug store; ". . . it's the finest thing that you

ever tasted in all your life," he told a friend. "You will

think that you have died and gone to heaven."5

While good taste was a prime factor in soda

water's appeal, the beverage was also successful because of

its versatility. By the 1890s, large fountains stocked

from fifty to one hundred flavored syrups, and sold about

1,000 glasses of soda water on a good day.6 Mixing

syrups with carbonated water, ice cream, eggs, and other

ingredients, the druggist created an extensive selection of

- offerings available only at his store. All types of egg

flips, phosphates, and "goblets of goodness" were born. At

Riker's, a New York City pharmacy, customers crowding the

forty-five foot long fountain chose from over one hundred

special drinks and sundaes. Patrons of a Philadelphia

pharmacy had a similar selection, while the Economical Drug

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Company in Chicago offered no less than 167 treats.7 Even modest drug store fountains served a larger variety of

drinks than most restaurants and tearooms.

The name soda water was magical as the new century

dawned. It encompassed not only carbonated beverages, but

sundaes and any soda-less item served at the fountain.

Indeed, something called "Hot Soda" was growing in demand.

Although tradesmen readily admitted the term was deceptive

— there could be no carbonation once soda water was heated

— still the misnomer prevailed. Did it matter that "Hot

Soda" was absolutely devoid of soda water? Or that it was

actually tea, coffee, hot chocolate, and broth? Not at

all. "It is not so much what you call it or in fact what

it is," wrote a tradesman, "so long as the public is

pleased with what you give them. . . . [Besides], the name

["Hot Soda"] satisfied the public since they secure the

drink at the soda fountain" (1909).8

This embracing of almost any fountain foodstuff

that was generically labeled soda water showed America's

love affair with the fountain and soda water. Yet the

industry had its naysayers. A crusading newspaperman in a

small Indiana town wrote (1905):

. . . more human misery has been caused by the drinking of soda fountain products than by the drinking of intoxicants or the smoking of cigarettes. Only a small portion of the race partakes of strong drink to excess or use tobacco

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in any form, while a majority of Americans . . . guzzle the stomach destroying soda waters.

The writer's purpose in indicting soda water was

to fuel the fires of local citizens who wanted fountains

closed on Sundays. Across the nation, communities wrestled

with the problem of shutting fountains on Sundays under

existing Blue Laws, or passing laws banning the sale of

soda on that day. Several years later America's favorite

beverage faced another crisis. The issue of its dangers

erupted, this time with scientific backing. In an article

entitled "Why That Soda Water Tastes So Good!," the U.S.

Bureau of Chemistry stated that a number of fountain

specialties contained cocaine and caffeine, and that there

were even refreshments served at the soda counter that

actually contained morphine. "These [drinks] by reason of

their powerful stimulating properties are the favorites,"

the report concluded.10

Newspapers spread the message. There were

menacing, habit-forming drugs in soda water. The Atlanta

Jeffersonian railed that Coca-Cola would "injure the eyes,

wreck the nerves, weaken the brain, loosen the moral

structure" (1909).11 While the industry countered that

many reports were exaggerated allegations, fountain

managers were urged to "scrutinize" their drinks and to

"become personally satisfied of the 'innocence' of every

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. . . mixture dispensed to the public."12 Soda sellers

were also reminded that not all fountain concoctions were

in peril; there were just certain "dope beverages" that

should not be sold. "Vendors, police yourselves,"

admonished a trade journal, for you have "had ample warning

of the state of the public mind and the growing activity of

law officers in stamping out such conditions" (1909)13

The beleaguered soda water of the early twentieth

century had come a long way from its early nineteenth-

century origins. Then soda water had been hailed for its

health-giving properties. It was an unflavored, unsweet­

ened tonic, a drug store remedy for stomach disorders and

hangovers. Druggists also mixed and sold flavored syrups,

for they too had medicinal value. Fruit flavors disguised

the taste of castor oil; chocolate was good for nervous

people; and sarsaparilla cured syphilis, acne, and "white

swellings."14 A dash or so of syrup was originally

combined with soda water probably during the early decades

of the nineteenth century, and a sprightly, healthy

refresher was born. The notion of mixing the two may have

stemmed from the custom of drinking iced water sweetened

with fruit juice. This was a favorite summertime

drink. 3 Similarly, when soda water was launched as a

tasty beverage, it too was considered a summer drink.

Until the late 1880s, it was sold only during the "soda

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season" of May to September.

Initially, the assortment of drinks offered cus­

tomers was as limited as the soda season. Until the close

of the Civil War, druggists served up to six different

sodas, flavored with standard syrups on the medicine shelf.

Since pure fruit juice syrups spoiled rapidly and were

time-consuming to make, most flavors were prepared from

ethers and colored with dyes. Two nonfruit standbys,

vanilla and sarsaparilla, came from extracts.16

Reportedly, the imitation flavors were close enough in

aroma and taste to the real thing; and druggists maintained

that their sodas were good and tickled the palate.

A wider selection of better tasting flavors came

with the next decade, as soda fountain manufacturers

entered the syrup-making business. Rising above competi­

tors, the Charles Lippincott Company (Philadelphia, 1875)

offered thirty genuine fruit flavors. The list also

included such rare syrups as rose, mint, and eggnog.17

By the 1880s, ice cream soda and the sundae were

invented.18 This joining of America's favorite dessert

with soda water and new-fangled syrups galvanized the

soda-drinking business. Soda sipping became a delicious

pastime.

Business at fountains boomed. A soda tippler

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noted:

From morn to night fall With song delightful And vigor spiteful The faucets spout?19

Crowds at popular fountains were common, and their "chorus

of clinking glasses [was] musical as well as profitable to

proprietors."2 0

With the surge in soda-water drinking, druggists

took a closer look at the beverage. It was a decided money

maker and each wanted his share. Soda water was good

business, but was it good enough to sustain a trade? "You cannot build up a large, profitable trade with ordinary

mixtures because of keen competition," complained one drug­

gist. Grumbled another, "People must be induced to come

into your particular store. Good soda water alone is not

always sufficient. . . ,'*21 a trade journal further

explored the problem, then issued a revolutionary statement

that altered the nature of soda-water beverages (1896):

. . . successful soda-water dispensers are those who . . . have something peculiarly their own which people talk about. Druggist Blank may have lemon and vanilla flavors, and say they are the best in town, but Druggist Dash may say the same thing. But if Blank mixes his lemon and vanilla, makes a new drink and calls his "Frigid Lemon- ella," he has a distinctive advantage over his competitors. He knows the public must procure it only at his store, and by creating a demand for it, he is incidentally creating a demand for all his soda beverages.22

Druggists who were not already engaged in this

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shrewd bit of self-promotion took the bait and began mixing

specialty drinks with inscrutable names. While mainstays

like lemon or chocolate sodas hung on, the new concoctions

captured the public's fancy. Across the nation, large drug

stores advertised one hundred or more fountain treats.

Still the number of beverages was endless. Each soda

seller created his specialties and jealously guarded their

ingredients. He gave his drinks short lives, serving them

for a few months at best, then created new offerings. The

ploy spurred customer anticipation and kept customers , O O , t # coming. Pharmacists were enthralled with their new

tactic. Crowed one Baltimore dealer, "The possibilities in

soda water are great . . . and interest may thus be kept

alive perpetually!"24

It was more than mingled flavors that made novelty

drinks the sensation. A druggist could create a lip-

smacking beverage, but it was the name that drew customers

and clinched the sale. "Names are powerful in appealing to

the fancy," explained a tradesman.25 Others concurred.

In the 1890s, customers seemed to care more about the

fantasy suggested by a drink's name than about the flavors

in their glass.26

Since names were the sole means of advertising

drinks, the matter attracted considerable attention. Like

soda fountain models, what a beverage was called "[should]

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cause pleasant anticipation when read or heard by thirsty

people."27 Not surprisingly words denoting coldness were

favored, and customers sipped "Cold Waves" or "Mountain

Springs." The drinks were like nothing patrons had ever

experienced, mysteriously concocted and exotic to palates.

Accordingly, unusual names prevailed, "for soda water,"

said a source, "is no ordinary thing."28 There were

beverages called "Shirazz," even "Piff-Paff-Pouf." Names

of tropical areas were appropriate, as were rare fruits and

flowers. Druggists even culled mythology for erudite,

euphonious terms.29

The source list was inexhaustible. But there were

restrictions reflecting the times. A national trade jour­

nal article discouraged the use of Chinese names because of

some opposition to imported cheap coolie labor (1896).30

And since the writer further believed that most Americans

could not pronounce Hawaii, he suggested it too should be

banned. During the first decade of the twentieth century,

exotic names began to lose favor. They followed the course

of each new specialty drink: popular for a time, then

lacking in appeal. "After awhile [customers] began to ask

what these drinks with the wonderful names were made of," a

New York soda clerk said, "and that was the beginning of

the end . . . so far as the fad was concerned."31 A

Philadelphia fountain manager agreed. His clerks were

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barraged with questions. He added:

I could never see the wisdom of giving [soda water] names which have not the slightest applica­ tion. Who would know what [it] was, seeing the name displayed over the fountain?32

Mysterious names were a fad that served a purpose.

They may have been nudged frdSi prominence by the National

Pure Food Law (1907). Its focus on aspects of food service

preparation might have caused customers to inquire about

their inscrutably named drinks. In any event, druggists

chose other tactics. Some switched to terms more

reflective of ingredients, offering "Opera Chocolate" and

"Charlie Chaplin" sundaes. Neighborhood pharmacists

focused on home pride. Soda water named for local schools,

landmarks, and events proved to be winners.33 In time

each name was discarded. As there were trends in drinks,

so there were trends in names; and names, like drinks, had

short lives. Soda patrons craved novelty. A catchy, new

name ensured a big demand for a beverage. A trendy term on

a once-popular concoction guaranteed its resurrection.34

The name game was constant. About this aspect of his

vocation, a druggist simply said, "To be successful, you

can't stand still in the soda fountain business."35

Staying abreast of the times meant druggists used

every appropriate trend to promote soda water and secure

more customers. The temperance movement (1830-1933)

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provided an auspicious opportunity. Some form of temper­

ance— an organized effort to induce people to abstain from

alcohol— had been in existence since the eighteenth cen­

tury, when public drunkenness became a public nuisance. By

the early nineteenth century, alcoholism was linked to

crime, poverty, ill-health, and moral degradation. Still,

moderate use was the goal of scattered temperance societies

and individual pledges of abstinence the major tactic. In

the latter part of the century, the movement expanded and

united. An aggressive, righteous element entered the cam­

paign. The Prohibition Party, formed in 1869, the Women's

Christian Temperance Union (1894), and the Anti-Saloon

League (1893) garnered national political power. Total

abstinence became the target, as well as government control

of liquor. As the movement gained support of church

organizations and leading public figures, many liquor laws

were passed, culminating in federal prohibition (1919-

1933) .

The escalated campaign during the latter part of

the nineteenth century placed druggists in a dilemma.

Liquor or wine was often mixed with soda water and syrups

to make some of the popular fountain drinks.36 Articles

in trade journals debated whether it was economically or

morally sound for the practice to continue. As temperance

gained momentum, druggists joined the winning team. Fancy

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drinks with spirits disappeared from fountains and soda

water was given a clean, new image. Advertising it as "a

purely temperance beverage, healthful, luscious and satisfy­

ing," pharmacists hoped to keep reformed customers and

increase clientele.37

Temperance boosted the popularity of soda water,

as Americans bowed to pressure or sought alternatives to

strong drink. Especially noted was the increase in male

customers at fountains. Undoubtedly, the ranks of women

and children— the traditional soda drinkers— also swelled,

as those who indulged in alcohol succumbed to moderation or

abstinence. However, male patronage was directly attrib­

uted to liquor reform and to soda water as a temperance

agent. Said one druggist (1907):

Men realize they can work to better advantage . . . and feel better in every way by satisfying their thirst at the fountain [rather than! drinking beverages to be had at saloons. Others pointed out the economics of the situation. It was

simply cheaper to drink soda water. Since it was filling

and a thirst quencher, men did not overindulge as they did

when drinking liquor. Soda water was also touted as a good

buy. A Baltimore druggist commented: "Evidently the young

man reasons that if he can pay ten cents or even fifteen

cents for a mixed drink, then a dime is not too much to pay

for a sundae" (1908).39 This infusion of male customers

gave soda water validity. Pharmacists agreed that soda

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water, "once considered as something good enough for women

and children, has come to be regarded as a man's drink" (1910).40

Soda water became a man's brew because soda

sellers deliberately introduced drinks to entice men as

temperance gained momentum.41 Prior to 1870, before

temperance became a reckoning force, fountain beverages

were sweet and frothy. They were the undisputed favorites

of women and children, the principal soda patrons. During

the decade of the seventies, the formidable Women's

Christian Temperance Union sprang into action. More men

were seen at fountains, requesting mineral waters. By the

time the Anti-Saloon League gained power in the 1890s,

there was a new soda-water craze. Phosphate, a tart and

pungent drink "with an attractive champagne sparkle," became the rage and was especially popular with men

(1892).42 Milwaukee, famous for its breweries, was said

to have a core of "phosphate fiends." Two druggists noted

that a certain group of men visited their stores twice

daily ordering phosphates "in startling quantities"

(1909).43

Pharmacists offered other drinks to please their

new clientele. Beverages became heavier and heartier.

They bore appropriate names like "Mountain Nell" and

"Business Man's Bracer" (1896).44 These robust drinks,

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described as nourishing and filling, earned soda water the

sobriquet of liquid food (1905).45 With malted milk

creations, and kumyss— a fermented milk beverage— a writer

declared that it was now "possible to dine on soda water"

(1892).46

Reportedly, men did just that, especially at lunch

time. High on their list of favorites were the raw egg

drinks that soared to popularity in the 1890s.47 Egg

flips, egg phosphates, and egg creams were but a few of the

endless variations. It comes as no surprise that at least

one druggist dubbed them his "temperance egg-noggs"

(1896).48

Temperance was good for the soda-water business;

but soda water also aided temperance. At the turn of the

century, it was estimated that 85,000 Bostonians a day

patronized soda fountains during the summer. It was

further believed that one out of two regular saloon goers

also drank soda water at temperance bars. Had soda not

been so popular, it was reasoned, alcoholic consumption by

Bostonians would have been greater.49 From other

communities came reports of soda water's effectiveness as a

temperance agent. It was a pleasurable alternative to

strong drink; it was a preventative as well as a cure; it

was accomplishing temperance reform faster than any other

agency.50 While giving soda water credit, other social

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observers and druggists were cautious about exaggerating

its role. There were, after all, psychological and physio­

logical reasons for drinking intoxicants that soda could

not satisfy. In some towns, fountains were busiest on days

when saloons were closed, indicating that soda water was a

stand-in rather than replacement for liquor. Zealots,

however, took a different perspective. One noted that soda

water, particularly the man-pleasing concoctions, was

seriously competing with strong beverages, and soda was

emerging as the preferred drink. He added: "Many would

undoubtedly drink beer if soda could not be had" (1896).51 Another, leaving no doubt about his choice,

wrote:

Not the obfuscating wine, But the soda brew be mine!52

America's passion for soda water was boundless.

It withstood the frenzy over "dope beverages" and the

challenges of Sunday Blue Laws. The nation's affair with

the drink surmounted gustatory trends, and the concerns

over soda-water ingredients caused by the National Pure

Food Law. With the aid of temperance reform, the ranks of

soda-water lovers swelled. They, too, joined the chorus of

those who proclaimed it America's favorite drink.

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CHAPTER III

^-Excerpts from John Talman, "Soda Song," Soda Fountain. April 1909, p. 40.

2,lTen Billion Nickels a Year for Soda Water 1" Soda Fountain. May 1910, p. 393.

3"Soda-Water in Chicago," Pharmaceutical Era. 15 June 1892, p. 413.

4Mary Gay Humphreys, "Evolution of the Soda Fountain," Harper's Weekly. 21 November 1891, p. 924; Littell McClung, "The Fountain That Never Runs Dry," Harper's Weekly. 18 June 1910, p. 32; "Soda Water the National Drink," Pharmaceutical Era. 20 July 1899, p. 83

5Margaret Axtell, Will Rogers Rode the Range (Phoenix: The Beatitudes, 1972), p. 46.

6"Some Soda-Water Fountain Statistics," Pharmaceutical Era. 14 September 1899, p. 362. Also "Soda-Water in Chicago," p. 413.

7"Riker's Altar to Thirst," Pharmaceutical Era. June 1896, p. 715; "The Evans System of Fountain Management," Pharmaceutical Era. 16 March 1905, p. 338; "Odd Sign in a Drug Store," Pharmaceutical Era. 2 July 1896, p. 27.

8Spatula Soda Water Guide. 3rd ed. (N.p.: Spatula Publishing, 1909), p. 160.

9"Sunday ..and Soda Water," Pharmaceutical Era. 6 July 1905, p. 3.

10"Why That Soda Water Tastes So Good!" Soda Fountain. June 1909, pp. 27-28.

89

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■^"Dangers of Habit-Producing Drinks," Soda Fountain. July 1901, p. 17. Coca-cola was created in 1886 by Atlanta druggist John Pemberton. When cocaine was removed from the beverage is uncertain. J. C. Louis and Harvey Yazijian state in The Cola Wars (New York: Everest House, 1980), p. 35, that the drug was removed in 1903. This seems unlikely in view of news articles printed in 1909. Sidney Cohen in Substance Abuse Problems (New York: Hayworth, 1981), p. 76, suggests the drug was removed after passage of the Pure Food Law in 1938.

12"Dangers of Habit-Producing Drinks," p. 17.

13"Habit-Forming Drugs at Fountains," Soda Fountain. March 1909, p. 18.

14Advartisement for Marshall's Drug & Chemical Store, [Philadelphia] Inquirer & Daily Courier. 27 January 1841. Also "Soda-Water: An Interview with a Prominent New York Pharmacist," Pharmaceutical Era. May 1889, pp. 180-81; Emil Hiss, The Standard Manual of Soda and Other Beverages (Chicago: G. P. Engelhard and Co., 1897), p. 22. On dispensing medicinal drinks at the fountain, see Frederick Stansbury, "Evolution of the Soda Water Industry in New York City," Pharmaceutical Era. 15 May 1892, p. 336; "Soda-Water in Chicago," p. 414.

15Valuable Secrets in Arts. Trades (New York: Evert Duyckinck, 1816), p. 151.

16"Soda-Water: What It Is and How It Is Made," Harper's Monthly. August 1872, p. 345; "Veteran of Half a Century of Progress Reviews Soda Fountain Industry," Soda Fountain. May 1907, p. 33; Stansbury, "Evolution of the Soda Water Industry," p. 336.

17[Charles Lippincott], Soda Water Apparatus Catalogue and Price List 1875 (Philadelphia: n.p., 1875), p. 56. Also [John Matthews], Matthews' Illustrated Catalogue and Price List No. 1 (New York: n.p., 1874), p. 85; [James Tufts], Descriptive Catalogue of James W. Tufts' Arctic Soda-Water Apparatus (Boston: n.p., 1874), p. 59.

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^ The first ice cream soda may have been invented by Phillip Mohr (1858), but there are other claimants. See "How Ice Cream Soda Was Invented in 1858," Soda Fountain. April 1911, p. 47; "Father of Ice Cream Soda," Soda Foun­ tain. April 1906, p. 17 (on Fred Sanders, Detroit); "Ice Cream Soda's Birth Due to Pioneer's Happy Inspiration," Soda Fountain. February 1910, pp. 115-117 (on Robert Green, Philadelphia); "Three Principal Claimants to the Honor of Inventing the Ice Cream Soda," Soda Fountain. May 1913, p. 17-19. On the origin of the sundae see "Soda Fountain Business in St. Louis," Pharmaceutical Era. 1 June 1892, p. 369; "One Version of the Origin of the Name 'Sundae,'" Soda Fountain. November 1906, p. 36; "Sundae First Dished Up by Two Rivers Man," Wisconsin Then and Now. September 1974, p. 6; Stewart Holbrook, Lost Men of American History (New York; Macmillan, 1947), p. 120.

19John Talman, "At the Fountain," Pharmaceutical Era. 25 June 1896, p. 809.

20"Soda-Water in Chicago," p. 413.

21"Specialties are Everything," Pharmaceutical Era. 13 August 1896, p. 224; Hiss, Standard Manual, p. 22.

22"New Names for Soda Beverages," Pharmaceutical Era, 11 June 1896, p. 747. Also "Specialties are Everything," p. 224.

23Humphreys, "Evolution of the Soda Fountain," p. 924; "Evans System of Fountain Management," p. 338; "Some Soda Water Fountain Statistics," p. 362.

24"Developing Soda Water Sales in a Neighborhood Pharmacy," Soda Fountain. May 1912, p. 37.

25"New Names for Soda Beverages," Pharmaceutical Era. 25 June 1896, p. 811.

26"Passing of a Fad," Soda Fountain. January 1906, p. 10. Also "Hitch Your Wagon to a 'Reel' Star," Soda Fountain. June 1915, p. 24.

27"New Names for Soda Beverages," 25 June 1896, p. 811.

28Ibid.

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29Ibid., pp. 811-12. For other information on beverage names see Albert McMahon, McMahon's Latest Recipes (Chicago: Goodhall and Loveless, 1893), cited in Pharmaceutical Era. 15 June 1893, p. 48; "New Names for Soda Beverages," 11 June 1896, p. 747.

30"New Names for Soda Beverages," 25 June 1896, p. 811.

31"Passing of a Fad," p. 10.

32"Does Not Favor Mystic Names," Soda Fountain. September 1907, p. 25.

33"Soda in a Railroad Station," Pharmaceutical Era. 25 May 1905, p. 593; "Winter Better Than Summer for This Milwaukee's Pharmacy's Fountain," Soda Fountain. March 1909, p. 25; "Developing Soda Water Sales in a Neighborhood Pharmacy," p. 37.

34"New Names for Old Drinks," Soda Fountain. May 1907, p. 24; Soda Fountain, June 1906, p. 17 (article on Central Drug Co., Detroit); "Developing Soda Water Sales in a Neighborhood Pharmacy," p. 37.

35Soda Fountain. June 1906, p. 17 (article on Central Drug Co., Detroit).

360wen Wister, "How Lin McLean Went East," Harper's New Monthly. December 1892, p. 142; "Designed His Own Fountain," Pharmaceutical Era. 2 July 1896, p. 26; "Alcoholic Beverages at the Fountain," Pharmaceutical Era. 25 June 1896, p. 797; Soda Fountain. June 1906, p. 17 (article on Central Drug Company, Detroit). Also on serving liquor-based soda water see "Good Times and Good Soda," Pharmaceutical Era. 23 July 1896, p. 127; Letter to the Editor, from Atha Crooks (Newark, N.J.), Pharmaceutical Era. 1 February 1893, p. 125; "Drug Stores Must Not be Merely Saloons," Pharmaceutical Era. 21 February 1895; p. 249; "All Night Drug Stores," Pharmaceutical Era. 28 February 1895, p. 276; "Temperance Ladies After Druggists," Pharmaceutical Era. 18 August 1904, p. 175; "Saloon-Keepers Crusade," Pharmaceutical Era. 15 December 1904, p. 620.

37"Farewell to Maraschino Cherries," Soda Fountain. January 1912, p. 18. Also Stansbury, "Evolution of’the Soda Water Industry," p. 330.

38"Baltimore Druggist Discusses Quality Service," Soda Fountain. July 1910, p. 596. Also "Fountains as Aids to Temperance," Soda Fountain. October 1907, pp. 20-21.

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39"Home of Hot Soda in Baltimore is Mecca for Thirsty in Summer,” Soda Fountain. October 1908, p. 16.

40|,Baltimore Druggist Discusses Quality Service,” p. 596; also "Fountains as Aids to Temperance,” p. 20.

41"Soda-Water in Chicago," p. 414; "Making Fountains Attractive to Men," Soda Fountain. January 1906, p. 15.

42"Soda Fountain Business in St. Louis," p. 371. On phosphates as a favorite male beverage, see "Odds and Ends from Soda Dispensers," Pharmaceutical Era. 10 Septem­ ber 1896, p. 355; "Making Fountains Attractive to Men," p. 15; "Tilden's Soda Trade," Pharmaceutical Era. 4 June 1896, p. 715; "Some Chicago Fountains," Pharmaceutical Era. 27 August 1896, p. 289; "Some Soda Water Statistics," p. 362.

43"Is the Sweet Tooth Better Developed in Men Than in Women?" Soda Fountain. September 1909, p. 29.

44"Mountain Nell" was served at the Kalish Phar­ macy (New York); see "Jingle That Tells the Story," Soda Fountain. March 1915, p. 24. A Baltimore druggist offered "Business Man's Bracer," see "Make Your Own Flavors," Pharmaceutical Era. 9 July 1896, p. 59.

45"Why People Drink Soda," Pharmaceutical Era. 19 January 1905, p. 90. Also Stansbury, "Evolution of the Soda Water Industry," p. 335; "Baltimore Druggist Discusses Quality Service," p. 596.

46Stansbury, "Evolution of the Soda Water Industry," p. 335.

47"Baltimore Druggist Discusses Quality Service," p. 596. Also on the popularity of egg drinks see "Soda-Water in Chicago," p. 413; "Soda Fountains Business in St. Louis," p. 335; Stansbury, "Evolution of the Soda-Water Industry," p. 335; McClung, "The Fountain That Never Runs Dry," p. 32.

48"Strange Sight for English Tourists," Pharmaceutical Era. 16 July 1896, p. 92.

A Q , , Raymond Calkins, Substitutes for the Saloon (Boston; Houghton-Mifflin, 1901), pp. 218-219. Also "Soda Invades Whiskey's Abode," Soda Fountain. February 1906, p. 12.

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50Stansbury, "Evolution of the Soda-Water Industry," p. 330? "Soda Invades Whiskey's Abode," p. 12; "Making Fountains Attractive to Men," p. 15; Calkins, Substitutes for the Saloon, p. 218.

51"Soda-Water in Chicago," pp. 412, 414.

52Talman, "Soda Song," p. 40.

■% <*

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"VIRTUES OF THE SODA FOUNT"

But I must and will recount Virtues of the soda fount.

By the turn of the twentieth century the fountain

had surpassed its original function. It was still a soda-

water dispensing apparatus, but it was also a site for

fulfilling a social need. "Meet me at the fountain" became

a popular expression as the fountain acquired overtones of

a social center. Friends and families gathered to see and

be seen, to drink and converse. The term drug store

loafers was also heard. These were ladies who "used an ice

cream soda as an excuse to rest and gossip," and men who

sat around chewing and spitting tobacco during prolonged

conversations.2

The drug store fountain played an integral part in

other social activities, with a visit often topping off

previous engagements. Fountains were besieged after

theatre performances and shopping hours. Pleasant outings

in a horse drawn carriage ended with a stop for soda water.

95

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Above all, the fountain was essential in courting and a

mecca for flirtatious young ladies. A Michigan lady told

her diary (1891) how she skipped choir practice to meet

boys at the drug store. She listened to sweet nothings,

drank "cream soda and [had] an elegant time."3 In

Delaware (1907) a school principal complained that one of

her teachers was a flirt who spent too much time at a

certain pharmacy, although she was engaged to a very nice

young man.4 In virtually every community when courting

couples "walked out," their destination was a fountain. An

observer of the ritual noted:

Here the young dandy— Trim, spruce and bland he Takes Miss Amanda For whom he burns: At counter stopping His nickels dropping In art of popping A lesson learns.5

As a place of amusement, fellowship, and refresh­

ment, the fountain may be called an informal everyman's

club. This factor perhaps increased its appeal, for club

life was important in the turn-of-the-century society. Men

and women of means joined clubs befitting their status,

spending hours of leisure there. Club houses with dining

rooms, libraries, and game rooms offered members amiable

surroundings and civilities. While the fountain lacked the

social club's extended facilities, it was not short on

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social amenities. There were, of course, refreshments and

camaraderie. In neighborhood pharmacies, people of similar

status congregated. At popular downtown fountains serving

a more varied clientele, cliques staked out their terri­

tories. A Detroit soda clerk explained (1896): "They

carry the [fountain] chairs to different parts of the

store, arrange themselves in little groups and settle down

for a pleasant chat."6

There was a feeling of belonging at fountains, sim­

ilar to that of exclusive clubs. Soda clerks knew estab­

lished customers by name and knew their favorite drinks.

Some drug stores even kept a written list of regular

patrons in the form of personalized silver soda mugs. They

were displayed at the fountain, artistically stacked on

counters and shelves.7

Like the dining room of a social club, decorum

prevailed at the fountain. "A smile that won't come off"

was observed on soda clerks. Their attire was equally

pleasing. Males wore neckties and immaculate duck jackets.

White shirt waists with ribbon collars were standard for Q ( women. Refreshments were presented m style. On the

theory that "serving soda water is as much an art as serv­

ing dinner," the thinnest glasses were used.9 So were

dainty china and spotless cloth napkins. A handsome soda

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apparatus was requisite. It was decorated for tone and

effect. Bowls and glasses were arranged on the fountain to

simulate a sideboard in a pleasant dining room.10

Flowers and tall plants were common. During the 1890s,

electric fans were installed— generally just around the

fountain— to cool the area and shoo flies.11

The fountain was more than a social entity. It

pervaded other areas of American life. During temperance

the fountain was politically important. Oklahoma candi­

dates in the 1908 state primaries lined up constituents at

soda fountains, telling them to "drink hearty." Report­

edly, thousands of dollars were spent on soda water and ice

cream in this prohibition state.12 Successful vote

getters in Superior, Wisconsin, credited soda water and

candy. By the same token, a defeated candidate claimed

these treats had worked against him. His failure to buy

votes with iountain products had cost him the election

(1909). 1 J^ Even m• areas where liquor was not prohibited,

politicians were conspicuous at fountains. Officials in

Philadelphia and Harrisburg professed to drink only

temperance concoctions, or to take wine only on doctor's

orders. Since the general thinking was that constituents

preferred men who abstained, the politically astute vowed

temperance allegiance and frequented soda fountains.14

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The fountain's impact was similarly recognized in

the commercial sector. Increasingly it generated so much

revenue, that druggists devoted their major energies to its

operation. A Pennsylvania pharmacist reported sales in

1892 of

. . . $760; 1893, $950; 1894, $1,150; 1895, $1,312. This year [1896] we are trying to pass the $1,500 mark and I think we shall do sp, as the soda business was never better. . . .155

Other druggists gave similar testimonies; the fountain made

more money than any other department. By 1910, a trade

journal proclaimed: "If all the soda water [this year]

were paid for in nickels, 10,000,000 would be needed."16

How did the figure compare with other enterprises? It was

more than three times the value of automobiles produced

that year by that growing industry; and sufficiently

greater than the gross income of all registered American

cargo vessels of over five tons engaged in inland and

coastal transportation.17

The fountain had further economic impact. It

spawned jobs and income. There were manufacturers, distrib­

utors, and salespersons. Above all, at the immediate

level, there was a cadre of fountain clerks. By today's

standards their job may seem insignificant, that of mixing

and serving soda. But during the boom years of the

fountain, when tasty soda water drew customers, clerking

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was an important position. Quality soda and quality ser­

vice were the fountain clerk's responsibility and it gov­

erned the financial success of a fountain. As a Cincinnati

druggist said, "One must have a capable [clerk] behind the

counter or his trade will go to the bow-wows."18 Another

added: "An excellent [soda water] apparatus is an excel­

lent advertisement, but like all advertisements, it fails

unless the beverage backs it up."19

Clerking was not just a job, it was a profession.

Assistants were rigorously trained, for drawing good soda

was an art and not everyone could do it.20 At some drug

stores, pharmacists worked the fountain full-time. Their

knowledge of chemistry, it was said, produced better syrups

and fancy mixed drinks. For others, a correspondence

school offered an eighty-course program. Advertising,

business, and ice cream making were studied. So were soda-

water history, creative beverages, and related topics.

Adherence to course principles guaranteed competent clerks,

whose knowledge would "place the soda water industry upon a

higher plane" (1912).21

By cultural standards the fountain had already

reached its apogee. As early as 1848, a philosopher deemed

it a hallmark of civilization, one of the necessities for

refined existence.22 A "pharmacie with a most

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pretentious soda-water fount" was not uncommon to isolated

settlements. Its presence conveyed a level of

sophisticated living, and conferred status on frontier

villages.23

Believing the soda water phenomenon could sweep

other nations, manufacturers hawked the fountain's attri­

butes abroad. During the 1870s, fountains were shipped to

Europe, England, Australia, and China.24 By the 1890s,

they appeared in South Africa, South America, and

Polynesia.25

Perhaps because of close cultural ties, Americans

thought the soda-water craze would conquer the British

Isles. Although soda water gained acceptance, the fountain

was never an unqualified success. The guarded optimism of

a New York clerk hints at the situation (1896):

. . . they seem to like the soda pretty well . . . once getting the taste of it. I should think a live druggist who would import the soda water habit into England might coin a fortune, if he did not go broke before the habit was established.2 6

An American correspondent concurred (1903):

. . . it was a slow process to arouse [the British] to the real enjoyment to be had at a fountain. They have now adopted it and seem to enjoy it, [but] they will never take up with it to the extent that American do, forming the soda habit. ...27

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While the British acquired a taste for soda water,

the same does not appear true of the fountain. During its

infancy in America, there were glowing testimonies of its

aesthetic properties, and tales of it drawing customers.

Stories relating a similar British reaction appear nonexis­

tent. In fact, one American source said (1896), "They

think our fancy soda fountain the strangest thing they have

ever seen."28

If the fountain held marginal appeal, it is not sur­

prising that it never became a fundamental part of British

culture. When the apparatus had been in England roughly

forty years, an American journalist commented (1907):

". . . it is doubtful whether the soda fountain will ever

[be] a popular institution in England. How unprogressive

are our cousins across the Atlantic. . . . "29

Cultural habits were not the only reason the

fountain fizzled. Unfavorable weather was a factor in

Great Britain.30 There was no soda season to speak of,

those three to four months of sultry summer days that had

launched and sustained the American industry. Said a

Boston druggist who lived for a time in London (1903):

"... the conditions of climate do not awaken a thirst for

cooling drinks as does summer weather in this country."31

His observation was not without merit. During a chilly

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1907 season, it was reported that London druggists with

fountains were discouraged; those considering fountain

installations vacillated. Climatic conditions were again

named the culprit. A London correspondent wrote: "It will

take a good many scorching summers to remedy the harm the

present inclement weather has done the fountain trade in

Great Britain."32

Such was not the case in South Africa, South

America, and Australia. Extended summers were conducive to

developing a fine soda-water trade. But other factors

hampered the business. In Sydney, Australia, for example,

fountains only operated during the six months of warm

weather, then closed for the remainder of the year. By

1913 when American fountains knew no seasonal shut-down,

Sydney soda customers could comb the city (so it was said)

and be unable to buy a glass of soda or dish or ice cream

during the off period.33

Other practices may have been pivotal. The busi­

ness acumen fueling America's industry was missing. There

was no equivalent group like the American druggists who

created and nurtured the business. There was instead— at

least in Berlin— strong opposition from local brewers. It

resulted in a ban on ice cream sodas in 1906. An American

fountain journal scoffed at this action. Editors took the

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Berlin authorities to task in an article headlined, "Feared

Soda Would Ruin German Brewers."34

This battle between beverage sellers was nothing

new. In America, soda-water tradesmen were often at odds

with the spirits industry, both wangling for customers and

favorable legislation. The fountain business in Europe

seemingly had no champion. British pharmacists were

prejudiced against the trade. It was inappropriate for the

apothecary's decorum and interrupted its proper mission.

Druggists were further disinclined to allocate resources

for its development.35 The evidence suggests that

pharmacists in other nations were also unwilling purveyors

of soda. For few fountains were located in drug stores.

They were more common to restaurants, cafes, and

confectionery stores.

There were other differences in business practices.

Plain sodas and patented beverages were the mainstay of

foreign markets. Fancy specialty drinks, a proven success

with Americans, were seldom created. When available, their

cost was greater than ale or other traditional favor­

ites.37 The importance of a fashionable fountain was

minimized. At a time when the counter service apparatus

was standard in America, an Australian complained that only

wall fountains with outdated technology were sold in Sydney

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(1913),38 Similarly, large numbers of second-hand foun­

tains were shipped to South America and South Africa.39

New merchandise was available, but sales were often disap­

pointing. A New York company with a special export line

found that high tariffs in some countries rendered their

goods prohibitive.40 Several American manufacturers

opened show rooms in Great Britain. In 1907 after years of

promoting the fountain, sales were still below their

expectations.4 1

One reason for limited sales was the comparatively

small number of European soda-water establishments. While

fountains proliferated in America, they merely dotted the

continental terrain. Mainly they were in large cities that

drew tourists and Americans living abroad. Even in these

areas the quantity was small. A Philadelphia druggist

counted more soda fountains on a major thoroughfare in his

city than he had seen on a European tour of five countries

(1908),42

The druggist also commented on the quality of soda,

hinting the drink was not always presented at its best. In

Berlin he was served a glass of raspberry soda without ice,

an unthinkable practice by American standards. At some

London stores the druggist fared even worse. "What they

claimed was American soda water," he fumed, "was nothing

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like the real thing."

The pharmacist's statements are another clue to why

there was no international soda fountain craze. A quality

beverage was the cornerstone of the American trade; a

drink's proper temperature played no mean part. Americans

had learned that a frosty soda had more sprightly

carbonation, and an enhanced flavor. Yet Australians, and

apparently Germans, would not have it this way. Reportedly

Australians refused to drink cold soda water, preferring it

at least five to six degrees warmer than what Americans favored.43

There was, too, the all-important question of

service. An Australian soda vendor on a business trip

through France, Great Britain, and Canada told an American

druggist (1913):

We can't cater to everybody the way you do here. I am very much impressed with the American way of serving soda. It is very much superior to those in Australia and the rest of the world.4

It was the patented soda fountain drink rather than

the fountain craze that had remarkable success abroad.

Coca-Cola, created by Atlanta druggist John Pemberton

(1886), and its imitator Pepsi-Cola, made by North Carolin­

ian Caleb Bradshaw (1896), eventually gained worldwide

acclaim. Probably distributors of both colas built on the

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experiences of those who introduced soda water internation­

ally. With shrewd marketing tactics and product control,.

Coke and Pepsi reached heights unparalleled by other

fountain drinks— and even the soda fountain.

Superior service, business acumen, and quality soda

created the American drug store soda fountain craze.

Pharmacists' desire for a profitable enterprise and a

manipulation of cultural values to achieve that goal were

equally important factors. The fact that there was no drug

store soda fountain craze abroad suggests that it could

only have happened in America. For the fountain and soda

water were products of nineteenth-century American values.

It was "Yankee" ingenuity that altered the state and course

of a European tonic called soda water. Druggists added

flavored syrups, ice cream, and other ingredients, trans­

forming soda water into an assortment of tasty concoctions.

Druggists promoted their product with an eye-catching

fountain. It changed in size and style as the popularity

of soda water grew. From a simple metal apparatus to a

marble architectural structure, the fountain's form and

elaboration mirrored American aesthetics and values.

The fountain succeeded because it followed the

mandate that machinery (like fine art) should be beautiful

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and should incorporate symbolism. Early soda water dispens­ ers— the gooseneck, urn, and fire-plug— connoted water imag­

ery in a clever, self-promotional vein. Near the middle of

the century, when civil war threatened, patriotic emblems

adorned the popular box-style fountains. The turbulence of

Reconstruction brought fountains shaped like cottages, at a

time when the home symbolized harmony and peace. By the

century's end, public places had lavish architectural inter­

iors. Theater lobbies, train stations, and other gathering

sites were opulent and grand in scale. This trend towards

the beautification of collective spaces has been identified

by scholars of architectural history.45 The fountain in

the drug stores fit that mode. Wall fountains stretching

from ceiling to floor, and often the length of the store,

were inextricably part of the new grand interiors. As the

new century dawned, fountains were even more sumptuous.

Some were freestanding and domed; others had striking

geometric shapes. Whatever the form, the fountain was the

most attractive and expensive element in the drug store.

The drug store soda fountain also succeeded because

it met social needs. It welcomed a neglected clientele,

children and unescorted ladies. During temperance, the

fountain competed with the saloon for customers, offering a

wholesome atmosphere and special drinks to attract men and

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converts. This pleasant atmosphere, combined with

delicious soda-water concoctions and an imposing soda

dispenser, made the drug store fountain a site for social

intercourse. Friends and families gathered, as did

courting couples. The fountain symbolized good times.

What began as a small-scale venture to boost pharmacists'

profits, became a national passion. The drug store soda

fountain was a uniquely American watering hole.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NOTES

CHAPTER IV

^■John Talman, "Soda Song," Soda Fountain. April 1909, p. 40.

2"Some Soda Water Fountain Statistics," Pharmaceutical Era. 14 September 1899, p. 363; Hite Watson, "Why Should a Drug Store be a Loafer's Headquarters?" Pharmaceutical Era. 7 March 1895, p. 297; Serry Wood [pseud.], The Old Apothecary Shop (Watkins Glen, N.Y Century House, 1956), p. 24.

3Jeanne Watson, "The Cult of Domesticity," Nineteenth Century 7, no. 4 (Winter/Spring, 1982): 39.

4Letter from Edwin Kruse to Alice Dunbar-Nelson, 29 October 1907, University of Delaware Library, Dunbar Collection.

5"At the Soda Fountain," Pharmaceutical Era. 15 June 1896, p. 809.

6"Give a Whole Floor to It," Pharmaceutical Era. 2 July 1896, p. 26.

7"Why People Drink Soda," Pharmaceutical Era. 19 January 1905, p. 90., Also, the author has what is believed to be a late nineteenth-century personalized soda mug. Q ( , # "Dainty Girl Dispensers at Pharmacy Fountains," Soda Fountain. October 1906, p. 21. For other information on the dress and decorum of soda clerks see "Good Service at the Fountain, Pharmaceutical Era. 30 July 1896, p. 160; Emil Hiss, Standard Manual of Soda and Other Beverages (Chicago: G. P. Englehard & Company. 1897), p. 23; Julius Koepenick, "To Make a Soda Fountain Pay," Pharmaceutical Era. 27 December 1900, p. 705; "Girls as Soda Dispensers," Soda Fountain. January 1906, p. 15; Spatula Soda Water Guide. 3rd ed. (N.p.: Spatula Publishing Co., 1909), pp. 20-23; "Girls Serve Patrons at Tables," Soda Fountain. April 1907, p. 29.

110

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9"Modern Improvements Necessary," Pharmaceutical Era. 11 June 1896, p. 745. Also "Good Service at the Fountain," p. 160; "Waiters to Service Ice Cream Soda," Pharmaceutical Era. 16 July 1896, p. 93.

10"See to Your Soda Yourself," Pharmaceutical Era. 9 July 1896, p. 59; "Gives Them Plenty of Water," Pharmaceutical Era. 11 June 1896, pp. 745-46.

lluWaiters to Serve Ice Cream Soda," p. 93; "Good Service at the Fountain," p. 160.

12May Be a Soda-Water Senator," Soda Fountain. October 1908, p. 18.

13"Candidates Win Election with Candy," Soda Fountain. July 1909, p. 26.

14"Politicians as Fountain Patrons," Soda Fountain. May 1907, p. 23. V 15"Five-Cent Ice Cream Soda," Pharmaceutical Era. 16 July 1896, p. 92. Also "Fountain Pays for Itself Yearly," Pharmaceutical Era. 23 July 1896, p. 127.

16"Ten Billion Nickels a Year for Soda Water!" pp. 395.

17Ibid., pp. 393, 395.

1ft "Hot Drinks• in • Cincinnati," * • • Soda Fountain. • October 1906, p. 17.

19"Soda Fountain Business in St. Louis," Pharmaceutical Era. 1 June 1892, p. 372. Also on clerking as an important job see "Arts of the Mixer," Pharmaceutical Era. 4 June 1896, p. 715; A. F. Davidson, "Female vs. Male Dispensers," Soda Fountain. March 1909, pp. 25-26. Of) , , ^Davidson, "Female vs. Male Dispensers," p. 26; "Soda Fountain Business in St. Louis," p. 372.

21"'Liquid Dispenser* Scientific Soda Water School," Liquid Dispenser: A Practical. Scientific Soda Water Journal 2, no. 4 (1912). On training for clerks, see also Davidson, "Female vs. Male Dispensers," p. 26; "A Little Ice Cream is Enough," Pharmaceutical Era. 2 July 1896, p. 27; "A Popular Boston Fountain, Pharmaceutical Era. 20 August, 1896, p. 259.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1

112

22»Thoughts on the Artificial," Knickerbocker or the__New York Monthly Magazine. January 1848, p. 40. Also Frederick Stansbury, "Evolution of the Soda Water Industry in New York City," Pharmaceutical Era. 15 May 1892, pp. 329-30.

23Teresa Griffin Viele, Following the Drum; A Glimpse of Frontier Life (New York: Rudd & Carleton, 1858), p. 149. Also Owen Wister, "How Lin McLean Went East," Harper's New Monthly Magazine. December 1892, pp. 141-42; Margaret Axtell, Will Rogers Rode the Range (Phoenix: Beatitudes, 1972).

24Joseph Barker, "History of Boston's Soda Fountain Trade," Pharmaceutical Era. 1 May 1892, p. 291; "Soda-Water: What It Is and How It Is Made," Harper's Monthly. August 1872, p. 345.

25Stansbury, "Evolution of the Soda Water Industry," p. 330; "Some Soda Water Fountain Statistics," Pharmaceutical Era. 14 September 1899, p. 3 63. Also "At the World's Fair," Pharmaceutical Era. 1 September 1893, p. 231.

27"Theory and Practice: The Soda Fountain in South Africa," Pharmaceutical Era. 19 February 1903, p. 198.

28"Strange Sight for English Tourists," p. 93.

29"The Soda Fountain Trade in Great Britain," Soda Fountain. August 1907, p. 34.

30"Theory and Practice: The Soda Fountain in South Africa," p. 198; "Soda Fountain Trade in Great Britain," p. 34; "Soda Fountains in Europe," Soda Fountain. October 1908, p. 19.

31"Theory and Practice: The Soda Fountain in South Africa," p. 198.

32"Soda Fountain Trade in Great Britain," p. 34.

33"Australian Pastry Man Visits Soda Founts," Soda Fountain. November 1913, p. 19.

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34"Feared Soda Would Ruin German Brewers," Soda Fountain. July 1906, p. 21.

35,,Soda Fountain Trade in Great Britain," p. 34; "Soda Fountains in Europe," p. 18.

36"Soda Fountain Trade in Great Britain," p. 34; "Soda Fountains in Europe," p. 18. The fountain as an integral and accepted part of the drug store was uniquely American. See Kremmers and Urdangfs History of Pharmacy, revised by Glenn Sonnedecker (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1976), p. 308.

37"Soda Fountains in Europe," pp. 18-19; "Australian Pastry Man Visits Soda Founts," p. 19.

38,1 Australian Pastry Man Visits Soda Founts," p. 19.

O Q "Some Soda Water Fountain • Statistics," . . p. 363.

40"Australian Pastry Man Visits Soda Founts," p. 19. John Matthews Company (New York) manufactured a special line of fountains for export. See "At the World's Fair," p. 231; "Some Soda Water Fountain Statistics," p. 362.

41"Soda Fountain Trade in Great Britain," p. 34.

42"Soda Fountains in Europe," p. 18.

43"Australian Pastry Man Visits Soda Founts," p. 19.

44Ibid.

450n the use of collective spaces see Delores Hayden, The Grand Domestic Revolution: A History of Feminist Designs for American Homes. Neighborhoods and Cities (Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press, 1981).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. BIBLIOGRAPHY

Abrams, Richard. The Burden of Progress 1900-1929. Glenview, 111: Scott, Foresman, c. 1975.

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114

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 115

Calkins, Raymond. Substitutes for the Saloon. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1901.

"Candidates Win Election with Candy." Soda Fountain. July 1909, p. 26.

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Dickson, Paul. The Great American Ice Cream Book. New York: Atheneum, 1978.

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"Does Net Favor Mystic Names." Soda Fountain. September 1907, p. 25.

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"Drug Stores Must Not be Merely Saloons." Pharmaceutical Era. 21 February 1895; p. 249.

"The Evans System of Fountain Management." Pharmaceutical Era. 16 March 1905, pp. 338-39.

"Farewell to Maraschino Cherries." Soda Fountain. January 1912, p. 18.

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"Fountain Pays for Itself Yearly." Pharmaceutical Era. 23 July 1896, p. 127. "Fountain That is a Work of Art." Soda Fountain. May 1906, pp. 21-22.

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"Girls as Soda Dispensers." Soda Fountain. January 1906, p. 15.

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