Transformation of Ludruk Performances

IkwanHUM Setiawan ANIORA dan Sutarto - Transformation of Ludruk Performances

VOLUM E 26 No. 2 Juni 2014 Halaman 187-202

TRANSFORM ATION OF LUDRUK PERFORM ANCES: FROM POLITICAL INVOLVEM ENT AND STATE HEGEM ONY TO CREATIVE SURVIVAL STRATEGY

Ikwan Setiawan* Sutarto*

ABSTRAK Artikel ini membahas tansformasi pertunjukan ludruk, dari era Soekarno sampai Reformasi. Dalam mendiskusikan permasalahan tersebut, kami menerapkan perspektif cultural studies. Dari analisis kami, terdapat tiga temuan terkait transformasi wacana dalam cerita ludruk. Pertama, di era Soekarno, banyak grup ludruk bergabung dengan Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat (Lekra). Akibatnya, grup ludruk memanggungkan beberapa cerita provokatif yang memaparkan permasalahan rakyat jelata dan mengkritisi keyakinan Islam. Kedua, setelah tragedi berdarah 1965, aparat militer regional mengendalikan grup ludruk dan pertunjukan mereka, termasuk cerita-ceritanya. Pada era ini, cerita ludruk mendukung program pembangunan nasional rezim Orde Baru dan meningkatkan konsensus rakyat tentang pentingnya militerisme melalui beberapa cerita perlawanan rakyat terhadap penjajah. Ketiga, pada era Reformasi, beberapa grup ludruk menciptakan cerita-cerita baru yang menarik terkait permasalahan social dalam masyarakat kontemporer. Pada akhirnya, kami menyimpulkan bahwa moda transformasi melalui penciptaan cerita-cerita baru-berbasis- permasalahan social yang berkelindan dengan kondisi historis memiliki sejarah panjang dalam pertunjukan ludruk. Sebagai tambahan, dalam era periode Reformasi di mana kapitalisme pasar menjadi ideologi dan praktik dominan, cerita-cerita baru tersebut dan terobosan-terobosan dalam pemanggungan bisa menjadi strategi survival-kreatif yang sesuai bagi grup ludruk di tengah-tengah popularitas budaya-tekno sebagai selera dan orientasi dominan dalam masyarakat.

Kata Kunci: hegemoni, keterlibatan politik, pertunjukan ludruk, strategi kreatif-untuk-survive, transformasi

ABSTRACT This article discusses the transformation of ludruk performances, from Soekarno to Reformation era. In discussing the problem, we apply a cultural studies perspective. From our analysis, there are three findings related to the discursive transformation of ludruk stories. Firstly, in the era of Soekarno, many ludruk groups joined Lembaga Kebudayaan Rakyat (Lekra/Institute of People’s Culture), which had many ideological similarities with Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI/ Indonesian Communist Party). Consequently, ludruk groups performed some provocative stories that exposed the problems of lower-class people and criticized Islamic religious beliefs. Secondly, after the bloody 1965 tragedy, the regional military apparatuses controlled ludruk groups and their performances, including the stories. In this era, ludruk stories supported the New Order regime’s national development programs and raised people’s consensus on the significance of militarism

* Literature Department, Faculty of Letters, Universitas Jember

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through popular stories about people’s resistance to colonizers. Thirdly, in the Reformation era, some ludruk groups make newer, interesting stories about many complicated social problems in contemporary society. Finally, we conclude that this mode of transformation through creating newer, social problem-based stories that intertwine with historical conditions has deep historical roots in ludruk performances. In addition, during the Reformation period in which market capitalism becomes a dominant ideology and practice, such newer stories and breakthroughs of staging may become a suitable creative survival strategy for ludruk groups in the midst of techno-cultural popularity as the dominant taste and orientation in societies.

Keywords: creative survival strategy, hegemony, ludruk performances, political involvement, transformation INTRODUCTION (humorously-rhymed song): “pagupon omae doro/ melu Nippon tambah sengsara (pagupon is the In the 1930s, Gondo Durasim (Cak home of pigeons/following Nippon is more sorrow). Durasim) and his friends founded the first ludruk Because of this parikan, Japanese apparatuses organization in Surabaya, Ludruk Organisatie. In imprisoned Cak Durasim until his death (Susanto, these pre-independent revolution times, ludruk 2012). performance—a popular folk drama in Surabaya and some regions near it—became a medium to Based on the above cases, in its early disseminate critiques of the cruelties of the colonial popularity as folk performance art, ludruk artists regime. The common people deeply understood absorbed many social issues and problems in the social and economic injustices in society which society to critique the injustice of the ruling regimes were caused by colonial systems, which gave more through arek language (a Javanese dialect used beneficiaries for the colonizers. Such conditions in Surabaya and some regions near it that has no were a discursive arena from which Cak Durasim linguistic level based on social strata). Through and his friends created thematic narratives and kidungans, spectators understood humor easily, performed them on stage. Although they did not and through the realist narratives in arek, they negate the entertaining function of ludruk, they understood the social critiques and revolutionary always tried to represent people’s miseries in the messages of ludruk performances. In other words, performances—through kidungan (introductory it was not only the politico-intellectual leaders song using Javanese language), humor, and the such as Soekarno, Hatta, Dr. Sutomo, Tan Malaka, main stories—as endeavors to awaken spectators’ Sjahrir, etc., who took role in empowering people’s revolutionary spirits. Due to the critiques and consensual awareness on the importance of subversive offerings, the Dutch regime, before independence. Cak Durasim and his friends also 1940, banned ludruk performances and liquidated took an important and direct role to awaken the ludruk organizations as their curative policy in spirit of folk resistance against the colonial regimes blocking the wider spread of the revolutionary who exploited the natural and human resources of spirit. The arrival of Japanese colonizers in 1942 Indonesia. seemed to give a new opportunity for ludruk artists Indeed, there are some previous studies to exist, because this new regime re-legalized which focus on ludruk as their study. Peacock ludruk organizations and performances. However, (1968), for example, researched ludruk and its the Japanese regime used ludruk performances relation to socio-economic conditions and the as a medium of propaganda, particularly for dissemination of modern values, but his time focus disseminating the ideas of Great Eastern Asia had not yet reached the post-Soekarno period. to be under their control. Nevertheless, in a live With a different accentuation, Supriyanto (1992) performance, Cak Durasim criticized the Japanese paid attention to the history, stories, and aesthetic colonizers overtly through his popular parikan aspects in ludruk performances. He also stated

188 Ikwan Setiawan dan Sutarto - Transformation of Ludruk Performances the significance of resistant stories in colonial such conception, we find some problems to discuss settings as public learning, particularly to criticize as follows: (1) specific discourses in ludruk stories the repressive authority that brought misery to the from each period; (2) contextual conditions which lower class. Nevertheless, he did not criticize why influence the changing of discourses; (3) how the stories resisting against colonizers were very particular political power operates within ludruk popular in the New Order period. Samidi (2006) performances in each period; and, (4) the effects of discussed the relation between the spectators transformation for ludruk performances and groups. and the development of two kinds of traditional In reaching the goal of the study and answering theatre, namely ludruk and wayang wong (a drama the above questions, we apply cultural studies performing Mahabharata and Ramayana stories in perspectives, particularly Foucauldian discourse high Javanese language) in Surabaya from 1950- and Gramscian hegemony. For Foucault (1989), 1965. The attendance of spectators in performances a discourse is a group of statements related to is an important aspect, particularly in providing a singular formula of meaningful objects and a financial support for the members of the troupes. limited group of statements related to a similar Consequently, the troupes should make their fans discursive formation. As a regime of truth, feel happy and at the same time obey the local discourse will engender knowledge and construct government’s regulations. Those previous research various discursive subjects that also produce power studies, at least, indicate an absence of academic operations and relations in particular historical investigation of ludruk from a critical standpoint, settings. Discourse is not simply that which which focuses on the operation of power through translates struggles or systems of domination, performances and its relation to the wider political but it is the thing for which and by which there and cultural milieu. is struggle; it is the power which is to be seized This article discusses the transformation of (Foucault, 1981:53). Further, the power operation ludruk performances in post-colonial times, from is circulating; not top-down, not repressive, the period of Soekarno’s regime to the period of the and coming from unlimited points (Foucault, Reformation regime, and its relation to historical 1998:94-95). The concept of discourse and power/ context, namely socio-economic conditions and knowledge has a close relationship with hegemony, politico-ideological formations. We have a different particularly in the term of power operation and framework from Subiyantoro (2010) who conceives relation through cultural and moral knowledge. of transformation as the changing of surface Hegemony is a mode of power that emphasizes structure, not the deep structure, without taking into intellectual, cultural, and moral leadership in which account its complicated process. Transformation, the ruling class articulates common interests, both for us, points out the changes of discourses in the economically and ideologically, to create a popular stories and elements of performances as a way to consensus and historical bloc that support the appropriate cultural trends, such as the model of regime’s authority (Gramsci, 2006; Boggs, 1984; staging and the addition of an interactive musical Howson & Smith, 2008; Joseph, 2002). However, show, although the performing structure does not hegemonic power is never stable and always needs change. Modifying Aschroft’s perspective (2002; newer negotiations because in its operation, there 2001), we consider transformation as an intentional can be resistance from other social classes when appropriation of new discourses and practices they lack advantages and the dominant class begins conducted by local actors—in this case, ludruk practicing coercive power. artists—as the strategic and flexible breakthrough in Those two approaches are useful not only in the midst of economic, cultural, and socio-political analyzing data, but they also act as a framework changes, although in particular cases, this will make for finding and collecting data through qualitative them engaged within the dominant ideology. By research, which combines field and library/

189 Humaniora, Vol. 26, No. 2 Juni 2014: 187-202 documentary research. To collect the primary data ludruk organizations in East Java as their venue related to the problems, we conducted field research to awaken people’s critical consciousness in the in Mojokerto regency, a place where some famous cultural domain and to disseminate communist ludruk groups with their artists still exist and gain ideology. After the bloody 1965 tragedy, the popularity in the midst of cultural changes today. militaristic regimes took over many ludruk In collecting data, we applied in-depth interview organizations and controlled their performances, to explore information from a leader of a ludruk particularly the stories, with the endeavor to group, while participatory observations were prevent the return of people-oriented themes as useful for knowing the real condition of ludruk the characteristic of communist ideology. Based performances, including the public perception on the historical context of these two periods, in recent times. In library research, we read and we will explore the characteristics of social analyzed some important secondary data from critique discourses in ludruk performances and previous books, journal articles, newspapers, and their relations to particular power operations in online media. each period. In the more recent Reformation In analyzing process, a Foucauldian period, ludruk organizations are free from the perspective provides important concepts state regime’s control, both in their managerial and operational framework to criticize the and performance activities. In this period, it transformation of particular discourses mobilized is interesting to discuss the transformation of in the ludruk performances in each period and ludruk stories and survival strategy conducted its historical context, including political, social, by ludruk groups in the midst of the popularity of and economic conditions. Gramscian perspective technological-based cultural industries. It is possible gives us a significant viewpoint in understanding for ludruk artists to create newer stories that address the relations between ludruk stories and particular the contemporary socio-cultural, economic, and power operations in each period. By using these two political problems in society. perspectives, we analyze the data based on the goal of this study, namely analyzing the transformation SOCIAL CRITIQUE UNDER COM M UNIST of post-colonial ludruk stories and its relation DOCTRINES to historical conditions and politico-ideological interests. Since there have been different historical After independence in 1945, in the midst of the conditions in the Reformation period, particularly national spirit to solve many social and economic in the rapid growth of technological-based, cultural problems, the Indonesian political atmosphere industries as the dominant color of cultural milieu was colored by the contestation of many parties driven by neoliberal expansion, we will analyze with their particular ideologies—traditionalist and the characteristics of the recent ludruk stories and modernist Islam, nationalist-secular, socialist, and the creative survival strategy conducted by ludruk communist. Each party tried to mobilize popular artists and groups. It is very possible for them to issues such as poverty, education, nationalism, create contemporary, social problem-based stories and progress of life for the sake of their political to attract their viewers. Through this strategy, at interests and goals, particularly in captivating once they may handle economic problems and people’s sympathy and voices as the first step to negotiate ideal conceptions of contemporary take a role in state governance. The cultural domain problems to the viewers. was one of the important keys which could support We will analyze, firstly, the emergence of their attempts in reaching their goals. Consequently, social critique discourses in ludruk performance each party founded cultural institutions as their under the Soekarno period. In this period, Lekra (semi) autonomic organizations, which could play (Institute of People’s Culture) incorporated many important roles in both entertaining and raising

190 Ikwan Setiawan dan Sutarto - Transformation of Ludruk Performances people’s awareness and endorsement for parties. the proletariat’s misery through social stories. PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia/Indonesia Therefore, for PKI, such cultural conditions gave Communist Party) was a party that was very political advantage because the public sympathy actively in mobilizing the masses based on crucial was enhanced. However, they also adopted some issues such as poverty and land reform. In the national issues such as the regional military cultural domain, PKI always articulated the rebellion in Sumatra and Sulawesi. Discursively, importance of people’s cultural development as one the commitment to national issues was in line with strategic way to build a strong national identity. At PKI’s policy in supporting Soekarno’s programs, its implementation, some of PKI’s leaders such as particularly in taking military action for handling Njoto and D.N Aidit contributed to the founding of regional subversions. In other words, in its relation Lekra as a cultural institution, which emphasized to the state’s policies, Lekra-affiliated groups had empowering folk art and artists in their programs. contextual discursive positions based on their Immediately, Lekra gained popularity among ideological interests. folk artists in Indonesia because of its promise Besides these two themes, ludruk artists for developing folk art. In East Java, many ludruk created sensitive stories on religious affairs. artists from various groups in Surabaya, Mojokerto, By these three dominant thematic stories, the Malang, Jombang, and other regencies joined performances of Lekra-affiliated ludruk groups this institution. This reality could not be separated gained popularity in public cultural spheres, from the commitment of ludruk artists to the although in many cases, their performance often revolutionary movement and the daily problems triggered controversial responses, particularly from of the lower class, which in many cases, matched oppositional ideological factions. Some provocative Lekra’s constitution and programs. stories were performed about religiously sensitive As a consequence of this process of themes correlating with acute social problems. For example, ludruk artists reinterpreted sacral involvement, many ludruk organizations in East discourses in Islamic teaching, such as Allah as the Java were much influenced by Lekra’s politico- One, in a secular way. ideological interests, not only in the way they managed and mobilized their members, but also In Jombang, a basis region of NU mass, in the narratives that were performed on stage. Lekra performed a story entitled Gusti Allah Ngunduh Mantu (God Gets a Child-in-Law). Following the guidance of Lekra, particularly in In this story, performed by the most famous creating narratives in the sense of socialist realism, group in Jombang, Arum Dalu, Allah, the ludruk artists began doing participatory observation One for Muslims, was perceived as having a into the people’s daily problems in order to find child. There was also a story entitled Kawine interesting themes, which might raise popular Malaikat Jibril (The Marriage of Gabriel)… sympathy. Eko Edy Susanto (hereafter Susanto), the During 1965, ludruk groups…in East Java were braver and more critical. The provocative leader of Ludruk Karya Budaya, Mojokerto, says: stories, such as Gusti Allah Dadi Manten (God “Ludruk performances became the proletariats’ Gets Married) and Malaikat Kimpoi (Angels idol because they presented stories carrying Have Sex), were often performed in some social critique towards “not-pro-public” regions, which became the basis of art groups governmental policies. Through the stories, under the guidance of Lekra. The people of the people were satisfied because they felt East Java, who have been more expressive… their daily problems being represented in their cultures, performed ludruk with a imaginatively.” (Interview, 12 November story Malaikat Kipo. The word “kipo” means 2013) “pipe” which functioned as a channel. This story addressed the rebellion of people against Ludruk artists who were affiliated with landowners under the land-reform program. Lekra found a precise formula for incorporating The kyai (Islamic religious teacher) was a

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symbol of the noble, upper class (priyayi) POPULARITY OF RESISTANT STORIES IN THE that owned larger lands. Angels became the NEW ORDER ERA defender of the lower class people to gain their land rights. (“Gusti Allah Pun Ngunduh As a way to cleanse communist ideological th Mantu”, Tempo, 30 September 2013.p.98-99, traces in cultural spheres, both in cities and villages, our translation) the New Order regime banned ludruk groups and The more controversial story, of course, was their performances for several years in East Java Matinya Gusti Allah (the Death of God) that made because of their involvement in Lekra. Many ludruk many Muslims in East Java angry. Although there artists who were safe from the mass killing stopped was no precise data about it, for many Muslims, their stage activities and experienced deep trauma. Matinya Gusti Allah was active propaganda from However, this new regime knew the potential PKI which provoked their religious beliefs about contribution of folk art in disseminating ideological the might of God. Indeed all the controversial discourses. As a residual culture, following stories performed by the ludruk groups under Williams’ terminology (2006), ludruk still had a communist doctrines were the creative and critical public aura because of its historical roots, which reactions toward acute social problems in society could make peasants come to the performance. were still entrapped by feudal and strict religious Hence, the regional New Order regime incorporated discourses and practices. For Lekra, the future ludruk into their cultural policies. However, conditions might make lower class people live according to Kartolo, a famous and senior ludruk miserably and never find a progressive way in artist in Surabaya, for clearing away the rest of the reaching economic welfare because the people communist ideological traces, the regime apparatus always followed the kyai’s religious words without required the artists who wanted to join new ludruk having a comprehensive understanding about life. groups to undergo a “self-purification ritual”. One We read the boldness of ludruk groups to of the common forms was signing a declaration perform the religiously sensitive stories as a creative letter of non-partisanship (Tempo, ibid). breakthrough which had an ideological goal, The military apparatuses in East Java firstly, to teach the masses to have secular thinking, merged many artists of some popular groups in particularly for disengaging earthly complicated the Soekarno period into new groups under their processes such as economic and political activities control. from heavenly ideals as taught by religious teachers Table 1 in village areas. To empower people’s culture as New Ludruk Groups Founded and Guided the main source of national culture which could by Military Apparatuses in East Java in the 1970s strengthen revolutionary ideology in the midst of the proletariat mass, it was important at those New Group Previous Group City times to “fertilize” common awareness on the Wijaya Kusuma Marhaen Surabaya crucial necessity of radical thinking towards feudal- Unit I religious dogma and power. Secondly, such early Wijaya Kusuma Tresna Enggal Surabaya mental indoctrination of the proletariats through Unit IV ludruk performances could be a starting point for Wijaya Kusuma Anoraga Malang preparing massive political actions under the control Unit II of communist forces. In other words, the ideological Wijaya Kusuma Uril A Malang involvement of ludruk groups and performances Unit III in East Java gave a cultural benefit for PKI, Source: Susanto, interview, 12 November 2013. particularly in empowering their proletarian base in villages as a strategy for winning the political vote Besides those mergers, in some regencies, nationally. the military apparatuses also founded some new

192 Ikwan Setiawan dan Sutarto - Transformation of Ludruk Performances groups by undertaking many leading artists in the political messages through kidungans and parikans. previous period (Ishommudin, 2013). In Jombang, Resistant stories in colonial settings were one of the apparatuses founded Ludruk Putra Bhirawa and the characteristics of ludruk performances. The Bintang Jaya. In Madiun, the air force apparatuses resistance against the Dutch colonizers—using in Madiun founded Ludruk Trisula Dharma. The a local term called kompeni—in the New Order usage of Javanese and Sanskrit names, which were period indicated the mobilization of anti-colonial commonly used in military institutions, indicates nationalism through ludruk performances. For us, at once the discursive control of the state regime what is interesting to discuss is the appearance of towards popular folk culture and the positioning civil folk heroes in the resistant stories that play of the artists as the “messengers of new national dominant roles in the rebellion against kompeni. consciousness” under the New Order authority. For example, in a story entitled Sogol Despite whether they liked or disliked the Pendekar Sumur Gemuling (Sogol the Warrior perceptions, ludruk artists had to follow the new of Gemuling Well), the main character, Sogol, rules if they still wanted to continue their creativity individually conducts “Robin Hood” actions by and receive some economic benefits from cultural robbing the wealthy families—both from the Dutch activities. and the native people—and giving the robbed One of the implications of such control was materials to the poor families in his village. The that ludruk artists, either for commercial events in colonial exploitation increased the poverty of the the houses of rich families in villages or in state- villagers because they had to give their harvest to sponsored performances, should present dominant kompeni via the village’s apparatuses. Driven by his cultural discourses idealized by the state regime. anger to see such injustice and poverty experienced Fertilizing nationalism in the midst of modern by the poor natives, Sogol decides to carry out the development programs in all aspects of society robberies, though such actions make him a public was one of the discourses. Nationalism in the hand enemy, not only in the eyes of kompeni, but also of the New Order regime became an important in the eyes of the rich natives. How can Sogol have ideological discourse, which was mobilized through such bravery? He has a supernatural power which educational institutions from elementary school to makes him safe from injury or death by gunshot. higher education levels, indoctrination activities for Indeed, at the end of the story, kompeni can kill common citizens and public servants, televisions Sogol after his mother is arrested, but the resistant programs, newspapers, and films. Interestingly, spirit against the colonizers becomes the dominant the state apparatuses tended to expose anti-colonial discourse told to the ludruk spectators. Interestingly, nationalism, which always conceived of colonizers there were some similar popular stories which also (particularly Dutch colonizers), as the common included resistant discourse, such as Sarip Tambak enemy of the nation since their authority in the past Oso, Sawunggaling, Pak Sakerah, Joko Sembung, resulted in national misery, in economic, political, etc. and cultural aspects. Such misery became a rational The question, then, is why ludruk artists in this argument for raising national sentiment and creating period performed resistant stories. There are some binary oppositions between Indonesian people reasonable answers for the question considering and the Dutch, although administratively they had historical contexts of the rebirth of ludruk during independence since 1945. the New Order in Indonesia. The control of military Because ludruk groups had revised their apparatuses toward ludruk groups and artists ideological and creative orientations—beginning in 1970s was not merely in the administrative in 1970s—the artists had to follow military and political sense, but also in the meaning of directions in conducting their performances, production. As the ruling class in the formation of including the kind of preferred stories and other the state regime, the military apparatuses might

193 Humaniora, Vol. 26, No. 2 Juni 2014: 187-202 have also managed and commanded the ludruk namely ‘pembangunan nasional’ (national artists to disseminate particular discourses. The development). Under such conditions, ludruk resistant stories against kompeni were chosen artists could not gain independent voices because, because, though they did not carry the military administratively and ideologically, they were struggles as represented in many film narratives, controlled by the regime. In this subordinate they represented and mobilized the issues of position, what they could do was follow the colonial revolution which emphasized physical preferable discursive tendencies, exposing and fighting as conducted by the military troops in the mobilizing the importance of moral and cultural past. In other words, although the civil folk heroes teachings, which supported the establishment of played a dominant role in the stories, the discourse hegemonic power. implemented in them was militarism. This Although all ludruk artists in East Java ought discourse was very significant for the state regime to have obeyed what the regime wanted, they could because they wanted to negotiate their authority. also negotiate their importance, particularly in the Hence, the negotiation of militarism became a context of preserving the existence of ludruk as folk consensual base that might engender the people’s art in the midst of a modern cultural atmosphere. agreement toward the operations of the regime. By getting permission from military apparatuses, The further consequence of the state’s control although without the freedom of expression, they was a lessening of critiques of injustice in the could continue their creative activities, entertain societies through ludruk performances. Susanto the spectators, and gain some economic benefits. stated: At least they might have an ideal dream that this “Ludruk in the New Order period was indeed folk art could compete with the massive popularity becoming ‘the loudspeaker’ of the government. of cultural industries, such as television programs, Ludruk performances articulated the regime’s films, and music products, although it was too hard propaganda, particularly the promotion of to have a similar position and achievement since the government’s programs, such as family the regime gave industrial creators and capitalist planning (KB), the five-year development plant, etc. Such conditions caused the peoples’ producers more opportunity to develop their enthusiasm toward ludruk to decrease. They commercial cultural products. Further, ludruk artists felt ludruk performances did not articulate also might have dreamt that one day the regime social problems and emphasize the voices would give them a little chance to develop and of proletariats. There were not the sharp empower ludruk performances. critiques to the government policies and programs. Everything related to the regime was In the 1980s, that dream came into reality articulated in good manners. The humor scenes when the military apparatuses pulled back and kidungans had no more critical sense and their administrative position in controlling merely seemed to become the formal speeches ludruk performances. As for the implications of of the information agency.” (Interview, 12 such policy, some ludruk groups in Surabaya, November 2013) Mojokerto, Jombang, and Malang were allowed Indeed the popularity of ludruk as a folk to create strategy, both in managerial skills and art, which brought critical voices on the stage, discursive patterns, although it did not mean they changed into the state’s important cultural medium reached totally freedom in representing the crucial to disseminate their policies and programs. This problems in society. In a managerial and creative discursive intervention aimed to extend the sense, some famous ludruk artists from Surabaya, political acceptance among people and support Mojokerto, and Malang began to find a newer the superiority of the new regime with promising strategy of performance to enlarge their spectators authority, particularly in deserving economic into villages when pop cultural products were welfare through various modern breakthroughs dominant in cities such as Surabaya. Gedongan, a

194 Ikwan Setiawan dan Sutarto - Transformation of Ludruk Performances model of performance in the Soekarno era in which their financal capital in the name of progress. a ludruk group performed in city public places in The regime also allowed foreign pop culture, temporal times (commonly in a week or a month) particularly from the USA and European countries, by selling tickets to its spectators as well as theatre which were banned in Soekarno era through models (Samidi, 2006), was not suitable anymore import mechanisms. Unavoidably, the ideological because the city people preferred to view films. consequence of the policies was the growth of Considering such unfortunate conditions, some capitalism as the dominant determinant in all ludruk groups from Surabaya (Baru Budi, Susana, aspects of life for Indonesian people, from cities and RRI), Mojokerto (Karya Budaya), and Jombang to the villages (Faruk, 1995). A further implication (Kartika Jaya) began finding breakthroughs to was the wide spread of individualism, which widen their targeted spectators by bringing their emphasized individual freedom in the midst of performances into village areas. They formulated societies. For the state apparatuses, this freedom, tobongan, a model of performance for two or three particularly in thoughts and cultural expressions, months in villages’ squares that were encircled by might raise critiques of the government that would using gedhek (walls made from bamboo) and the disturb their power. Hence, the discursive practices spectators should buy one night ticket. of communalism, morality, and anti-colonial In tobongan, the resistant stories were still nationalism via residual but still popular arts, such very popular and developmental discourses were as ludruk, were preventive strategies to block “the still becoming dominant elements. Indeed, the blossoming” of a resistant spirit. In other words, stories told and taught the spectators about the the state regime used traditional cultures, in this primacy of resisting colonial authority as the case, ludruk performances that were renewed and base of fertilizing nationalism. Furthermore, reinvested with politico-ideological discourses the mobilization of binary oppositions between through resistant stories, as their endeavor, to the heroes and the enemies, in this case namely prevent the rising dissatisfaction, critiques, and colonizers, might internalize and indoctrinate the resistance which were naturalized as national importance of taking a strict position under the label threats, and also to secure the consensual base of of national belonging. By this politico-aesthetical their hegemonic authority. construction, people would always be aware of the Indeed ludruk directors began creating stories dangerous and negative effects of western cultural about love and daily social problems, but the values as symbolized by the Dutch colonizers. The solution of all conflicts always had moralistic question then is why the New Order regime via conclusions or harmony among the characters. We ludruk artists and performances needed such anti- can find the similar resolutions in Indonesian film colonial nationalism, while in the previous period narratives in the 1980s, in which the higher tense many thinkers and creative persons had fertilized of conflicts between individuals with their families a dynamic concept of nationalism, which enabled or societies were resolved by their return into the them to “import” various ideological discourses warmth of families as the metaphor of integration as its foundation. For us, it is crucial to understand (Khrisna Sen, 2010). However, despite such the national development programs as a historical morality and integrative discourses, love stories can context of the cultural process, which particularly be read as an aesthetic tactic, both for appropriating involved folk arts. modernity as the dominant culture and negotiating One typical characteristic of national the existence of ludruk as one of the residual folk development programs was the industrial revolution arts in the midst of cultural changes as a direct in big cities such as Jakarta and Surabaya in which impact of the rapid growth of popular culture. At the regime invited as many people as possible least, to a minimum degree, ludruk artists still could to the foreign and national investors to invest position themselves and their traditional-based

195 Humaniora, Vol. 26, No. 2 Juni 2014: 187-202 creativities with a modern orientation in cultural villagers went to tobongan. Such conditions made contestation. ludruk groups lose their spectators and, of course, Table 2 their income. Finally, many of them collapsed and Number of Ludruk Groups in East Java during stopped performing. The radical diminution of the New Order Period ludruk groups in 1994 was the direct consequence Year Number of Ludruk Group of accessible private televisions in village regions. The villagers preferred watching various and 1984 789 colorful programs on private televisions, such as 1985-1986 771 sinetron (sinema elektronik, soap operas), popular 1986-1987 621 music, and sports on RCTI, SCTV, Indosiar, 1987-1988 525 and ANTV. Furthermore, the popularity of layar 1994 14 tancap—a local term for open-air movies—also Source: “Kesenian Ludruk”, http://x7smaneta.blogspot. contributed to the disappearance of tobongan from com/2012/05/kesenian-ludruk.html. Retrieved on 1 the village cultural sphere. Since this period, ludruk October 2013. groups have performed in teropan, a model of Despite the hegemony of the state regime, performance in which particular groups perform the number of ludruk groups in East Java in the in a terop—a temporal stage—to serve rich New Order period started decreasing. The boom villagers’ family rituals or in villages’ communal of ludruk in the early 1980s indicated a euphoric rituals. In this new mode of performance, the response of the New Order regime’s cultural resistant and daily problem-based stories were still policy, which allowed ludruk artists to have popular, showing that the New Order’s ideological performances, both in cities and villages. The discourses still operated, although gradually it popularity of tobongan that was influenced by began losing its dominant and effective power the increase of ludruk groups was in line with the when national economic crisis occurred in 1997 and economic progress of villagers as the result of the various complicated problems emerged. green revolution and modern farming system, from which they received greater financial income. CREATIVE SURVIVAL STRATEGY IN THE ERA Besides that, access to modern entertainment was OF M ARKET CULTURE very limited for the villagers. However, the rapid The booming of the cheap Chinese VCD advance of popular culture made the number of players in the 2000s quickened the radical ludruk groups decrease gradually from 1985-1988. cultural change in villages. The shorter time In the context of villages, many rich families who duration of entertainment programs, the variation received financial advantages from successful of programs, and the colorful techno-cultural harvests bought “black and white televisions” to products contributed to the marginalization of view popular programs in TVRI (Television of some folk arts in East Java, including ludruk. Republic Indonesia), such as metropolitan industrial Besides that, the lack of attention of regional state music (‘Selecta Pop’, ‘Aneka Ria Safari’, ‘Kamera regimes to their cultural policies also contributed Ria’, and ‘Album Minggu Ini’) and films (‘Film to the death of many folk art groups in Mojokerto, Cerita Akhir Pekan’). Gradually, the villagers began Jombang, Surabaya, and Malang (Susanto, consuming pop culture and were less interested in interview, 12 November 2013). In Surabaya, a traditional performing arts, such as ludruk, although city where Cak Durasim popularized ludruk as they did not abandon them completely (Setiawan, a medium for revolution, the state apparatuses 2012). negate the historical traces of ludruk and give it In the early 1990s, the number of ludruk no attention (Kompas, 4 June 2002). Of course, groups decreased radically, because only a few the absence of the state regime in developing folk

196 Ikwan Setiawan dan Sutarto - Transformation of Ludruk Performances arts, including ludruk, shows their inconsistency Sixthly, the lack of intellectual figures in ludruk in positioning national cultural assets, which are groups who can handle managerial business and said to bear sublime moral values as national create innovative breakthroughs relating to stories identity. Ironically, the state regime also issues and stage management, may cause ludruk seems cultural national policies, namely “creative conventional and uninteresting to watch, especially industries” and performing arts, to become one for younger generations. of the important sectors in the policy. Indeed, in As a creative survival strategy in facing and an ideal concept, creative industries will generate solving the above problems, some ludruk groups a creative economy, which may give economic are finding some breakthroughs, both in production benefits, both for their actors and the state. But, management and stories. Consequently, these they require constructive programs, particularly groups can still survive and get many performance preliminary research to find suitable models based jobs, both from rich villagers and cultural on the cultural and creative human resources, and institutions. According to Hengky Kusuma’s notes, the state’s initiatives which will drive social actors, there are five top ludruk groups in East Java based intellectuals, capitalists, and creative communities on their performance intensity, namely (1) Ludruk to succeed in a creative industry policy that will Karya Budaya Mojokerto; (2) Ludruk Budhi Wijaya produce welfare for all (Primorac, 2005; Miles Mojokerto; (3) Ludruk Mustika Jaya Jombang; (4) and Green, 2008). Unfortunately, in Indonesia, the Ludruk Karya Baru Mojokerto; and (5) Ludruk government—central and regional—still does not Putra Wijaya Jombang (“Kidung Cinta Ludruk have definitive programs to improve folk art-based, Kota”, http://dongengdalam.blogspot.com/2008/02/ creative industries. kidung-cinta-ludruk-kota.html, retrieved on October However, there are some internal factors 5, 2013). The five groups are very popular because that make ludruk group numbers decrease in the of the ability and capacity of their managers in Reformation period. Firstly, ludruk performances formulating organizational management based on fail to fulfill economic necessity, so many artists modern knowledge and because of their creative leave this folk art (Musyawir, 2013). Secondly, directors in creating new or up-to-date stories and there are many groups that have no fixed members, staging innovations. Because of their creative which forces them to hire amateur artists with capacity, those groups receive 6,000,000 rupiah to lower capacity when they are invited to perform. 7,000,000 rupiah for a terop performance. According to Hengky Kusuma, a researcher, these In the context of managerial and staging “name-board ludruk” can only survive in short breakthroughs, according to Susanto, Ludruk Karya periods of time and will disappear sooner because Budaya has applied some innovative methods as there is no commitment from their members (Radar a serious attempt to compete in the market era Mojokerto, 31st December 2010). Thirdly, the today (interview, 12 November 2013). The first narrative structure of ludruk performance with its method is in revitalizing the classic mechanism long duration seems too traditional compared to of regeneration, namely nyebeng, sepelan, and modern popular arts. Fourthly, the slow ludruk artist tedean. Nyebeng is the observation conducted by regeneration causes difficulties in finding new and younger artists when their seniors are performing young talents, so the viewers are not too interested on stage. Sepelan is an agreement to speak or to to come to ludruk performances which are played act between the younger and the senior artists by older artists around 50-70 years old. The when they are playing in the same scene. Tedean is traditional management in ludruk groups makes mandatory for the younger artists to ask for advice their leaders/managers take serious consideration and critiques from the senior artists about the action when they want to substitute an older artist with a in particular scenes that they have done or will do. younger one (Surabaya Post, 20th September 2008). Through this revitalization, ludruk groups may find

197 Humaniora, Vol. 26, No. 2 Juni 2014: 187-202 a suitable solution for regeneration problems. The lighting technology and sound system give us second method, which is contradictory to the classic a different situation, because we seem to be methods, is hosting acting and staging workshops entering into a traditional performance with modern taste. A full-color stage also gives us that can enrich the creative skills of the artists. enjoyment in watching the story. Indeed, in Through workshops, they can create new dances, the middle phase of the story, many children techniques of acting, and techniques of directing, and teenagers leave the performance, but there etc. The improved skills gained through workshops, are about two hundred spectators who enjoy at least, will make ludruk performances better and the story until the end at dawn.” (Interview, 28 more creative, so it will encourage more viewers November 2013) to attend performances. The third method relates The using of the recent lighting technology to the second method, which is recruiting creative and sound system creates an incredible combination people who can give more knowledge on the world between folk art and modern technology. It of staging, from sound systems, lightening systems, indicates that the spectators today are very and other aesthetic elements. The fourth method accustomed to modern technology since they is improving ludruk management by combining watch television programs and listen to music on traditional and modern systems, so the ludruk VCDs, so when a stage manager uses them in the artists can experience the impressive communal performance, they are very excited. The aesthetic atmosphere during the performances and can find capacity of Karya Budaya’s artists as a result of maximum beneficiaries, especially for financial internal workshops also contribute to the spectators’ income, through better managerial mechanisms. interest in this group because there are creative The members of Karya Budaya, for example, techniques of dancing and acting that make the always get two kinds of annual bonuses, before performance interactive. Idul Fitri (the Moslems’ greatest holiday) and at Nevertheless, the creation of newer stories the end of the year because their manager always relating to contemporary social problems also takes saves a part of their honors in each performance. an important role as a survival strategy because Each member will receive 1,500,000-2,000,000 ludruk’s top competitors are sinetron (Indonesian rupiah. This can happen because through creative soap opera on private television) and films, which and innovative breakthroughs, Karya Budaya can have more interesting and complicated stories receive 150 job invitations in a year, a high quantity based on real problems. Historically, ludruk has for folk art. been tied in relationships between social conditions Based on our participatory observation and historical contexts as we have discussed in during Karya Budaya’s performance in a village the previous subchapters. This means that it is in Mojokerto, we conclude that the above not difficult for ludruk directors or scriptwriters breakthroughs give marvelous effects on the to compose newer stories based on people’s popularity of this group. Indeed, there is no daily problems, although most of them are more change in the structure of the performance— interested, driven by their pragmatic thinking and chronologically starting from kidungans, remo traces of popularity of colonial stories in public (a welcoming dance), Javanese musical show, memory, to perform Sarip Tambakoso, Pak lawakan (humor), and story. Karyo, one of the Sakera, Joko Sambang, and other resistant stories. spectators out of hundreds that night, comments on In a critical sense, the creation of newer stories is the performance as follows: important to gradually clear the hegemonic effects “In Mojokerto, you will find similar conditions. of militarism and to regain a closer relationship of Hundreds of spectators come when Karya ludruk with their viewers who commonly came Budaya performs. This group is outstanding. Each artist has great quality, both in remo from the lower classes and villages. and in acting as a character in a story. The In this Reformation era, people experience

198 Ikwan Setiawan dan Sutarto - Transformation of Ludruk Performances many various social, economic, political, quieter than before. Three years ago, she often environmental, and cultural problems. All of them sent money from her wages as a housekeeper can be an imaginative and creative basis for ludruk in Mr. Brojo Utoyo’s family. It did not taking a long time. Her father realized what was artists and directors that can be transferred into happening; she was pregnant. Before her kidungan, humor, stories, and other staging actions. home coming, her two male friends, Supali Although they cannot give a practical solution for and Trubus forced Mr. Brojo to acknowledge the problems, the articulation of them may make the infant as his child. However, a promise is the spectators feel like they are being accurately only promise. Until her child became a young represented in ludruk performances. Paring Waluyo boy, Mr. Brojo never acknowledged him. What was a suitable name for this kind of inhuman and Happy Budhi (2007) argue that by recognizing employer? ... The artists together shouted and understanding the viewers’ daily habits and “Juragan Dhemit”. (Kompas, 18 March 2006) problems, ludruk artists can create stories, humor, According to Kompas’ notes, the story and kidungans that intertwine with values and received incredible appreciation from the viewers events that are understandable and memorable. in Malang. Moreover, the lower and middle Some ludruk groups have actually begun creating class spectators seemed to find their subjectivity contemporary social problem- based stories in their in the story. That reality shows that the viewers performances to attract viewers. Karya Budaya, may become appreciative of the story, which is for example, in some occasions, has performed very close to their daily problems. This means Juragan Dhemit (The Devil Employer) and that the class conflict-based stories can be an Warisan Mak Yah (The Heritage of Mak Yah), two expressive explosion that may awaken the viewers’ stories that depict the complicated, real problems in consciousness, although it cannot help them solve our societies. their complicated problems. What is interesting The first story focuses on the misery of from this story is that its narrative gives a newer Saodah, a female housekeeper, who is raped accentuation of class-conflict in which the dominant and impregnated by her employer. However, the figure does not experience a tragic ending because employer does not acknowledge his child. The of his cruel actions. However, the shout, “Juragan story actually represents the struggle and the dread Dhemit”, at the end of the story offers the spectators of many lower-class women who want to reach a memorable discourse and gives a critical warning economic welfare by working as housekeepers in that in our own societies, there are still “colonizers” Indonesia or abroad. which need to be resisted. “Juragan Dhemit is a social story which The second story, Warisan Mak Yah, commonly happens in our society today. negotiates the anti-thesis of the stereotypical Many young women arrive in big cities and go abroad as housekeepers. Indeed, they can viewpoint on prostitution, which positions female improve their familial economic condition prostitutes as “social rubbish”. Susanto explained: by doing this. However, we often hear and “Mak Yah was a daughter of a Dutch navy read many tragic stories experienced by them. officer and a whore from Kupang, Surabaya. Therefore, we create the story through which Her father went back to the Netherlands we criticize social problems and remind and her mother died when she was young. common people, particularly women, who Her mother’s friends, who also worked as want to go to big cities and abroad.” (Susanto, prostitutes, called the child Mak Yah. Living interview, 12 November 2013) in the midst of prostitution made Mak Yah Kompas (18th March 2006) describes the story follow the profession of her adopted mothers, and she became a prostitute. Because of her as follows: mixed Javanese-Dutch blood, her face and Saodah came back to the kampong with a body were more interesting than other whores’ strange appearance. Her parents found Saodah were. She became an idol for male costumers.

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When she got old, Mak Yah lived alone in a person.” Similarly, in the context of class struggle, silent kampong. Nevertheless, she still worked we can find a critical aesthetic assessment, which hard, although some serious diseases infected reminds the spectators about the dangers of human her body. She also became a victim of negative social stigma in her community. There was exploitation by the same citizens from the upper nobody who might visit her and give her their class. In other words, although in the Reformation sympathy. However, before she died, she period, the slogan of equality in human rights and wrote in her will by the local apparatuses that democracy echoes every moment, both in television they might sell her house and land. Then, they programs and academic forums, the problems of should use half of the money for renovating the ordinary colonization conducted by the dominant broken kindergarten building. Moreover, the other half was for buying ‘a carrier for her dead class is still happening. body.’” (Interview, 12 November 2004) Despite the above ideal critical functions, once again, the intertwining between narratives This story clearly criticizes the stereotype and contextual conditions may become a suitable and stigmatic public opinion on prostitution strategy in re-popularizing ludruk in the midst of without considering seriously its historical roots. techno-cultural expansion. Indeed this strategy As a culmination of the critique, the story offers a entails the popularity of sinetron and films as the different perspective in which Mak Yah makes products of huge capital cultural industries, but a constructive, positive, and visionary decision since ludruk performances have their distinctive related to crucial problems in her community staging aspects, it does not matter to absorb and th (Radar Mojokerto, 4 October 2004). For example, appropriate a similar strategy. In the context of through the renovation of the kindergarten building, production, some ludruk groups have become Mak Yah firstly wants to show her neighbors the associated with recording industries from Surabaya importance of educating children for the sake of to record their performances and distribute them knowledge. Secondly, she wants to give a kind of in VCDs. On one side, this choice suppresses the teaching that in “the darkest side” of a prostitute normally long duration—5-6 hours—to a short there may be “a shining sun” which can improve one at only 1 hour, and on the other side, it may the poorer social conditions. reduce the complicated stories and discourses. Those two stories indicate the bravery of Nevertheless, in the context of creative industries, Karya Budaya in representing contemporary social the choice is understandable because the recording problems in their performances. Of course, the of the ludruk performance means giving the freedom in the Reformation period contributes ludruk artists additional income from the payment to critical imagination and discourse, which pass of the contract. In each contract, commonly for beyond the established moral codes in society. two stories, Karya Budaya gets 25 million rupiah The lessening of the state regime apparatuses’ and this payment will be shared to 60 members control in cultural expressions—although not proportionally. Furthermore, the distribution of totally absent, especially relating to communism VCDs may reach a larger audience, from cities issues—makes cultural actors, including ludruk to villages, and may attract some of them to artists, start creating stories that were forbidden invite the group for their family or communal in the previous period. Indeed, in the New Order rituals. However, live performances are still period, many ludruk groups performed stories about the major orientation of ludruk groups because prostitution, as well as the same stories in films, but the artists can experience direct and dynamic the resolutions of the conflicts always emphasized communication with the spectators, so they will the importance of a harmonious ending in which get different psychological satisfaction. In addition, the prostitutes were re-integrated to the established economically, many live performances mean more moral codes, meaning they became a “normal money for them.

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CONCLUSION represent the recent social, economic, and cultural problems in more interesting performances. On In its historical process, ludruk—through other side, ludruk artists may gain economic its creative members and managers—has used benefits when they can have many terops and transformation as strategy to survive in complicated recorded performances for digital distribution. social, economic, political, and cultural conditions. We consider that through these transformational In the era of Soekarno’s regime, when revolutionary practices, ludruk artists and managers can find ideology, guided by democracy, became the suitable breakthroughs by operating mixed dominant discursive practice and formation, many managerial systems—combining the traditional, ludruk groups and artists were involved in Lekra communal values with modern and professional because this institution was committed to empower mechanisms—and creating innovation in stories proletarian cultures. This politico-ideological and staging. This transformative strategy, once involvement, truly, might have made ludruk a again, can become a starting and continuing point prestigious and critical folk art, but it also caused for ludruk artists in positioning and empowering them to come into misery. In the New Order period, their groups in the market capitalistic era that is ludruk performances experienced a turning point colored by the industrialization of cultures, whether in their transformative process. From the early to traditional, modern, or experimental. the middle part of the period, many ludruk groups existed in cultural spheres by transforming and REFERENCES negotiating the state’s ideological discourses on nationalism and national development as a way to Aschroft, Bill. (2002). Post-colonial Future: engender and distribute hegemonic power among Transformation of Postcolonial Culture. the masses. However, their popularity decreased London: Continuum. radically as a consequence of rapid development, ____. (2001). Post-colonial Transformation. which caused changes in villagers’ cultural tastes. London: Routledge. The collapse of many ludruk groups in the mid Boggs, Carl. (1984). The Two Revolution: Gramsci to late 1990s also contributed to the decrease of and the Dilemmas of Western Marxism. public consensual agreement toward the New Order Boston: South End Press. regime because their ideological discourses could Faruk. (1995). Perlawanan Tak Kunjung Usai: not reach the masses through ludruk performances Sastra, Politik, dan Dekonstruksi. Yogyakarta: anymore. Pustaka Pelajar. In recent times, many ludruk groups find Foucault, M. (1989). The Archaeology of problems that are more complicated in continuing Knowledge (English trans. A.M. Sheridan their creative processes. Some serious internal Smith). London: Routledge. problems and the greater competition with techno- ____. (1998). The Will to Knowledge, The History cultural materials produced by huge capitalist of Sexualities Volume 1 (English trans. Robert industries make many ludruk artists and managers Hurley). London: Penguin Books. give up and stop their performances. However, a few ludruk groups in Mojokerto and Jombang have ____. (1981). The Order of Discourse. In Robert begun constructing and practicing a transformative Young, Untying the Text: A Post-Structuralist strategy by appropriating modern trends in staging Reader (pp. 48-78). Boston: Routledge & elements and management. They have also Kegan Paul Ltd. created newer stories related to contemporary Gramsci, A. (2006). (i) History of the Subaltern daily problems. By these transformative strategies, Classes; (ii) the Concept of “Ideology”; (iii) ludruk groups, on one side, can continuously Cultural Themes: Ideological Material. In spread contextual and critical stories that In M.G. Durham & D.M. Kellner, Media

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