Early Learning and Healthy Development in a Digital Age
Jason C. Yip, Michael H. Levine, Alexis Lauricella, and Ellen Wartella
1 Author Biographies
Jason C. Yip is an assistant professor of Digital Youth at the Information School at the
University of Washington – Seattle. Dr. Yip examines how new technologies support children’s engagement in participatory cultures. He is the co-principal investigator on a four-year National Science Foundation grant (2014-2018) exploring how the design of social media technologies for science can support participatory learning for children across domains. He has also worked with a number of organizations and companies, such as Nickelodeon, the National Parks Service, Google, and National Geographic to partner together with children to develop new technologies for children. Dr. Yip earned his Ph.D. in Curriculum and Instruction at the University of Maryland – College Park and completed his post-doctoral research at the Joan Ganz Cooney Center at Sesame
Workshop.
Michael H. Levine is the executive director of the Joan Ganz Cooney Center at Sesame
Workshop. The Center conducts research and convenes leaders to promote investments in high quality media experiences for children. Michael previously oversaw Carnegie
Corporation of New York’s groundbreaking work in early childhood development and was a senior advisor to the New York City Schools Chancellor, where he directed dropout prevention, afterschool, and early childhood initiatives. Dr. Levine serves on
New York City’s Universal Pre-Kindergarten Scientific Advisory Council, and is a
Pahara-Aspen Education Reform Fellow. Michael received his Ph.D. in Social Policy from Brandeis University’s Florence Heller School and his B.S. from Cornell University.
2 Alexis R. Lauricella is the Associate Director of the Center on Media and Human
Development at Northwestern University and a Lecturer in the department of
Communication Studies. Dr. Lauricella earned her Ph.D. in Developmental Psychology and her Master’s degree in Public Policy from Georgetown University. Her research focuses on children’s learning from media and parents’ and teachers’ attitudes toward and use of media with young children. Dr. Lauricella is also the founder of www.PlayLearnParent.com, a website that translates child-development research for parents.
Ellen Wartella is the Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa Al-thani Professor of Communication and professor of psychology, human development and social policy, and medical social sciences at Northwestern University. She is Director of the Center on Media and Human
Development and chair of the Department of Communication Studies. She is a leading scholar of the role of media in children’s development and serves on a variety of national and international boards and committees on children’s issues. She is co-principal investigator on two National Science Foundation grants: a three year multi-site grant entitled “Media Characters: the Unhidden Persuaders in Food Marketing to Children
(2013-2016)” and a five year multi-site grant entitled “Collaborative Research: Using
Educational DVDs to Enhance Young Children’s STEM Education (2013-2018).” Dr.
Wartella earned her Ph.D in Mass Communication from the University of Minnesota in
1977 and completed post-doctoral research in developmental psychology at the
University of Kansas.
3 Introduction
Children, especially in early childhood, are rapidly developing and highly influenced by their context. The study of early childhood learning and healthy development cannot take place today without considering the influence of pervasive digital media and technologies.
In comparison to older children and adults, young children are often perceived as the most vulnerable and susceptible to the power of digital technology (Lemish, 2014). Over the past 50 years, new and repeated concerns have been noted from parents, policy makers, educators, and other stakeholders regarding the impact that digital media may have on children’s learning and development (see Wartella and Robb, 2008). For instance, in 1961 Commissioner Newton Minow of the USA Federal Communications
Commission referred to the vast wasteland of quality content (e.g., sexual content, violence, and immoral characters) available on broadcast television (Minow, 1961). Yet there is also great potential with each new technology to help children learn and develop.
In the mid-1960s, Joan Ganz Cooney and her colleagues at the Children’s Television
Workshop focused on the potential of television as a tool to engage and educate preschool children (Cooney, 1966). Together, Cooney and her colleagues created Sesame
Street, a unique television program designed to educate preschool children while encouraging family co-viewing. The Sesame Street approach catalyzed an entire industry of educational media production that has consistently demonstrated that modern media can positively shape learning and development for millions of children in multiple international contexts (Fisch and Truglio, 2001; Mares and Pan, 2013).
4 Today, television is ubiquitous in the majority of homes across most countries and access to new mobile technologies (e.g., tablets, smartphones) are rapidly growing for children internationally (Gigli, 2004; Rideout, 2013). Furthermore, digital media now includes a plethora of interactive apps and games created for very young children (Guernsey,
Levine, Chiong, and Severns, 2012; Shuler, Levine, and Ree, 2012; Shuler, 2009a,
2009b, 2010). Unlike traditional television programming which was one-directional, these new mobile and interactive technologies include content that can be created by anyone and can now be personalized to meet the needs of each particular user, creating a two-way interaction in which the child directly impacts the content and the experience.
Given the dramatic change in available media technologies and the fact that young children all around the world are now spending around 2 or more hours a day with digital media (Gigli, 2004), it is essential to examine the impact of these technologies on young children’s healthy development. While there is a large body of literature regarding the impact of television on child viewers, this chapter will focus primarily on the newer digital and mobile technologies (e.g., smartphones, tablets) and the role they may play in young children’s learning and development.
Section I of this chapter addresses three key questions that define the contemporary technology and early learning landscape. First, we ask which factors shape young children’s use of digital media (especially computers, smartphones, and tablet computers)? Second, caregivers and early childhood educators may be skeptical of new technologies for children. As such, we examine the question what do we know about the
5 negative influences of using digital media on young children’s development? Third, to allay some of the concerns about digital media and early childhood, we investigate the question, what are the positive influences of young children’s digital media use on healthy development and learning? Section II utilizes a digital adaptation to
Bronfenbrenner’s (1977; 1977) ecological development theory (Takeuchi and Levine,
2014) to draw implications from the research for the broader field of early childhood practice, program design, and public policy.
Section I: Review of the literature
Which factors shape young children’s media usage?
Today’s young children are born into a world very different from the one in which their parents grew up. For instance, nearly all homes in the USA with children age 8 and under have a TV set (96%), 76% have a laptop or desktop computer, 63% have a smartphone, and 40% have a tablet device (Rideout, 2013). While mobile device ownership has increased for families at all SES levels worldwide (Pew Global, 2014), a gap still exists as a function of family income. In the USA, only 20% of lower-income children have a tablet at home, whereas 63% of higher-income children do (Rideout, 2013). Rates of smartphone ownership are closer across income groups with 51% of lower-income families owning a smartphone compared to 65% of higher-income families (Rideout,
2013). Mobile devices (i.e., smartphones, cellular phones, mobile Internet) are more dominant in lower income families in Asia (Qiu, 2014), Latin America (World Bank,
2012), North America (Smith, 2010), and Africa (Tortora and Rheault, 2011). However, mobile devices are restricted in their functions (e.g., limited applications) and mobile data
6 caps can prevent downloads of large amounts of information (e.g., high-definition video streaming). A digital divide in access to technology still persists in the developing world, such as the lack of strong broadband Internet access in homes and schools in rural China
(e.g., Y. Li and Ranieri, 2013; Yang et al., 2013), India (e.g., Ale and Chib, 2011), Latin
America (e.g., Carrasco and Torrecilla, 2012), and South Asia (e.g., Zhou, Singh, and
Kaushik, 2011).
Evidence also indicates that preschool children in the USA (Rideout, 2013) and other wealthy countries in Europe (e.g., Holloway, Green, and Livingstone, 2013; Mascheroni and Ólafsson, 2014) and Asia (e.g., Hong Kong Department of Health, 2009; Jie, 2012) are avid media users, spending about 2 hours per day with screen media. The use of newer mobile technologies is accelerating: 72% percent of children age 8 and under in the USA had used a mobile device in 2013, compared to only 38% in 2011 (Rideout,
2013). In Europe, the average age of first Internet usage begins at age 8 (Mascheroni and
Ólafsson, 2014), and in South Korea (the country with the most high-speed Internet users), 93% of children ages 3 - 9 go online for an average of 8 to 9 hours a week (Jie,
2012).
Research has explored which factors are predictive of young children’s media use.
Studies have determined that in the USA, demographic factors like child age (Rideout,
2011), race (Rideout, Lauricella, and Wartella, 2011), and socioeconomic status (SES) or parent education (Bittman, Rutherford, Brown, and Unsworth, 2011) are predictive of child screen time, particularly for television. Beyond demographics, a child’s desires and
7 how family culture shape media use (Stephen, Stevenson, and Adey, 2013). Further, external factors including family conflict and stressors (e.g., poverty, depression) are negatively related to educational media usage in the USA (Vandewater and Bickham,
2004).
Research in North America, Asia, and Europe demonstrates that parents’ own media habits likely influence those of their young children as children’s behaviors are often influenced through the observation of adults (Bleakley, Jordan, and Hennessy, 2013;
Plowman and McPake, 2013; Wu, Fowler, Lam, Wong, Wong, and Loke, 2014). Parent media use is actually the strongest predictor of child’s use of both traditional technology
(television, computers) as well as newer mobile media (smartphones, tablets) even when parent attitudes toward media technology are included in the models (Lauricella,
Wartella, and Rideout, resubmitted). This is particularly evident when parents are themselves heavy media users (e.g., Jago, Fox, Page, Brockman, and Thompson, 2010;
Wartella, Rideout, Lauricella, and Connell, 2013; Woodard and Gridina, 2000).
More specifically, in a recent survey of parents in the USA, Wartella, Rideout, Lauricella, and Connell (2013) found that media centric families are composed of parents who reported spending an average of 11:04 (hours:minutes) a day with screen media while their children aged 0 to 8 spend 4:29 hours a day. These families enjoy using media together and often use media as a tool to keep children occupied while they get other things done around the house. In contrast, “media light” parents who reported spending less than 2 hours a day with screen media (1:48) have children who also spend less time
8 with screen media - about an hour and a half with screen media per day. Further, other research conducted in the USA suggests that parent television time has a stronger relationship to child-television time (for all ages) than access to television in the home or in the child’s bedroom and parental rules of viewing (Bleakley et al., 2013). Overall, the impact that digital media have on the child’s development is not predicated on access and usage alone, but is influenced by both the setting and the content (which we discuss in the next section) children are experiencing (Guernsey, 2007).
What concerns are present about children’s well-being and media usage?
Over the past decade, concerns about young children’s use of digital media and the impact on children’s health and well-being have surfaced. Here we examine the impact of media use on cognitive development, childhood obesity, musculoskeletal development, and sleep.
Cognitive Development. Debates persist about the exact role media exposure has in normal cognitive development in babies and infants, particularly when it comes to attention problems. In 1999, the American Academy of Pediatrics (AAP) recommended that parents avoid television viewing for their children under age 2 and stated that there is concern that overstimulation from high levels of media use might lead to attention deficit disorder or hyperactivity (AAP, 1999). Today, the AAP has adapted their stance to recognize distinctions in types of media experiences, but still discourages screen media use before the age of 2 (AAP, 2013).
9 Despite this recommendation, there is no reliable empirical evidence to demonstrate that viewing video causes attention problems (Courage and Howe, 2010; Courage and Setliff,
2010; Schmidt, Rich, Rifas-Shiman, Oken, and Taveras, 2009). One earlier study by
Christakis and colleagues (2004) found an association between early media exposure and attention measures in children. However, Foster and Watkins (2010) reanalyzed the same dataset and found that when other appropriate control variables were included, the findings by Christakis and colleagues (2004) were no longer significant. Dutch researchers Huizinga, Nikkelen, and Valkenburg's (2014) review of the literature calls for more research on whether individual factors (e.g., age, gender) specifically enhance media effects on attention deficit disorder behaviors. Currently, without more convincing evidence, it is unclear if there is any relationship between attention problems and media use. Rather, it may be that children exhibiting hyperactivity and problematic attention tend to either gravitate towards digital media or, perhaps, some parents use digital media as a way to calm hyperactive children.
Obesity. A childhood obesity epidemic has been on the rise for the past 30 years in the
USA (Ogden, Carroll, Kit, and Flegal, 2014) and, more recently, in other industrialized nations (World Health Organization, 2014). Researchers suggest there is no one cause for childhood obesity. Intertwining factors, such as screen media and sedentary behaviors
(e.g., Byun, Dowda, and Pate, 2011; Strasburger, 2011), exposure to food advertisements and poor diet (e.g., Institutes of Medicine, 2006), changing school cultures (e.g., less recess time) (e.g., Fernandes and Sturm, 2010) and home cultures (e.g., industrialized
10 jobs vs. agrarian work) (Phillips, 2006), and children’s sleep patterns (e.g., Cappuccio et al., 2008) all play a role in this health epidemic.
Given that young children often use media in a sedentary manner, many studies have examined the relationship between sedentary behavior and obesity. There is an apparent relationship between high levels of media use and higher weight levels or obesity in children. In Qatar, 80% of overweight and 80% of obese children spent more than 3 hours on the Internet each day, compared to 72% of normal weight children (Bener et al.,
2012). A study of elementary school students in Canada has demonstrated that children who spend 2 or more hours per day using screen-media were more likely to “sometimes” eat meals in front of the TV and have parents who are more sedentary themselves (He,
Piché, Beynon, and Harris, 2010).
In addition to the relationship between sedentary behavior and obesity, food marketing via television, websites, and apps, has been implicated in the obesity crisis. The Institutes of Medicine (2006) report on Food Marketing and the Diets of Children and Youth conducted a systematic review of 123 American research studies on the relationship between television advertising and children’s eating behaviors. The report found strong evidence for the effects of food and beverage marketing on children’s food and beverage preferences, purchase requests, and short-term food and beverage consumption for children aged 2 to 11. Increasingly, web-video, online games with food themes, and viral social media food marketing encourages young children to pass information to other children (e.g., Cheyne, Dorfman, Bukofzer, and Harris, 2013; Harris, Speers, Schwartz,
11 and Brownell, 2012). In short, young children in the digital age now navigate through many digital domains that target them as prospective consumers of unhealthy foods.
Musculoskeletal development. Based on the previous research on the long and extended number of hours young children are exposed to screen time, there is a growing concern from researchers in ergonomics about the development of musculoskeletal disorders, especially for young children who are in a vulnerable stage of growth. When children use technology with poor postures or in constraining positions, problems in normal musculoskeletal development may occur (Straker, Pollock, and Maslen, 2009).
Young children’s use of technology across the world is more mobile (Groupe Speciale
Mobile Association, 2013): instead of being isolated to a desktop computer, children’s technology use can occur on the living room sofa, during car rides, and in other environments that influence their physical positions and musculoskeletal development.
However, little research has examined newer mobile technologies (e.g., smartphones, tablets) with respect to younger children’s (ages 3 – 8) musculoskeletal development.
One recent study does highlight ergonomic issues related to children’s use of physical digital games (e.g. exergames). Straker, Abbott, Collins, and Campbell (2014) conducted an international review of the literature on digital games and children’s health. They concluded that new digital games with more innovative and mobile controllers that allow
3D real life body motion (e.g., Kinect), physical gestures (e.g., WiiMote controller), and repetitive motions, may impact young children’s musculoskeletal health by causing
12 repetitive strain in hands, awkward and sustained postures that increase musculoskeletal injury, and high acceleration movements that increase the risk of accidental injury.
Sleep. Research has shown associations between digital media use and disruption of childhood sleep in wealthier nations (e.g., Anderson and Evans, 2001; Garrison et al.,
2011; Haines et al., 2013; Higuchi, Motohashi, Liu, and MNaeda, 2005; Owens et al.,
1999; Paavonen, Pennonen, Rione, Valkonen, and Lahikainen, 2006). In the USA,
Garrison, Liekweg, and Christakis (2011) conducted a randomized control trial of children ages 3 to 5 that showed watching of violent media content and evening use of technology was associated with disrupted sleep patterns. In contrast, daytime non-violent media content did not have any negative effects on sleep. Garrison and Christakis (2012) also found that reducing violent content can support better sleeping habits. Similarly, a study of children in Finland demonstrated that sleep disturbances are associated with higher levels of TV viewing and particularly problematic when children are exposed to adult-targeted television programs (Paavonen, Pennonen, Roine, Valkonen, and
Lahikainen, 2006).
Other research has examined the relationship between children’s use of computers and video games and sleep patterns. In the USA, increased time spent on electronic games is associated with younger children’s decreased total sleep time on weekends (Adam, Snell, and Pendry, 2007). In Japan, elementary school children’s use of video games and use of the Internet before bedtime was associated with negative sleep patterns, such as later wake times and shorter sleep duration (Oka, Suzuki, and Inoue, 2008). A strong predictor
13 of sleep disturbances is the presence of television and other media technology in children’s bedrooms. In the USA, Vandewater et al. (2007) found that one-fifth of children ages 0 to 2 and more than one-third of 3- to 6-year-olds have a television in their bedroom. However, the parental decision to put televisions in children’s bedroom goes against evidence that bedroom television may increase problems with sleep in young children (Anderson and Evans, 2001; Owens et al., 1999). More specifically, a study of students from Belgium found that children who had a TV set in their bedroom went to bed significantly later on both weekend and weekdays and spent less time in their bed on weekdays than children without a TV in their bedroom (Van den Bulck, 2004). Similarly, the presence of computers in bedrooms has also been linked to sleep disruption in young
Chinese children (Li et al., 2007).
What positive effects of media and technology are present in children’s healthy development and learning?
While there is evidence of significant concerns related to children’s media use, not all media exposure has a negative impact on children’s health and well-being. The history of children’s viewing of educational television shows and use of other educational technologies has demonstrated the positive role media can play in young children’s development. In a selective review of research, Guernsey (2007) demonstrated that children can and do learn from well crafted, developmentally appropriate media content.
She concluded that children’s development and learning is influenced by ‘3 C’s’: the content of the media they are using, the context in which they are using the media, and the characteristics of the child (Guernsey, 2007). Following this useful framework, we
14 first discuss the positive effects of media use on children’s healthy development and learning for different age groups of children (specifically preschool children compared to infants and toddlers) and then examine the ways in which the content and context influence development and learning.
Preschool Learning. As children reach preschool and early elementary age, they begin to develop more advanced skills and are better able to learn from exposure to digital media. Empirical evidence indicates that preschoolers actively watch television
(Anderson and Lorch, 1983) and that well-crafted, educational, preschool television viewing can be positively associated with academic performance and skills (Fisch and
Truglio, 2001). For instance, decades of research in the USA with preschool-aged children demonstrates that watching educational media at home is positively associated with preschoolers’ development of literacy, mathematics, science, and prosocial behavior
(e.g., Comstock and Scharrer, 2010; Fisch, 2014; Friedrich and Stein, 1973; Kirkorian,
Wartella, and Anderson, 2008). Importantly, the positive effects associated with viewing educational preschool television seem to be even more powerful for at-risk children in the
USA (Fetler, 1984; Fisch and Truglio, 2001) and can have long-term positive effects on academic performance (Anderson et al., 2001). Preschool children who were moderately at risk demonstrated gains across all areas of emergent literacy that were featured in the literacy show, Between the Lions (Linebarger, Kosanic, Greenwood, and Doku, 2004).
It was the early success of Sesame Street in the 1970’s that demonstrated the power of well-crafted educational media for teaching literacy skills to preschool children (Bogatz
15 and Ball, 1971). Sesame Workshop has been a leader in promoting early childhood development with the assistance of educational media programs in countries such as
Bangladesh (Kibria and Jain, 2009), Colombia (Céspedes et al., 2013), Egypt (Rimal,
Figueroa, and Storey, 2013), Indonesia (Borzekowski and Henry, 2011), Israel, Palestine, and the West Bank (Brenick et al., 2010; Cole, Labin, and Galarza, 2008; Cole et al.,
2003), Kosovo (Cole et al., 2008), Ireland (Connolly, Kehoe, Larkin, and Galanouli,
2008), and Tanzania (Borzekowski and Macha, 2010). These initiatives focus on early childhood learning and development as well as key global issues ranging from HIV-
AIDS prevention to girls education and conflict resolution.
In a recent independent analysis of programming in international settings, Mares and Pan
(2013) examined Sesame Street’s impact on millions of children globally, including in some of the world's poorest regions. The meta-analysis examines the effects of children's exposure to international co-productions of Sesame Street, synthesizing the results of 24 studies, conducted with over 10,000 children in 15 countries. The results indicated significant positive effects of exposure to the program, aggregated across learning outcomes, and within each of three outcome categories: cognitive outcomes, including literacy and numeracy; learning about the world, including health and safety knowledge; social reasoning and attitudes toward out-groups. The effects were significant across different methods, and they were observed in both lower- and middle-income countries and also in high-income countries.
16 Evidence suggests that carefully designed media may also encourage the development of positive emotional and social skills such as kindness, sharing, and tolerance (Calvert and
Kotler, 2003; Cole, Labin, and Galarza, 2008; Friedrich and Stein, 1973). More specifically, kindergartners who watched prosocial episodes of the USA show, Mr.
Rogers’ Neighborhood were more likely to help peers who were struggling with an art project (Friedrich and Stein, 1975) than those who watched programming without the prosocial messages. More recently, researchers found that Israeli children who watched their local Sesame Street program, designed to teach tolerance between Jewish and
Arabic children, held less negative stereotypes about people from the other cultures (Cole et al., 2008).
Most of the research on preschool children’s learning from media has focused on television as there is currently a lack of research studying the effects of learning from newer interactive digital technologies. However, the existing research supports the premise that developmentally appropriate content on interactive media, primarily computers, can have positive impacts on children’s early learning (Jackson et al., 2006).
Infant and Toddler Learning. The research on infant and toddler learning is based on the decades of research on preschoolers learning from television and other media. There appears to be clear age differences in children’s learning from screen media, in which younger children face more challenges than their older preschool counterparts. While historically there has been a focus on the difficulties that infants and toddlers face when trying to learn from screen media (see Wartella, Richert, and Robb, 2010 for review),
17 more recent research has begun to document the ways in which young children may be able to learn from visual digital content. Research suggests that screen media effects on infant and toddler learning are largely dependent on content and context. For learning to occur, young children need content that resembles infants and toddlers’ real life experience, repeated exposure to the content, and a competent adult co-viewer who supports conversation and language learning (Linebarger and Vaala, 2010). Given the different challenges that infants and toddlers face compared to those of preschoolers and older children, we discuss some of the obstacles that young children face when learning from digital media and how they may be overcome.
The obstacles. Early research on infant and toddler media exposure found that young children learn better from a real-world adult than they do from a video presentation, which Anderson and Pempek (2005) labeled as the “video deficit effect”. Evidence in support of the video deficit effect has been demonstrated in a range of experimental studies of young children between 2- and 3- years-old (Barr and Wyss, 2008; Schmidt and Vandewater, 2008; Strouse and Troseth, 2008). Imitation studies conducted with toddlers from 12- to 30-months have demonstrated that learning of an imitation task is significantly better when the infant views the demonstration performance live by an adult as compared to the exact same demonstration performed on a screen (e.g., Barr and
Hayne, 1999). Similar evidence has been found using object-search tasks, demonstrating that toddlers are better able to find hidden objects when information about their hiding places is provided by a live adult as compared to when it is given on screen (e.g.,
Deocampo and Hudson, 2005; Schmidt, Crawley-Davis, and Anderson, 2007; Schmitt
18 and Anderson, 2002). Finally, evidence also demonstrates that infants and toddlers learn language skills better from a live experience than from a video or televised presentation
(e.g., Kuhl, Tsao, and Liu, 2003; Richert, Robb, Fender, and Wartella, 2010).
Even when the content is created to be educational and specifically designed for a very young audience, there are mixed results about whether infants and toddlers are able to learn language skills specifically from a video presentation. One study demonstrated that infants who were exposed to the program Baby Einstein at age 1 showed greater learning of specific words from the DVD compared to children in the control group who did not view the video (Vandewater, 2011). In contrast, multiple studies examining infants’ language learning from commercially created infant-directed videos have failed to find evidence of language learning (DeLoache et al., 2010; Kuhl et al., 2003; Krmcar, Grela, and Lin, 2007; Richert et al., 2010).
Overcoming the challenges. In contrast, some of the more recent research demonstrates that the video deficit effect can be ameliorated and in certain circumstances infants and toddlers can learn from digital visual media. More specifically, in some instances infants may in fact be able to learn language from programs created for them. Some studies have demonstrated that 2-year-olds can learn from video presentations even when tested 24 hours after exposure, however, specific conditions need to exist (Barr and Wyss, 2008;
Strouse and Troseth, 2008). For toddlers to learn from media, the content and the way the content is presented is particularly important. For example, the toddlers in Barr and
Wyss’ (2008) study successfully imitated the behaviors demonstrated on video when the
19 video contained a voiceover that provided verbal labels to the actions that occurred during the demonstration. Similarly, infants can learn a cognitively meaningful seriation task (ordering objects according to size) better from a video presentation when the character on the screen is familiar compared to when the character is unfamiliar
(Lauricella, Gola, and Calvert, 2011).
Adult scaffolding and joint media engagement. While age and developmental appropriate content is important for learning in digital media, the context in which children use technology also plays an important role in their ability to learn from the experience. One such context for learning is the use of parental scaffolding in helping infants and toddlers learn from media. For instance, when parents asked on-topic questions or labeled content while co-viewing a video, infants were more likely to interact with the video (Barr, Zack, Garcia, and Muentener, 2008). Similarly, word learning from a DVD was improved when parents directed the child’s attention to the
DVD and repeated the words from the video (Krcmar, Grela, and Lin, 2007). Adult scaffolding can also occur outside of the co-viewing context, as when an adult voiceover directs the child’s attention to a video presentation (Barr and Wyss, 2008).
Scaffolding children’s media use may be split into three types: cognitive, affective, and technical scaffolding (Yelland and Masters, 2007). Cognitive scaffolding refers to providing aid in conceptual and procedural understanding. This can involve parents asking questions or calling attention to specific key parts of the story. Affective scaffolding refers to the positive encouragement and feedback needed to assist the child
20 to persist in their media use. Finally, technical scaffolding refers to the features of the device that children need to learn to use (e.g., specific features of an app, how to touch the screen, etc.). Historically, research has called attention to the cognitive features of scaffolding and especially how parents and adults influence children’s learning from media content.
For instance, with the introduction of Sesame Street in Israel, Salomon (1977) demonstrated that mothers from lower SES backgrounds could help to increase their children’s learning by showing positive encouragement in watching the show. Other studies on co-viewing Sesame Street showed learning and development gains in preschoolers when adults and children watched together (e.g., Reiser, Tessmer, and
Phelps, 1984; Reiser, Williamson, and Suzuki, 1988). More recently, Christakis et al.
(2013) determined that an intervention to promote co-viewing of curriculum-based children’s educational television shows and DVDs could modify the viewing habits of preschool-aged children and enhance their pro-social competence. Importantly lower income boys experienced the greatest benefits of co-viewing (Christakis et al., 2013).
However, co-viewing without active engagement and scaffolding has been demonstrated to not be helpful for children’s learning (Ostrov, Gentile, and Mullins, 2013; Warren,
2003).
In recent research, the definition of co-viewing has been expanded to focus on joint media engagement (Stevens and Penuel, 2010) and how multiple people including caregivers, family members, siblings, and peers actively interact together with media.
21 Here, the context of parents engaging together with preschoolers and older children can positively influence children’s learning from screen media through joint media engagement. Newer forms of digital media such as apps created for smartphones or tablets and video games present novel opportunities for joint media engagement for parents, caregivers, and children. For instance, story creation apps on tablets allow for combinations of embodied modes (e.g., gestures, movements, physical touch), while integrated media (e.g., pictures, audio recordings, text) can mediate and shape the interaction between young children and caregivers (Kucirkova, Messer, Sheehy, and
Flewitt, 2013). Digital games can now present new support for parent-child dialogue, interactions, social connections, and learning (e.g., Levine and Vaala, 2013). Even siblings engagement in joint video game use has been shown to improve young children’s strategies for game playing (Go, Ballagas, and Spasojevic, 2012).
New research examining reading on tablets and ebooks suggests that both the media and manner in which reading together occurs influence the effects of use. Moody, Justice, and
Cabell (2010) examined the reading behaviors of 25 preschool-aged children in the USA in three storybook reading conditions: adult-led ebook, child-led ebook, and adult-led traditional print storybook. Findings show that when comparing the type of media (ebook vs. print), the children displayed higher persistence in their participation during reading tasks (such as pointing at pictures and words, turning pages, answering questions, and positively commenting on the book) with the adult-led ebook than the adult-led traditional book. However, children produced more communication initiations, in the traditional storybook condition than both of the ebook conditions. These findings suggest
22 that interactive media can influence children’s literacy and oral language development, particularly when dialogic co-reading with adults occurs (Chiong, Rhee, Takeuchi, and
Erickson, 2012). Although ebooks provide ease and access to many stories, parent-child dialogue focused on the stories are important to make sure children are not distracted by the device and the interactive media (Krcmar and Cingel, 2014).
Summary. In Section I, we reviewed the research on digital media, early childhood development, and health and learning. We focused on the factors that shape young children’s media use, the concerns that are noted in the literature, and the positive influences that exist (particularly with an emphasis on learning). We have shown examples of international research that indicates children as young as infants are directly interacting with new digital technologies that are affecting their well-being. While there are many concerns regarding the impact of media use on child health, the evidence on each of these concerns is limited and mixed at best. In contrast, there is evidence that when technology is developed and used appropriately, there are positive learning opportunities, especially for the most at-risk children. To date, we still need more research on the various types of media technology and longitudinal studies before any final conclusions can be drawn regarding the overall effects of young children’s media use. Drawing from the research reviewed, we discuss the implications for policy and program development among leaders in the international early childhood community.
Section II: Implications for Practice and Policy
23 Our consideration of the increasingly profound impact of digital technologies and media on early childhood development draws from Urie Bronfenbrenner’s “ecology of human development” (Bronfenbrenner, 1977, 1979). According to Bronfenbrenner’s theory, children develop and grow within an ecosystem of interconnected and nested environments. The microsystem is the immediate environment young children reside in
(e.g., homes, nurseries) and in those domains contain the technologies they directly interact with (e.g., tablets, smartphones). The mesosystem is one system that bridges home and community environments. A neighborhood, for example contains several interconnected settings that a child inhabits such as the school, home, and library. The macrosystem describes the overarching culture, values and policies that influence the developing child and family.
Takeuchi and Levine (2014) provide adaptations to Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) influential
“ecological systems theory” within a modern day learning ecology. Takeuchi and Levine show how children and families’ interactions with digital media both shape and are being shaped by interconnected factors in the micro-, meso-, and macrosystems. Using this adaptive framework as a guide, we examine several key leverage points, suggested by this research review, in which a modernized ecological systems perspective may inform future research, media design, practice, and policy.
Microsystem Factors: Parental demand for information and support
As we have shown in this review, media consumption all over the world is occurring in high numbers with young children between the ages of 0 to 8 and parental involvement
24 can play a pivotal role in whether media use has a positive or negative effect on child health, development, and learning. Some observers have characterized this new digital world as the “digital Wild West1” (see note at end of chapter) for parents seeking quality content for their young children (Guernsey et al., 2012). However, professionals have begun to establish some guidelines for teachers and practitioners of what constitutes the most effective use of media for learning and healthy development (NAEYC/Fred Rogers
Center, 2012). A recently edited volume from pioneers in the early childhood field
(Donohue, 2014) makes a compelling case for the use of digital technologies to spur interactive learning. Still, there is still much disagreement about the best ways to guide parents towards wise monitoring and scaffolding of experiences. Without guidance, parental practices around media use are varied and often inconsistent. For example, in a
2010 survey of American parents of 3- to 10-year olds, nearly two-thirds said they limit their children’s media use on a case-by-case basis, versus only about one in five who reported they set overarching strict rules (Takeuchi, 2011).
A challenge for researchers and practitioners is to clearly articulate a useful framework for parents and caregivers that are usable across different situations and child developmental periods. New ‘rating systems’ and curation tools, based on scientific research standards, and tied to child developmental stages are now emerging to help parents and caregivers select media content, such as those organized by Common Sense
Media, the National Association for the Education of Young Children, and the Fred
Rogers Center in the USA. However, these guidelines need to spread more quickly and globally to inform parents and caregivers about best practices including tips for parent-
25 child interaction, joint media use, and mediation of media experiences at the micro- system level including the home and school environments.
Mesosystem Factors: Integration of digital media use into community supports and professional practice reforms
Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) mesosystem focuses on the interactions that take place in one setting, which ultimately shape the interactions in another. For instance, what happens at home does affect behaviors and interactions at school. Studies of parent involvement in early learning and its influence on school performance indicate that alignment between home and school experiences are critical to later success (Henderson and Mapp, 2002).
However, in the domain of digital learning, formal learning environments have not yet adapted to the types of digital media innovation which research suggests is needed to support learning and healthy child development. As we have shown in this review, young children before preschool are exposed to digital media both early and frequently in their lives. Early childhood teachers must now transform their practices in order to support young children’s digital literacy practices. A recent survey found that 76% of American
K-12 teachers are using digital media in their classroom with 33% of pre-K teachers using digital media (PBS and Grunwald Associates, 2010). Unfortunately, little is known about the content, context, and effectiveness of this use.
Administrators, policymakers, and curriculum developers would be well-advised to explore ways to support early childhood teachers and their digital practices. As more early childhood teachers begin to use digital media, new innovative curricula need to be
26 developed to integrate better digital pedagogical practices. For example, Penuel et al.
(2010) explored the impact of a USA preschool curriculum with digital content from two public television shows on increasing low-income children’s science interest. The study found that a combination of professional development with teachers, hands-on tasks, and active classroom discussion using a digital media rich curriculum could support increased science interest through more conversations with parents at home. Penuel et al.’s work shows that there is a need to better develop and integrate teacher education with higher quality 21st century approaches to the learning and healthy development of young children.
Based on these needs, the Joan Ganz Cooney Center and Stanford University convened a task force to review research and study emerging best practices in the teaching of young children with digital technologies. This report recently concluded that integration of ubiquitous digital media (e.g., streaming educational videos, mobile devices, digital games) into early childhood learning environments could contribute to children’s well- being, experiences, and learning (Barron et al., 2011), but more research is needed in this area. Notably, implementation challenges associated with enhanced media usage continue to exist in early childhood settings in preschool especially.. Guernsey (2014) and
Blackwell, Lauricella, Wartella, Robb, and Schomburg (2013), for example, cite a lack of preparation and professional development around technology for teachers as a key problem for supporting children’s learning in preschool and the primary grades. Perhaps an ecological approach to deploy and effectively implement technologies across different
27 settings (e.g., homes, libraries) would help support children’s school success (Barron et al., 2011).
Macrosystem Factors: The need for equity investments
The macrosystem (Bronfenbrenner 1977; 1979) can impact digital media practices in the micro and meso-system levels through surrounding professional expectations, values, and policies. For instance, research from Neuman and Celano (2012) and from Rideout
(2013) suggests that low-income children from the USA face critical ‘participation gaps’ in receiving appropriate guidance and support in using new technologies to maximum advantage and we know that at-risk children gain the most from exposure to educational television programming (Fisch and Truglio, 2001). With child poverty on the rise in developed countries like the USA, Japan, Spain, Greece, Canada, Italy and the United
Kingdom (Gould and Wething, 2012) and achievement and income gaps widening
(Guttenplan, 2013), some prominent researchers have asked, “will unequal access to new technologies exacerbate educational divides” (Neuman and Celano, 2012)? The research also indicates a lack of support for basic infrastructure to ensure that disadvantaged children and their families have access to the Internet, quality apps, well-equipped schools, and community institutions. Guernsey (2014) argues that early learning centers need to be modernized to include a focus on access and equity. Further, it is essential to determine how to get the much-needed educational media content and supports to those who are in the most likely to face academic and health challenges..
28 Basic technological infrastructure is not the only macrosystem factor that plays an influential role. Bronfenbrenner (1977; 1979) argued that government investments in children’s programs that provide adequate opportunities for young children to bond with their caregivers and early learning programs that support young children’s developmental trajectory were an essential pathway to a decent society. In today’s macrosystem landscape, many countries are investing in early childhood programs. More than 30 governments have national policies for early childhood, 35 poverty reduction strategy papers include early childhood programs as a key component, and more than 70 countries have national committees for early childhood development (UNICEF, 2007). However in nearly all of these new country-specific plans for young children, the role of media and technology use for children’s learning and professional reform is ignored. Global leaders in early childhood development should take stock of current efforts to inform low-income families about wise deployment of digital technologies at home and in school.
Similarly government investments and programs will need to address the issue of information access for caregivers. Survey data in the USA (EDC/SRI, 2012; Rideout,
2014; Wartella et al., 2013) show that even though parents have a positive perception about the role that digital media may play in helping children learn, institutional problems of equity and information access persist. Parents, especially from low-income families in the USA, often cannot find appropriate guidance for choosing games and apps, but are looking for support from experts (Rideout, 2014). As we noted before, some organizations have provided ratings and guidelines for parents and teachers, but often these sites cater to caregivers with access to the Internet, higher reading levels in English,
29 and significant information capital. Foundations and global intermediaries such as
UNICEF and OECD need to support greater efforts in policy development and institutional leadership to help expand the flow of information and technology access to the world’s lower income communities.
Recommendations: More precise, targeted and usable research and development
The selected research reviewed in this chapter provides evidence of both significant risks and important opportunities to deploy new technologies and media to promote learning and healthy development among young children and their families. We have noted throughout that there are key gaps in the research especially regarding the newer digital media technologies. We make the following three recommendations based on our review of research and policies.
First, a rigorous, large-scale multi-national research program is worth undertaking.
Government bodies paired with foundation leaders could perhaps fund fellowships and model training programs to promote a new generation of researchers who specialize in the impacts of media and technological change on childhood well-being. A National
Science Foundation (2008) task force recently advised that in order to open up research innovation on new technologies, we must agree to co-fund the development of new long- term partnerships with the private sector.
Since much of the research scholarship has focused on the USA and other wealthy nations, priority should be afforded to a global meta-analysis of existing research on the
30 negative and positive impacts of digital media on children’s health, well-being, and learning, leading to recommendations for further research. The research portfolio should include investigations on the potential of specific new technologies for learning, parenting supports, health promotion, and prevention. Finally, a global research entity, with support from philanthropic and policy leaders, could establish a “best practices” initiative to disseminate effective uses of media and interactive technologies to both parents and practitioners for application across the ecological layers.
Second, our review leads us to believe that a reconfiguration of public and philanthropic investment in untapped potential of digitally-enhanced learning may be necessary. For instance, in 2013, the USA government invested less than $30 million in public media funds for programming for young children within the rubric of a “Ready to Learn” broadcasting fund (U.S. Department of Education, 2011). This current investment in public media funds is a pittance in comparison to the costs of early education programs in the USA, which the National Institute for Early Education Research estimated as over
$12 billion in state preschool and federal Head Start funding the USA in 2013 (National
Institute for Early Education, 2013). A review of other countries’ publicly-supported investments in digital learning finds that most Ministries of Education, with some notable exceptions like the United Kingdom, Australia, the Netherlands, and Canada, have made only very modest investments in children’s educational media, leaving content creation largely to the private sector2 (see notes at end of chapter). The public funds earmarked for early childhood initiatives must begin to accommodate rigorous research with digital media for curriculum and professional development, family engagement, and assessment
31 purposes. Additionally, wealthy nations, which have invested significant funds in their own early learning-oriented television production for young children, should immediately adopt initiatives to support wider experimentation with newer digital media forms.
Our third recommendation is for the creation of a global “Fund” for educational media program development. Bringing together global leaders in the USA, Asia, sub-Saharan
Africa and the Caribbean Basin, this Fund could be operated by a global non-profit leader with a proven record of developing effective public-private partnerships. The Fund would establish shared curriculum, health promotion and financial sustainability goals informed by potent lessons for research, design, production and distribution provided by international producers with proven track records. Much can be learned from previous efforts by institutions such as the USA Agency for International Development’s efforts to pursue localized versions of educational media programs such as Sesame Street.
Summary and conclusion
In the first section of this chapter, we presented a brief overview of existing research on the relationship between technology and digital media for children’s healthy development. We demonstrated that the digital landscape is shifting from passive television watching, to more complex, multifaceted interactions around ubiquitous mobile technologies. Like all complex issues, there is no simple answer to whether or not digital media overall is an asset or a detriment to normative, constructive early childhood learning and well-being. The body of research points to three important factors to consider as well as a social theory and action framework to consider.
32
First, in order to understand the impact of digital media technology, we must begin to consider the developing child. Second, the content (independent of technological platform) should be both developmentally appropriate and engaging enough to compel children’s attention and comprehension. Third, the context in which children are engaging with media technologies is critical. A nurturing context is important for young children’s learning: optimal habits for young children include adult co-viewing, guidance, and close monitoring whenever possible.
Finally, we offer a social theory as a useful action framework to situate childhood experiences with media and technology. Our review establishes that positive technology and digital media use depends on many factors, both personal (e.g., demographics, parental media habits) and ecological (e.g., institutional supports). We posit a digital era re-conception (Takeuchi and Levine, 2014) of Bronfenbrenner’s (1977; 1979) human development theories to show that media use and influence on early childhood also depends on various micro, (e.g., parent engagement) meso- (e.g., community supports, professional reform) and macrosystem factors (e.g., policies). We suggest that healthy learning and development in the decade ahead will depend on building new infrastructure for a shared future, including an emphasis on global investment in research and development, such as large-scale multi-national research programs. Global investments across nations and media organizations to support early childhood learning are now increasingly timely.
33 The advancement of digital media and technology is rapidly changing early childhood experiences. At the beginning of this decade, the interactive touch screen and smart mobile devices were barely launched: today, in wealthy countries, most children are exposed to the latest technological marvels at increasingly younger ages. As knowledge of the critical importance of early learning grows, so too must our dexterity in harnessing digital media technologies to accelerate young children’s pathways to a healthy and productive future.
Suggestions for three further readings
Jordan, A. and Romer, D. (2014) Media and the Well-being of Children and Adolescents. Oxford.
Lemish, D. (2013) The Routledge International Handbook of Children, Adolescents, and Media. Routledge.
Calvert, S. and Wilson, B. (2008) The Handbook of Children, Media, and Development. Wiley- Blackwell.
Five questions for reflection
1. Parents of children, especially those with limited access to financial resources and
‘leisure time’ often lead stressful lives. How can we help support efficient,
informative use of digital media and new technologies for low-income and time
deficient parents? More generally, have we opened up a Pandora’s Box: is the
pace of technology development so rapid that most parents, caregivers, and
institutions cannot keep up with knowledge on how to support young children’s
well-being? How can we prioritize supports for parents and teachers in a “digital
Wild West?”
34 2. What are the implications of existing research for media and technology
designers? Are there more inventive uses that industry creators can marshal, at
lower costs, to promote early learning and healthy development across the globe?
3. How can research on educational media and technology’s potential for learning
and healthy development among young children be best positioned in professional
reforms? Are there new systems of professional development and knowledge
transfer via technology that can spark increased sharing of best practices across
countries and regions?
4. In an increasingly global and digital world, which new skill sets will emerge as
vital for children to learn and be able to do over the next decade? How can these
skill sets be advanced by playful learning experiences that are developmentally
appropriate, but also thoroughly modern?
5. In what ways do different ecological layers—personal and community
relationships and networks, national policies, cultural diversity, and geographic
factors influence early childhood use of media and new technologies? Are there
new program or policy interventions to be designed for a digital age?
Notes
1. The Wild West refers to the USA during the period of its Western settlement and the
lawlessness of that time.
2. For more information, please refer to the World Bank website:
http://www.worldbank.org/en/topic/edutech/brief/international-surveys-of-
ict-use-in-education
35
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