NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF INTRA-PARTY CONFLICTS IN APC AND PDP: A STUDY OF THE PUNCH AND DAILY TRUST

BY

TAYO-ADIGBOLUJA, AFOLAYAN GEORGIANNA (12BE013162) B.Sc Mass Communication, Covenant University, Ota

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF POSTGRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF SCIENCE (M.Sc.) DEGREE IN MASS COMMUNICATION IN THE DEPARTMENT OF MASS COMMUNICATION, COLLEGE OF BUSINESS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES, COVENANT UNIVERSITY.

FEBRUARY, 2020

1 ACCEPTANCE This is to attest that this dissertation is accepted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the degree of Master of Sciences in Mass Communication in the Department of Mass Communication, College of Business and Social Sciences, Covenant University, Ota, .

Mr. John A. Phillip (Secretary, School of Postgraduate Studies) Signature and Date

Prof. Abiodun H. Adebayo (Dean, School of Postgraduate Studies) Signature and Date

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DECLARATION

I, TAYO-ADIGBOLUJA AFOLAYAN GEORGIANNA (12BE013162), declares that this research was carried out by me under the supervision of Dr. Olusola Oyero of the Department of Mass Communication, College of Business and Social Sciences, Covenant University, Ota, Nigeria. I attest that the dissertation has not been presented either wholly or partially for the award of any degree elsewhere. All sources of data and scholarly information used in this dissertation are duly acknowledged.

TAYO-ADIGBOLUJA AFOLAYAN Signature and Date

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CERTIFICATION

We certify that this dissertation titled “NEWSPAPER COVERAGE OF INTRA-PARTY CONFLICTS IN APC AND PDP: A STUDY OF THE PUNCH AND DAILY TRUST is an original research work carried out by TAYO-ADIGBOLUJA, AFOLAYAN GEORGIANNA in the Department of Mass Communication, College of Business and Social Sciences, Covenant University, Ota, , Nigeria under the supervision of Dr. Olusola Oyero. We have examined and found this work acceptable as part of the requirements for the award of Master of Science in Mass Communication.

Dr Olusola Oyero ______(Supervisor) Signature and Date

Dr Olusola Oyero ______(Head of Department) Signature and Date

Dr. Oloruntola Sunday ______(External Examiner) Signature and Date

Prof. Abiodun H. Adebayo ______(Dean, School of Postgraduate Studies) Signature and Date

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DEDICATION

I dedicate this dissertation to God almighty and to my parents- Mr. Babajide Tayo-Adigboluja and Mrs Olubunmi Tayo-Adigboluja.

I also dedicate this dissertation to the memory of my late mother, Mrs. Tayo- Adigboluja Olaide.

Finally, I dedicate this dissertation to the memory of my late friend and sister, Mrs Eunice Amoka-Bankole.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

All praise and glory be to God on high for the completion of this dissertation. I am immeasurably thankful to the Almighty for His grace and strength, and for the people He has blessed me with and all who have in one way or the other contributed to the success of this research work. My genuine gratitude goes out to the following people:

To Dr. Olusola Oyero, my greatest push to succeed, thank you. You have been more than just a supervisor. Thank you for your help, support and advices that never run out. I ask that the good Lord blesses you beyond measure.

To my lecturers in the Mass Communication Department, thank you all. I specifically want to appreciate Dr. Nelson Okorie for guiding me through the first phase of this research work, Dr. Kehinde Oyesomi for her valuable, timely inputs and Dr. Oscar Odiboh for always coming through when I require any form of assistance. Thank you all for continually encouraging me to become the very best. God bless you all.

My parents, Mr and Mrs Tayo- Adigboluja, you both are ‘goals’. As individuals, and as a couple, I am proud to be associated with you. Thank you for teaching me to love the Lord. Thank you for providing me with all that I needed to get this research work done. Today, more than ever, I pray that you will be proud to call yourself my parents in the years to come.

To my mother- Olaide Terentia Tayo-Adigboluja. You may be gone, but you can never be forgotten. You were my first teacher, and you taught me to believe in myself and the skills deposited in me by God. Thank you for leading me aright. I hope this makes you proud in heaven!

To my ever-sweet aunt, Mrs. Adetola Johnson, I say a big thank you. For caring for me and attending to my needs without reservation, thank you. Your contributions to this work do not go unnoticed!

To my best friend and chief motivator, Oluwatomisin Aluko, thank you for both spiritual and physical support. Thank you for pushing me to do more and be more. You believed in me even when I lost all hope. I’m grateful! God has the best of the best in store for you my love!

Eunice, my friend and sister who has gone to be with the Lord, your contributions to this work cannot be quantified. All the way from , you continued to help me. Not only did

v you provide me with your dissertation which served as a guide for mine, you made sure you were available to assist every time I needed help. Onyiyoza, you may not be here with me physically, but you live in my heart, forever! Continue to rest sister. I love you dearly.

To my course mate, Oredola Opeyemi, I’m grateful for your presence. For all the ‘check-ups’ and advises, I’m indebted to you. God will take you places!

To my siblings; Ayomide, Ifetokun and Ayobami, thank you all for always asking how school was and how things were with my dissertation. Knowing you care meant a lot to me. In your individual programmes and institutions of study, I wish you the very best. God bless you my ‘Day-ones.’

Dear Cousin of mine, Adeola Scott! Thank you, my sister. You never failed to put my dissertation into consideration whenever we had any job at hand. Thank you for your patience and support. Thank you for always calling DeeDee. I love you loads!

My roommate –Favour Olarewaju. You are more than just a roommate baby girl; you are my friend and sister. We both did this dissertation ‘wahala’ together, and through it all, you remained a huge source of inspiration. From waking me up in the middle of the night to work, to helping me out when I got stuck, I can’t thank you enough. Thank you especially for providing me with an atmosphere serene enough to get the job done. You have no idea what this means to me. Flourish Favour. The world awaits your manifestation, my brainy!

I sincerely want to appreciate my friends and course mates, beginning with Toluwanimi Onakoya- girl, I’m glad I have you in my corner. Thank you for all that you put into seeing that this work was completed. Mrs. Nkechi Chinedu- Asogwa, you’re a blessing to my life. Thank you for always checking up on my work, asking how far I had gone and for always willing to help me out in times of difficulty. Omolayo Olabanjo, thank you for giving me the ‘ginger’ to do this dissertation, and for sharing your bed space and room with me while I worked, even when I had mine. May the good Lord keep and strengthen you all as you begin your dissertations!

And finally, to the Mass Communication class of 2019/2020, a big thank you to you all. For your love, care and support, I am grateful. The best in life are yours!

Tayo-Adigboluja, Afolayan Georgianna January, 2020.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS ACCEPTANCE ...... i DECLARATION ...... ii CERTIFICATION ...... iii DEDICATION ...... iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... v TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... vii LIST OF FIGURES ...... x LIST OF TABLES ...... xi ABSTRACT ...... xii CHAPTER ONE ...... 1 INTRODUCTION ...... 1 1.1 BACKGROUND TO THE STUDY ...... 1 1.2 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM ...... 6 1.3 OBJECTIVES OF THE STUDY...... 7 1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS ...... 8 1.5 HYPOTHESES ...... 9 1.6 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY ...... 9 1.7 SCOPE OF THE STUDY ...... 11 1.8 LIMITATIONS TO THE STUDY ...... 11 1.9 OPERATIONAL DEFINITION OF TERMS ...... 12 CHAPTER TWO ...... 14 LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 14 2.1 THE REVIEW ...... 14 2.1.1 DEMOCRACY ...... 14 2.1.2 POLITICAL PARTIES ...... 16 2.1.3 DEMOCRACY AND POLITICAL PARTIES ...... 18 2.1.4 CONFLICT AS A NECESSARY EVIL ...... 22 2.1.5 INTRA-PARTY CONFLICT ...... 23 2.1.6 AN OVERVIEW OF INTRA-PARTY CONFLICT IN NIGERIA: A FOCUS ON THE PEOPLE’S DEMOCRATIC PARTY (PDP) AND THE ALL PROGRESSIVES’ CONGRESS (APC) ...... 25 2.1.7 FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR INTRA-PARTY CONFLICT ...... 32 2.1.7.1 GOD-FATHERISM ...... 32 2.1.7.2 ABSENCE OF INTERNAL DEMOCRACY ...... 33

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2.1.8 MEDIA ROLE IN A DEMOCRACY ...... 34 2.1.9 MEDIA ROLE IN CONFLICT RESOLUTION ...... 37 2.2 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK ...... 40 2.2.1 AGENDA-SETTING THEORY ...... 40 2.2.2 NEWS FRAMING THEORY ...... 43 2.3 GAP TO FILL ...... 45 2.4 SUMMARY OF LITERATURE REVIEW ...... 46 CHAPTER THREE ...... 48 METHOD OF STUDY ...... 48 3.1 STUDY DESIGN ...... 48 3.2 POPULATION OF STUDY ...... 48 3.3 SAMPLE SIZE ...... 50 3.4 SAMPLING TECHNIQUE ...... 50 3.5 INSTRUMENTS OF DATA COLLECTION ...... 50 3.6 UNITS OF ANALYSIS ...... 51 3.7 CONTENT CATEGORIES ...... 51 3.8. INTER-CODER RELIABILITY ...... 57 3.9. METHOD OF DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS ...... 58 CHAPTER FOUR ...... 59 RESULTS ...... 59 4.1 DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS ...... 59 4.2 TEST OF HYPOTHESES ...... 73 CHAPTER FIVE ...... 77 DISCUSSION ...... 77 5.1 DISCUSSION OF FINDINGS ...... 77 CHAPTER SIX ...... 90 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 90 6.1 SUMMARY ...... 90 6.2 CONCLUSION...... 91 6.3 CONTRIBUTION TO KNOWLEDGE ...... 91 6.4 RECOMMENDATIONS ...... 91 6.5 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER STUDIES...... 93 APPENDIX I ...... 101 APPENDIX II ...... 112

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APPENDIX III ...... 125

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LIST OF FIGURES FIGURE 4.1: MONTHLY DISTRIBUTION OF NEWSPAPER ISSUES ANALYSED ...... 63

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LIST OF TABLES TABLE 3.1: RESULT OF INTER CODER RELIABILITY TEST ...... 57 TABLE 4.1: DISTRIBUTION OF NEWSPAPER ISSUES ANALYSED ...... 60 TABLE 4.2: DISTRIBUTION OF NEWSPAPER REPORTS ANALYSED ...... 60 TABLE 4.3: DISTRIBUTION OF REPORTS ON INTRA-PARTY CONFLICTS WITHIN APC AND PDP BEFORE AND DURING THE 2019 NIGERIAN ELECTIONS ...... 61 TABLE 4.4: DISTRIBUTION OF REPORTS ON INTRA-PARTY CONFLICTS BY THE NIGERIAN NEWSPAPERS ...... 62 TABLE 4.5: VOLUME OF COVERAGE GIVEN TO OTHER AREAS OF POLITICAL CONFLICTS BY NIGERIAN NEWSPAPERS FROM MARCH 2018- MARCH 2019 ...... 64 TABLE 4.6: VOLUME OF COVERAGE GIVEN TO INTRA-PARTY CONFLICTS WITHIN THE PDP AND THE APC BY NIGERIAN NEWSPAPERS IN COMPARISON WITH OTHER AREAS OF POLITICAL CONFLICT ...... 65 TABLE 4.7: DEGREE OF PROMINENCE GIVEN TO INTRA-PARTY CONFLICTS WITHIN PDP AND APC BY NIGERIAN NEWSPAPERS FROM MARCH 2018- MARCH 2019 ...... 66 TABLE 4.8: DIRECTION OF NEWS REPORTS OF INTRA-PARTY CONFLICTS WITHIN PDP AND APC, BY THE NIGERIAN NEWSPAPERS...... 68 TABLE 4.9: MAJOR STORY TYPE ASSOCIATED WITH INTRA-PARTY CONFLICTS WITHIN PDP AND APC BY THE NIGERIAN NEWSPAPERS ...... 70 TABLE 4.10: PURPOSE OF MESSAGES ASSOCIATED WITH INTRA-PARTY CONFLICTS WITHIN PDP AND APC BY NIGERIAN NEWSPAPERS ...... 71

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ABSTRACT

In order to measure Nigerian newspapers performance of their role of educating and informing the citizenry about the in-happenings of the political parties that make up the country’s democracy, this study examined the coverage of intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC. This research made use of quantitative approach of content analysis of 154 issues of The Punch and Daily Trust newspapers systematically selected between March 1, 2018 and March 31, 2019. It relied on the agenda setting and news framing theories as its bases. The findings of this research reveal that Nigerian journalists have, to a large extent, worked hard to ensure that adequate coverage is given to intra-party conflicts, even when compared with other areas of political conflict. Findings also show that the Nigerian newspapers have improved in their reportage of intra-party conflicts as they seek to ensure that the reports are geared towards resolving rather than aggravate intra-party conflicts. This study however observes that prominence and direction of reports are key issues that the Nigerian newspapers have to improve upon so as to gain greater results among the citizenry. It also notes that most of the reports on intra-party conflicts were presented using the straight news format. Consequently, the study recommends that more attention be given to intra-party issues, specifically by creating more columns, for, and devoting more pages to feature intra-party conflicts so as to encourage the citizenry and spark greater awareness, promote enlightened conversations and discussions geared towards making informed decisions. In addition, government and media regulatory bodies can be influential by creating policies that mandate media houses to dedicate a certain percentage of their news coverage to issues that promote the awareness of intra-party conflicts.

Keywords: Democracy, Intra-party conflict, Media, Political party.

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Background to the Study

News coverage may wield a considerable level of influence on members of the public, and those in positions of public power, particularly with regards to how they interpret social issues, and their response(s) to issues of political and social concern (Oyero, 2011). Hence, in a bid to guarantee that the audience of the Nigerian media are fed with adequate information concerning intra-party conflicts so as to ensure that their political actions, decisions and responses are birthed from a place of well-guided, objective, thorough and impartial media reports; media institutions, and media personnel must be ready to carry out their role of reportage in the best way possible. This is simply because the way the media portrays intra-party conflicts can resonate with audience members and other political members of the party, and will most likely form the basis of the audience’ political discussions, arguments and decisions. For instance, in the event of an intra-party conflict, media coverage and reportage of such might force a sizeable number of party members to decamp to other parties- a leading consequence of intra-party conflicts in Nigeria.

Abraham Lincoln, the 16th President of the United States, believed that democracy is a government of the people, by the people and for the people. It is this type of thinking that made

Swant (2000) to assert a democracy to mean an administration bound and controlled by the rule of law, regardless of how highly placed some individuals might be. Similarly, Sodaro (2001) avers that the crux of democracy is that individuals are in a position to figure out who oversees them, consider them responsible for their actions, as well as impose limits bound by law on such individuals’ authority by ensuring certain rights and liberties to their citizens.

1 In democratic societies around the world, political parties are viewed as the instruments of democratic procedure. Thus, their significance in creating a stable democratic order cannot be overemphasized. Political theorists have converged at a view which holds that there is a strong and inseparable link between political parties and the practicability of a democracy (Maiyo,

2008; Jinadu, 2011; Babatope, 2012). In essence, democracy and party politics are not just connected but intimate, as there can be no democracy in the modern period that can be noble without a viable political party system (Maiyo, 2008; Aleyomi, 2014). Thus, whether in advanced or developed nations of the world, the functioning of a democratic order is dependent on actors such as the nature, structure, organization, principles and institutionalization of political parties “which in turn begets democratic consolidation” (Maiyo, 2008; Ogundiya,

2011).

Several institutions of a nation via their individual roles come together to build a healthy democracy. However, a fundamental role is played by the media in the building of a strong democracy (Shukla, 2013). Media functions as the backbone of a democracy by creating awareness of diverse activities taking place all around the world. In a democracy, the media seek to expose or uncover the weaknesses in the system, which help the government to fill these voids, thereby making the media answerable, responsible and citizen-responsive. Also, the media disseminates politically relevant information to as many citizens as possible. Hence, the media acts as a watchdog of the society. To this end therefore, media relevance in a democracy cannot be overemphasized. Popularly referred to as the “Fourth Estate of the realm” and the

“watchdog of the society, the media in a democratic dispensation exist to source for and ensure the dissemination of information, promote educational content, serve as organs of surveillance, create social enlightenment and generate positive mobilization. All of these functions reveal that the media is a very important link in the government-governed relationship, thus making the

2 media absolutely indispensable to the Nation’s growth and development. To this end therefore,

Imtihani (2013) explains that the media has a constructive role, which is premised on a peace building process, by serving as impartial judges of such crises and conflicts, even as they disseminate relevant information to audience members, keeping them abreast of happenings and events within the political field.

The advent of the 21st century reinforces a need to understand the place of communication. The democratic system of government which is now operational in most states of the world equally give the media the licence to set the agenda of political discourse as well as other forms of discussion. Invariably, the media becomes not only a source of influence, but equally becomes powerful. It is in this light that Baran and Davies (2003) as cited in Ekeanyanwu (2011) describe agenda setting as “empirically demonstrating links between media exposure, audience motivation to seek orientation, and audience perception of public on issues.” Basically, agenda setting implies that the mass media pre-determine issues of prominence and relevance in the society, at any point in time. Going by this, the media are expected to make positive use of this power, ensure that debates surrounding intra-party conflict situations are reported in the most objective way possible, that the people have access to right, true, accurate information such that they are equipped enough to make informed decisions. By so doing, the media not only sets agenda for public discourse, they equally provide information about the political process, as well as confer status and authenticity on issues that border on political leaders and political issues (Umechukwu, 2011).

Conflicts exist everywhere, owing to differences in opinions, perceptions and views that concern a particular subject matter or issue, as well as a struggle to be in control of the “limited available resources” in a pluralised society (Ngige, Chukwudum, Badekale, Foluso & Hammanjoda,

2016). This is what spurs Albert (2001) to aver that conflict is a regular phenomenon which

3 finds its way into all areas of human existence. These areas include, but are not limited to religion, politics, culture, to mention but a few. In any modern society therefore, and particularly, amongst political parties, conflicts are inevitable.

Decades after obtaining independence, it is sad that political parties in Nigeria are still entangled in internal strife, making a mess of the democratic process. Nigeria’s Fourth Republic; from

May 29, 1999 till date, has been heavily laced by frequent intra and inter party conflicts which have often resulted in the creation of factions among major political parties across national, state and local government levels, stunting the growth, progress and political development of the

Nation. It is on this note that Olaniyan (2009) reveals that Nigeria’s Fourth Republic has recorded series of ‘bitter and acrimonious’ struggles within, and between parties.

Political parties consist of persons with similar views on how best to run a state. The absence of uniformity in their styles as well as the series of activities that take place within the party prompt members to express conflicting interests which sometimes breed party conflicts (Momodu &

Matudi, 2013). Therefore, as a social group, conflicts are unavoidable within a political party.

This is more so given the reality that whenever people come together to pursue a common goal, there is the tendency that some members would pursue their personal interests instead of group’s interest.

In Nigerian party politics, it has been observed that the system of democracy adopted by the

Country is devoid in most of its party dealings. This is what intra-party conflicts in Nigeria are hinged on. Popularly known as internal democracy, Nigerian political parties have consistently failed to adopt a system open enough to give party members participatory power in decision making as well as opportunities to contest in elections under the party’s platform. As a result, acrimony, cross-carpeting and a host of others have become the order of the day in many

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Nigerian political parties. Similarly, the creation of caucuses within the party, which have within themselves inner caucuses of the main caucus and are further worsened by the creation of ‘inner- inner caucuses’, controlled by political Godfathers who call the shots within the party are reflections of the weakening of the democracy. In addition, a give and take situation by money- bags has taken the lead in many political parties. Where then is the democracy we so graciously claim to practice?

In Nigeria, there are ninety-one (91) political parties registered by the Independent National

Electoral Commission (Inec.gov.ng, 2019). Yet, for so long a time, two political parties, the

Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC) have remained the leading political parties in the Country. Like any other democratic state in the world, both parties have been faced with considerable number of intra- party conflicts.

While it is essential that the media discharge their duty of information, surveillance and leadership, the media in a developing state needs to also be a part of the Nation’s development.

Hence, this study caves in on development communication, in the area of political development, emphasizing the need for the Nigerian media to operate a media system which pays more attention to national and developmental reporting, even in the area of conflict, than placing emphasis on conflict itself. Why? Political parties as instruments of democracy must, of a necessity, reflect the tenets of the democratic order. Hence, in order to build and develop the political state of the Nation, it is imperative that the media bring to bare the happenings and events between, and within political parties, as most of the challenges surrounding inter-party conflict border mainly on democracy, thereby weakening the democratic fabric of the Nation.

The Nigerian media finds a place in all of these, as they have had to contend with the lot that plagues the entire democratic order of the Nigerian state. Hence, this study seeks mainly to examine the role that the Nigerian media have played in reporting intra-party conflicts,

5 ascertaining whether they have done it rightly or wrongly, paying particular attention to such things as prominence, frequency of intra-party conflict reports, tone, slant, etc. In order to carefully determine this, this study will examine certain intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC respectively, in the space of thirteen months. This time frame, which spans from March

1st, 2018- March 31st 2019, seeks to investigate how badly or poorly the Nigerian media covered intra-party conflicts during this space of time, with the reason for the timeframe selection being that intra-party conflicts are at their worst when the elections are fast approaching. The time frame covers a one-year period before the commencement of the 2019 general election.

Questions centred around bias and conflict management, roles played and positions taken by the

Nigerian media in such situations, the manner and style with which the Nigerian media reports them, and a host of others are what this study seeks to answer. This study equally seeks to find out the resultant effects of these conflicts on the party, and the political advancement of the

Nigerian state.

1.2Statement of the Problem

There is a supposed tight link between media and the creation of rest, or fear, in the minds of members of the public. In addition, it has been argued that the media will take a reassuring, rather than alarming position of coverage in times of conflict; times which are capable of inciting panic and unrest amongst members of the public (Amoka, 2015). To put an end to the bickering within parties, raising awareness and calling attention of members of the public to the conflicts that are tearing the democratic fabric of the country is a means to reduce such happenings, and ensure that they do not cloud the decision making process and power of members of the public.

The power to control a chunk of the raw material needed by both political elites and members of the public lies in the hands of the media. This, the media do through a careful process of thinking about the political landscape and planning political action.

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While political parties are the mechanisms via which a democracy is practiced, they, like other groups are consistently faced with conflicts. All the problems surrounding intra-party conflict in Nigeria border on two main factors, which are, lack of party ideology, and absence of internal democracy (Obi 2018). This study concerns itself majorly with the latter. If a considerable number of intra-party conflicts stem from absence of internal democracy, it suggests that the practice of democracy in the country is itself, a sham, and nothing but a decorative tag. Or else, why would the major mechanism via which the practice of democracy is ensured and maintained be devoid of the tenets of the democratic order? As citizens, democracy concerns us all, and is supposed to be established in the dealings of our political parties. Imposition of candidates, candidate substitution, illegal candidate selection, to mention but a few are some of the means via which internal democracy within the parties are eroded, all of which contribute to weakening the overall democratic system of the country, stunting and weakening the political development and advancement of the Nigerian state.

While a number of studies have been done in the area of conflict and political conflict especially, not much has been done in examining media coverage of political conflicts, as it relates to intra- party conflicts. It is to this end that this study examines the newspapers coverage of intra-party conflicts within the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC).

1.3 Objectives of the Study

This study is generally aimed at finding out the nature and quality of some selected Nigerian newspapers with regards to political conflicts in Nigeria, through their coverage of intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC in the days that led up to the 2019 general elections.

Specifically, the study aims at the following:

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1. To find out the volume of coverage given to intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC

in comparison with other areas of political conflict by the Nigerian newspapers.

2. To examine the degree of prominence given to intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the

APC, by the Nigerian newspapers.

3. To examine the slant (direction) of news reports of intra-party conflicts within the PDP and

the APC, by the Nigerian newspapers,

4. To ascertain what the story types associated with intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the

APC by the Nigerian newspapers were.

5. To examine whether the coverage of intra-party conflicts served to resolve or aggravate the

conflict.

1.4 Research Questions

1. What is the volume of coverage given to intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC

in comparison with other areas of political conflict by the Nigerian newspapers?

2. What is the degree of prominence given to intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC,

by the Nigerian newspapers?

3. What is the slant (direction) of news reports of intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the

APC, by the Nigerian newspapers?

4. What is the major story type associated with intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the

APC by the Nigerian newspapers?

5. Did the coverage of intra-party conflicts serve to resolve or aggravate the conflict?

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1.5 Hypotheses

Two hypotheses stated in the null form are used for this study:

Ho1: There is no significant difference in the frequency of newspaper reportage on intra-Party conflicts within the PDP and APC before and during the 2019 elections in Nigeria.

Ho2: There is no significant difference in the slant (direction) of newspaper reportage on intra-

Party conflicts within the PDP and APC before and during the 2019 elections in Nigeria.

1.6 Significance of the Study

This research is premised upon the role of the media in providing information, reporting and resolving conflicts, hanging on to the 16th Sustainable development goal (SDG goal)- Peace and Strong Justice Institutions. It is coming at a time where many have put question tags on the manner with which the media have been able to perform these roles, especially as it concerns intra-party conflicts in Nigeria. It seeks to interrogate how socially responsible the Nigerian media have been, particularly in conflict situations, examining whether or not they cover political conflicts as they ought to. Studies around news coverage of intra-party conflicts have been examined by several scholars, but not with intra-party conflicts within the Peoples’

Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives’ Congress (APC) during the course of the

2019 general elections, as its focus.

To undergraduate students, this research work will provide more insight into the Nigerian political party system, bringing to the fore core issues surrounding intra-party conflicts and broadening their understanding of conflicts between or amongst political parties. Equally, it would help them become more media literate, allowing them an opportunity to logically critique media actions with regards to media coverage and reportage of political conflict issues.

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Postgraduate students will benefit from this study as it will serve as a catalyst in the area of political communication, deepening their understanding of this area of study and provoking greater research in this area.

To scholars, this research work introduces a new angle to this field of research. It will equally offer recommendations on how the media can effectively discharge its duties in a multi- party system setting. This research work will add to the body of knowledge in the Nigerian setting in a much broader way.

For media personnel and organisations, this research work will provide an exposure into the way and manner they have gone about the discharge of their duties, allowing them assess themselves. It will equally challenge them either to maintain the good job by continually covering and reporting political conflict issues the same way, or improve on their efforts in the discharge of this role.

The Nigerian government as well as non- governmental organisations (NGOs) stand to gain insight into the root causes of political conflicts within People’s Democratic Party and the All

Progressives’ Congress. Concepts such as political conflict dynamics, peace negotiations, the government and non- governmental organisations’ role in preventing or encouraging conflict, the role of non-state actors during and after conflict, and how political institutions can be used to consolidate peace will also be expounded upon.

Finally, political parties will benefit from this study as they will better understand political conflicts in general, by studying the causes and effects of political conflicts and learning how best to manage conflict situations.

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1.7 Scope of the Study

This study concerns itself mainly with reviewing and studying the content of two newspapers with national coverage and wide readership, published between March 1, 2018 and March 31,

2019. The time frame is one year before the commencement of the 2019 general election campaigns and the completion of the entire election procedure. Nigeria has one of the most pulsating media systems in Africa. Over 100 national and local newspapers and publications operate here. For this study therefore, the Daily Trust Newspaper, one of the most influential privately owned newspapers of Nigeria, based in the North was selected. Secondly, this study selected The Punch Newspaper, because of its coverage of international news, political and social issues, which have greatly improved in the recent times. In addition, The Punch newspaper has been quite vocal about the ways of the government. Six issues per month were purposively selected to be studied each month for the designated research period. The reason for this sample size is to have a manageable sample and avoid thin data that may mar the analysis thereby rendering the discussions and conclusions problematic. A total number of 154 issues would be examined in the study, in order to access tangible, note-worthy, reasonable and relevant information regarding the research topic.

1.8 Limitations to the Study

The major constraint faced by the researcher in the course of this research work is that of time.

Content analysis is extremely time consuming, a factor which the researcher had to deal with.

Also, the researcher encountered some difficulty in computerizing the data collected.

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1.9 Operational Definition of Terms

Conflict: A situation in which members of the All Progressives Congress (APC) and/or the

Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) are unable to coexist in the area of their aims or goals while also trying to stop other members or groups from pursuing their goals.

Coverage: This is the extent to which the media presents or reports issues of intra-party conflicts as news, editorial, picture news, e.t.c, which is capable of influencing the audience opinion.

Democracy: This is the system of government practiced in Nigeria, owned and controlled by

Nigerians, who via a series of political measures decide who their rulers are, and to whom these rulers are accountable with regards to their actions and inactions while in power.

Internal Democracy: Within the APC and PDP, the process through which party flag bearers, and other appointments are decided upon ought to be made open, in such a manner that everyone has an equal opportunity to be the party’s flag bearer. In other words, a level-playing ground should be created for all members of the political party.

Intra-party Conflict: Conflict which occurs when members of the same political party, e.g.; members of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) or the All Progressives’ Congress (APC) pursue incompatible political goals or try to influence the decision-making process of the party to their advantage.

Newspapers: Daily Trust and The Punch newspapers are printed publications, issued daily; containing news, articles, advertisements, and correspondence. In these newspapers, issues surrounding intra-party conflicts and a host of other issues are covered and reported.

Political Party: These refers to the All Progressives’ Congress (APC) and the Peoples’

Democratic Party (PDP) that contested in the 2019 elections, as an organized group of people,

12 with broadly common views, who come together to contest elections and hold power in the government.

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CHAPTER TWO

LITERATURE REVIEW

This chapter provides a theoretical framework to backup findings in this study. The review of literature is presented as follows: democracy; political parties; democracy and political parties; conflict as a necessary evil, intra-party conflict, factors responsible for intra-party conflict, media role in a democracy, media role in conflict resolution, political development and the impact of conflict resolution on political development. In addition, an overview of intra-party conflict within the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) was also presented. This chapter closes with the presentation of the theoretical framework and a summary of the review.

2.1 The Review

2.1.1 Democracy

The term ‘democracy’ is of Greek origin, meaning ‘people rule’ (Ali, Ku, Zatul & Adlina 2015, p.175). Different scholars have over the years attempted to define this concept. While some define democracy merely as a means through which decision making power is placed in the hands of select individuals who through a process of competing for the votes of the ordinary citizens, gain power to rule (Panicker, 2013), others define democracy as connoting a system of government which accepts all men as equal beings, capable enough and endued with the right to decide who should rule them, and who exercise this right through a process of election

(Ogundiya, 2011). Similarly, Berger (2002) defines democracy as the decision-making power vested in the majority of the people demonstrated via the process of election. Gana (1996) and

Oronsaye (1995) take these definitions a notch higher, averring that a democracy demands accountability from the ‘governors’ by the governed, who are responsible for putting these governors in power in the first place, having undergone a process of election. In like manner,

Osaghae (1999) opines that the basic tenet of a democratic government is guaranteeing that

14 choice, and power are domiciled in the hands of the people, such that they are able to decide who leads them, and who cannot. With all of these, it is safe to say that a democracy is a form of government, owned and controlled by the people of a state, who via a series of political measures decide who their rulers are, and to whom these rulers are accountable with regards to their actions and inactions while in power.

Three key elements define whether a system is democratic, or not (Dahl, 2000). The first is the undeniably high existence of citizens’ rights and freedom. This is closely followed by what is known as political pluralism, which simply connotes the presence of a multitude of political parties, and lastly, political participation, which calls for the choice of the people to be duly and honestly represented, through a process of credible, free and fair elections.

There are different contexts in which the term ‘election’ may be used. For the purpose of this study, however, election, under political situations, refers to the way and manner through which the people of a group, community, state or country decide on who their political leaders should be, by casting votes in support of their preferred candidates. This explains why political parties play a huge role in the democratic system of any Nation. As it is in Nigeria, and in many

Countries, world over, electorates get to choose from a pool of candidates presented or sponsored by their political parties. Section 14(1) of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal

Republic of Nigeria (as amended) also highlights the relevance of election to Nigeria’s democracy, by making provisions for the principle of equality and social justice.

In this sense, therefore, it is possible to suggest that the electorates wield enough power to legally change a government, or a government official who was elected into power, and have failed to meet up to the expectations of those who placed them in power. This is what Jega

(2007) means when he says that these standards and principles of democracy reveal that the

15 government in a democratic dispensation is powered by the electorates who he describes as

“sovereign.”

2.1.2 Political Parties

A political party represents a structured group of people running with an agenda, which may or may not be clearly defined, aiming to win or remain in political positions of authority through the decision-making power of a nation’s population; in order to further their political ambitions and objectives (Umar and Kura, 2004). The sole aim here is to capture or maintain the legal right to remain at the helm of affairs in government over a period of time. Edmund Burke, as cited in Churchill (2003) describes a political party as “a body of men united for promoting, by their joint endeavours, the national interest upon some particular principle in which they are all agreed.” Although this definition has been contested over time by scholars like Hague and

Harrop (2007) who describe it as being too narrow; missing out some essential characteristics of what modern day democracy connotes; it remains detailed enough to lay to bare the basics of what a political party are, and what a political party should consist of. For the purposes of this study however, it is most appropriate to adopt the definition provided by Maliyamkono and

Kanyongolo (2003, p. 41) which defines a political party as “an organised association of people working together to compete for political office and to promote agreed-upon policies.” This definition, in contrast to that of Edmund Burke exposes us to some of the arguments against

Edmund Burke’s definition of the concept, particularly with regard to his assertion of “…united for promoting, by their joint endeavours, the national interest”, which implies that political parties solely work towards national interest. Maliyamkono and Kanyongolo (2003, p. 41), however debunk this when they affirm that a political party consists of people working together

“…to promote agreed-upon policies.” Aleyomi (2014) further breaks these “agreed-upon

16 policies” into different forms of interests, which may not necessarily be national. Such interests might include religious, economic or even regional objectives.

As far as political parties are concerned, scholars still remain divided in their opinions of what they really are. As a matter of fact, Jinadu (2011) drawing from Epstein (1967) asserts that while it may not appear such an uphill task defining what political parties are, or should be; it remains a huge task providing a definition that encapsulates the concept both in terms of function and structure; and how this definition shares ties with the development of democracy in the society, or is influenced by it. For instance, scholars like Aleyomi (2013) and Jinadu (2011) agree that political parties find their roles in the different functions they perform by serving as links between the citizens and the government. This is clearly seen in the manner with which political parties operate in the Western world, e.g., U.S.A. In Africa and other developing nations however, the narrative is not the same, as the political parties present therein operate on the basis of structure, rather than function. Jinadu (2011) expatiates on this when he describes the democratic situation in Africa and other developing democracies around the world as being different from what obtains in the West, with regards to the “nature, character, composition and functions of political parties” which he explains as having “evolved over the years as a result of challenging socio-economic and political realities in those societies.” Supporting this position is Omotola (2009) who holds that in developing democracies today, what appears most paramount to political parties is not the need to create and sustain the best electoral choices or how a government usually conducts its business under its banner, but instead, a struggle for power and political positions, with the sole aim of controlling the government. To this end, he opines therefore that Nigeria is no exception. If Nigeria falls into this category, it is evident that it cannot be compared with the democratic order that obtains in the Western world. Why is this so? Aleyomi (2014) and Tyoden (2013) shed more light on this when they agree that the

17 situations that necessitated the formation of many political parties in Nigeria, are, as earlier mentioned structural, rather than functional. These situations, borne out of social, economic and political differences, were coupled with an unquenchable thirst for power and a desire to control government resources. These unfavourable, selfish conditions heralded the birth of the Nigerian party system, leaving Aristotle (2012) with no choice than to describe party politics in Nigeria as dirty, and scaring away people of integrity.

2.1.3 Democracy and Political Parties

In any modern democracy, political parties remain dominant features, which play key roles in building and strengthening the democratic spate of any nation (Maiyo, 2008). Modern day politics has at its core political parties, which serve as “lifelines” of a democracy. These political parties are representatives of an indispensable link amid citizens’ political wants and the provisions made available by the democratic government (Maiyo, 2008). Schattschneider

(1942) attempts to explain the relevance of political parties to a democracy, asserting that political parties are responsible for the birth of democracy, and as a result, in the absence of political parties, a democracy cannot exist. It is in this light that Omodia (2010) and Almond

(2010) opine that political parties serve as yardsticks for measuring how ‘democratic’ the government of a state or Nation is, describing the workings and structures of such political parties as a reflection of the democratic system in place. Hence, Almond (2010) argues that in cases where these political parties lack proper structures, which prevent them from performing their functions as expected, they affect the strength of the entire democratic process. This is because political participation which is an essential part of democracy might be downplayed. In situations where the electorates have poor political culture, and are apathetic towards political events in their constituency, state or Nation, the strength of the democracy there is threatened,

18 resulting in fragile democratic systems. On the flip side, proper structuring of the political parties with well-defined, articulated functions will result in huge political participation and involvement, which would eventually birth a healthy and stable democratic order (Almond,

2010). Thus, political parties play a significant role in achieving democratic stability as a result of their ability to assemble people and resources across a wide range of interests, both at local and national levels, to support the candidates they present for elections (Jega, 2007). It is safe therefore to conclude that an interdependent relationship does exist between party politics, and democracy.

A fundamental element of a democracy is political participation, and one of the most common platforms by which people exercise this civic duty is through election. Through this process, people have the right to vote and to be voted for (Macho, 1994). This use of political power for the good of the public, has been coined into what is now known as good governance. This relatively new term has been adopted by a number of scholars and international bodies such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) who have established a nexus between good governance and democracy.

Another key element of democracy is accountability. Accountability is a basic tenet of good governance. With regards to government, accountability connotes an obligation on the part of the government, or on the part of government officers to act, decide and create policies with the best interests of the citizenry at heart, else, they might be faced with consequences for failure to do the aforementioned. It holds that measures be put in place to ensure that government officials are held answerable for their actions while in office. It evaluates the effectiveness of the government of the day, ensuring that they are being responsive to the community they serve.

Waert (1998) therefore posits that accountability, transparency, openness and predictability from government officials, in governmental procedures and transactions as well as the freedom

19 of the press and free flow of information should serve as measures and considerations for a democratic government. The presence of the aforementioned in any democratic order will aid development in the system.

The state of the Nations democracy, and by extension, political stability hinges largely on the bond that exists between the rate of political participation, and the rate of political institutionalisation (Omotola, 2010). This simply means that when the political parties, or politicians in power are intentional about meeting the demands of the people, and of the state, legally, it is most unlikely that such democracy will break down. Hence, political parties serve as measuring yardsticks, in determining the strength or otherwise of a Nation’s democracy

(Omodia, 2010).

There are several roles that political parties play in a democracy. Caton (2007) tells of the program and policy developing role of political parties, which basically describes political parties as platforms which ensure that choices abound in the world of politics, candidate and idea wise. Another role is that political parties serve as vehicles via which persons are recruited and selected for government and other legislative positions, by serving as the major mechanism through which elections are conducted (Yaqub 2002). Directly or indirectly also, political parties control government, either by being in power, or being in the opposition. Political parties also help establish, change or affect government agenda (Caton, 2007).

The above listed roles of political parties in a democracy are summed up in Almond (2000)’s foremost, yet many-sided functions of a political party in a democracy. Known as the input- output variables, Almond posits that is on the premise of ably playing out these roles that a political party can stand a decent shot at uprooting and, consequently, taking over the ruling party, be it intra and/or inter party politics. These roles are listed below:

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Input Functions

(I) Political socialization and Recruitment – This alludes to the presentation of individual citizens into various roles in the political framework, and furthermore choosing them for participation into the political framework.

(ii) Interest Articulation – It refers to the procedure through which requests are infused into the political framework.

(iii) Interest Aggregation – It comprises the plan of arrangements in which group interests are consolidated, suited and pretty much dedicated to a specific form of public policy.

(iv) Political Communication – It is the means by which political information is transmitted among the distinctive groups, and between the represented and their rulers, and vice versa.

Output Functions

(I) Rule Making – This is the procedure through which laws are made. In a democratic system, the legislative arm of government is saddled with this responsibility.

(ii) Rule Application – This refers to the procedure involved in executing laws and administrative arrangements. This capacity falls under the Executive Arm of government.

(iii) Rule Adjudication – This capacity exists in the area of the judiciary, as the foundation executes the fundamental function of translating laws that guides people and establishments of the state.

All the roles of political parties listed above go a long way to show that political parties are necessary institutions for a democracy to function effectively, thus contributing to a change in conceptions of what political parties are. As it is now, political parties are now viewed as “public

21 utility”, signifying how essentially they are needed in a democracy, as opposed to being merely voluntary, private associations. (Yaqub, 2002).

2.1.4 Conflict as A Necessary Evil

Conflict is “a process through which two or more actors or parties try to pursue incompatible aims or goals while trying to stop the other(s) from pursuing their goals” (Best & Obateru 2011, p.39). Going further, Okunna (2004) defines conflict as disagreements stemming from principle- clashes as they concern political and economic issues, in a manner that such issues are deliberated powerfully, in local, national, and international settings, whilst leaving the bane of the combats “in the cause of God and country, nation and ethnic group in the killing fields.”

It is imperative to know that conflict can ensue between two or more individuals, groups, societies and organisations, owing to personality differences, as well as differences in the opinions and values they hold dear (Ngige, Chukwudum, Badekale & Hammanjoda, 2016). In addition, conflicts may erupt not only from personality differences, but from divisions birthed by judgement, prejudice, fear and obliviousness.

From time immemorial, man has always experienced conflicts, which have cut across families, societies, states and nations of the world, continents, and even sometimes, within the man himself (Ngige, Chukwudum, Badekale & Hammanjoda, 2016). In all spheres of human existence, of which politics is one, conflicts pervade (Albert, 2001). As a matter of fact, conflict remains one of the major characteristics of the modern world, where politics is at the core of nation building and development (Puddephatt, 2006).

Conflict in politics is inevitable (Aleyomi, 2014). This is hinged on two obvious and undeniable facts. First, in any society where people struggle for, or are even denied their essential human

22 requirements for identity, security, poise and support, conflicts are bound to erupt. Secondly, where it is obvious that the creation or execution of certain governmental policies are in favour of a certain group or groups, conflict is inevitable (Aleyomi, 2014).

Within the Nigerian political sphere, conflicts arise when a certain group of political office holders lose out in the political process as a result of factors like economic strength and social power (Awofeso, Obah-Akpowoghaha & Ogunmilade, 2017). Following the return of multi- party democracy to the Nigerian political system, the country has continued to contend with a variety of problems such as maintaining national unity and security (Ogundiya, 2011). However, like Tyoden (2013) posits, as inevitable as conflicts might seem in every democratic order with a variety of political parties, owing to differences in ideologies and values, the functions played by these political parties cannot be underrated. Hence, because political parties serve as means by which diverse political interests are expressed and combined, which are indispensable to the effective functioning of the political system, conflicts are inescapable. (Ali, Ku, Zatul & Adlina,

2015).

2.1.5 Intra-Party Conflict

Having established that in a multi-party democratic order, conflict is inevitable, it is imperative to note that the idea of conflict is the politics of power, a connection between individuals in which some motivate others to obey them (Aleyomi, 2013). Across all forms of human organisation, prominent features remain relations and interdependence amongst fellow humans

(Dedley, 1973). It is against this backdrop that Momodu and Matudi (2013) provide much needed explanations in relation to intra-party conflict, highlighting in particular, the pursuit of different goals as it has to do with appointing and electing members into different positions.

They posit therefore that intra-party conflict connotes a situation where members of a particular

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(same) political party pursue divergent goals, or seek to sway the decision-making process of the party to suit their individual political ambitions, thereby making it to their advantage

(Momodu & Matudi, 2013). Awofeso, Obah-Akpowagha and Ogunmilade (2017) also describe intra-party conflicts as disagreements within a certain political party. Intra party politics reveal a situation of distress and difficulty within a political party owing to the inability of the party to resolve its differences (Eme & Anyadike, 2011). Contrary to popular opinions however, intra party conflicts do not engender only negative results. As a matter of fact, there are positive sides to intra-party conflicts, if well managed. In light of this therefore, Momodu and Matudi (2013) opine that if “functional”, intra-party conflicts can serve as catalysts for growth, development, understanding and a host of others. This study however focuses on a negative, or as Momodu and Matudi (2013, p.3) describe it, a “dysfunctional” consequence of intra-party conflict.

Muhammed (2008) avers that while intra-party conflicts hold both good and bad sides, the latter has been the dominant one in Nigeria with members of the same political party devising and engaging ridiculous means to hijack power for the sole purpose of serving personal interests and ambitions. Within parties, factions are created, discipline loses its place, and the entirety of the party is controlled by party bureaucrats (Abubakar & Ibrahim, 2015). Parties lose every iota of internal democracy, equity and openness. Worse still is the incitement of conflict in another party by a stronger political party in a “divide-and-rule” tactic. Hence, if poorly managed, intra- party conflicts are capable of creating oppositions within an existing political party. Evidently, the Nigerian political structure, nature and composition reflect the existence of conflict in its intra-party democracy, lending credence to the works of scholars like Ogundiya (2011) and

Aleyomi (2014) who opine that conflict in politics is inevitable.

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2.1.6 An Overview of Intra-Party Conflict in Nigeria: A Focus on The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) And the All Progressives’ Congress (APC)

Intra-party conflicts in Nigeria date as far back as the colonial era. Some of these conflicts are listed below:

• Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) in 1923 was wrecked by personal

jealousies and quarrels over the spoils of office.

• Lack of openness and the autocratic approach of the party caused a serious political rift

that resulted in the eventual formation of the Youth Movement (LYM – 1933)

yielding subsequent transformation to Nigerian Youth Movement (NYM – 1936).

Within the People’s democratic party, the following intra-party-conflicts have been recorded since 1999:

• The internal division within the party in 2000 when it was divided into two camps one

led by Chief Sunday Bolorunduro Awoniyi and the other headed by Chief Ume Ezeoke.

• The internal tussle between former Governor and his

godfather, Chief Chris Uba

• The crisis that led to the defection of Senator Ifeanyi Ararume to Action

Group of Nigeria (ACN)

• The Ogun State crisis that led to the defection of Senator to ANPP

later to CAN

• The case that led to the defection of former Governor Segun

Oni to ACN later to PDP; the crisis in that led to the defection of Governor

Segun Mimiko to Labour Party, now back to PDP

• The crisis in PDP that led to the defection of former Governor Orji Uzor

Kalu to the Progressive Peoples’ Alliance, then back to PDP and now APC.

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• The crisis that led to the defection of former Governor

Timipre Silva to the All Progressive Congress (APC).

• Internal crises within PDP led to the defection of the former Vice President, Alhaji

Atiku Abubakar to ACN in 2003; former Senate President, Late and

Late Harry Marshall to ANPP.

• Issues bordering on lack of internal democracy in 2013 culminated in the suspension

of Governor Rotimi Amechi;

• The dissolution of the executives of the chapter of the PDP and further

defiance of representative ideas democratic principles by PDP under the chairmanship

of Alhaji Bamaga Tukur resulted in the formation of what was later known as the ‘New

PDP’, led by Alhaji , former Vice President; Alhaji Abubakar Kawu

Baraje, prior stand-in national chairperson and Chief , previous

Osun State leader and the then secretary;

• The following persons: Engineer Rabi’u Musa Kwankwaso, Governor of State;

Mr Chibuike Rotimi Amechi, Governor of , Alhaji Ahmed Abdulfatah,

Governor of , Alhaji , former Adamawa State administrator;

Alhaji Aliyu Magatakarda Wamakko, head of ; Alhaji ,

Governor of Jigawa State and Alhaji Babangida Aliyu, Governor of all left

the PDP at the time, defecting to the APC in 2013.

• The inability of the party to deploy its internal disputes management

tools in resolving the crises within the party further deepened the rate of defection as

constituents of National Assembly inclusive of House of Representatives’ orator,

Alhaji Aminu Waziri Tambuwal defected into APC in 2014.

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This list is endless as no PDP-dominated state exists without evidenced intra-party conflicts

(Chukwuma & Ali, 2014; Eme & Anyadike, 2011; Jinadu, 2011; Nwanegbo, Odigbo &

Nnorom, 2014; Ujo, 2012). Chukwuma & Ali (2014) note that the continuous intra-party conflicts within PDP and successive defections of its dissatisfied party members to the rival party represents its aggregation of recurring disagreements; which emanated from hopeless aspirations, absence of devotion to the party’s ideals, and crass partial exploitations. Evidently, the lack of appropriate internal dispute resolution mechanism that would have been able to calm vaulting tempers resulted in the defeat of PDP at the general election of 2015. Suffice to say therefore, that litigation was unable to save the soul and fortune of the party by restoring trust and relationship, cutting cost and guaranteeing victory at the polls (Obi, 2018, p. 40).

In recent times, within the Peoples’ Democratic Party, intra party conflicts such as the following have ensued:

• Intrigue eruption within the PDP, clouding prospects for the party to produce a

governorship candidate in (Vanguard, Oct 2, 2018)

• Resignation of former governor of Ogun state, Otunba from active

politics.

• Rift among PDP members in Ekiti state as a result of Governor Ayodele Fayose

allegedly picking his deputy, Prof. Kolapo Olusola, singlehandedly as his successor and

the candidate of the party in the coming governorship election (Independent, Feb 25,

2018)

The All Progressives Congress is not left out of this charade, as it is equally conflict ridden.

According to Ibrahim and Abubakar (2015). Series of conflicts such as factionalization, litigation issues, e.t.c, have greatly affected the operations of the All Progressives Congress.

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Below are a number of recent conflicts that have plagued the party, according to the Daily Trust newspaper (Feb 24, 2018):

• The Odigie-Oyegun incident which had Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu write the National

Chairman of the APC, Chief John Odigie-Oyegun, accusing the former

governor of sabotaging the presidential mandate given to him to reconcile the party. In

the letter, Tinubu accused the former of undermining his efforts.

• Too many feuds and factions within the party. These factions, existent amongst different

states have in Kano state a fight between Governor Abdullahi Ganduje and his

predecessor, Sen. . Ganduje had recently said Kwankwaso would be

replaced as senator by another fellow in 2019. In , it is between aggrieved

executives of the state chapter of the APC who have been at loggerheads with Governor

Bello for allegedly side-lining them since he assumed power about two years ago. The

governor has created a faction and Oyegun has blessed them. In Bauchi, it is between

Governor Mohammed Abubakar and the speaker of the House of Reps, Yakubu Dogara

as well as three senators from the state namely, Ali Wakili, Isa Hamma Misau and Nazifi

Gamawa. They all accuse the governor of reneging the promises he made to the people

during campaigns. The Senator Chris Ngige-led committee could not resolve the

problem. In , it is between Governor and the Minister of

Communication, Adebayo Shittu. Shitu wants to succeed Ajimobi as governor but

clearly, the governor has someone in mind, as evident in their utterances. In Katsina,

Governor Aminu Masari is finding it difficult to contend with threats from the APC

splinter group called the APC-Akida comprising people like MT Liman, Sadiq

Yar’adua, Sada Ilu, Usman Bugaje, and others. In Kaduna, there is serious revolt against

Governor Nasir El-Rufai from the camp of Senator , and there’s former APC

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chairman in , Dr Hakeem Baba Ahmed who blamed the governor for

dividing the party, culminating in the formation of APC Akida faction in the state.

Senator Hunkuyi, whose house was demolished last week, has also created a different

faction. In Zamfara, Senator Kabiru Marafa is at daggers-drawn with Governor

Abdul’azizYari; while in Imo, Governor has perfected plans to plant

his son-in-law as successor. In Ogun State, it is Amosun and Osoba. The running battle

between Ogun State Governor, Senator Ibikunle Amosun, and a former governor of the

state, Chief Segun Osoba, played out as activities towards the general elections heat up.

• The expansion of Tinubu’s committee. As seen in Buhari’s letter, Tinubu was given a

blank cheque to reconcile APC without information on how long he should take to

accomplish the mission or other people he should work with. It was only after further

enquiries by the Daily Trust, that Buhari’s spokesman, Garba Shehu, said Tinubu will

not be alone in executing the task. “Of course, [Tinubu] cannot work alone. When the

time comes, he will assemble a team that will work with him,” he said. But many APC

members said the decision to give the onerous mandate to Tinubu alone to do what he

want was a political suicide, saying Buhari should have put together competent persons

from all walks of life. “The assignment will involve resolving disagreements among

party members, party leadership and political office holders in some states of the

Federation,” the statement about Tinubu’s appointment, which was posted on Buhari’s

Twitter handle said.

In the days that led up to the 2019 general elections, a number of conflicts plagued the Nigerian political scene. It is pertinent to note that not much of conflicts occurred at the presidential levels of both parties for known reasons; which are:

29

1. President Buhari had no one contesting against him within his party, the All

Progressives’ Congress. Similarly, the controversy surrounding his West African Senior

Secondary Certificate Examination (WASSCE)never generated any crisis of any form.

With this being the state of things, there was no intra party conflict at the presidential

level.

2. For the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Former Vice-President of Nigeria, Atiku

Abubakar got the party ticket. Although there was some bickering, they were not enough

to snowball into any conflict, and as a result, Atiku went into the elections with his party

top echelon and state governors supporting him.

A notable conflict within the All Progressives Congress is that which took place in Imo state.

The outgoing governor wanted his Chief of Staff and Son-In- Law, Uche Nwosu to succeed him as governor, while the APC top apparatchiks wanted Senator . Uzodinma eventually got the ticket of the APC, while Uche Nwosu moved to Action Alliance to pick the governorship ticket. This intra-party conflict eventually resulted in the loss of the state to the

PDP by APC. This intra-party conflict was fuelled by President Buhari’s body language and statement at campaigns, suggesting that people could vote whomever they liked across party lines.

Another intra-party conflict within the All Progressives’ Congress is the running battle between

Ogun State Governor, Senator Ibikunle Amosun, and a former governor of the state, Chief

Segun Osoba, which played out as activities towards the general elections heat up. The duo had been harbouring their anger since 2011 elections when Osoba accused Amosun of not appointing his nominees as commissioners and special advisers while Amosun claimed that his loyalists were not given slots both at the Senate, House of Representatives and state assembly

30 elections. On the governor's side, Amosun wanted to assemble a team he was sure would assist him in meeting his electoral promises while his party leader insisted he must pick his aides from within their ranks. Despite that, the governor was said to have appointed several party men as special advisers and chairmen and members of boards of parastatals and agencies in the state.

Amosun then threatened to pull out of the All Progressives Congress (APC) if the

National Working Committee (NWC) of the party fails to uphold the candidacy of his anointed governorship candidate, Abdul-Kabir Adekunle Akinlade. The rift finally produced two governorship candidates; Abdul-Kabir Adekunle Akinlade from Amosun’s faction and Mr.

Dapo Abiodun from Osoba’s faction. And because the party accepted Osoba’s candidate over

Amosun’s, Amosun left the APC and formed a faction now known and recognised as the APM, which has today gained state-wide acceptance in Ogun state.

The Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) shares a similar tale. In Ogun state, Ladi Adebutu got the ticket to run for governorship. However, political big-wigs like Buruji and Kashamu went to court to get the ticket back. And eventually, Kashamu flew the ticket.

Like the aforementioned, in Kano state, the court removed Abba Gida Abba few days to the elections. However, the appeal court passed judgement in his favour, ruling that he was the lawfully elected candidate at the primaries.

This study examines cases like these in the light of media coverage of these conflicts. How the

Nigerian media reported various intra-party conflicts with regards to slant, prominence, direction, e.t.c, are what this study seeks to find out.

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2.1.7 Factors Responsible for Intra-Party Conflict

Researchers like Ibrahim and Abubakar (2015) convene on a series of factors responsible for intra-party conflicts. Incumbency, God-fatherism, politics of self-interest, illegal candidate substitution, an absence of internal democracy, lack of ideology and a host of others have been identified as factors that predispose political parties to intra-party conflicts (Olaniyan, 2009;

Chukwuma and Ali, 2014, Alli, 2015, Okoye, 2015 and Jinadu, 2015). Obi (2018, p.30) however sums all of these factors up as: the lack of party ideology, and absence of internal democracy.

2.1.7.1 God-Fatherism

This tells a tale of the dominant ideology in the Nigerian political system- a crazy desire to control wealth, by controlling government. This ill-driven desire results in party structures

‘controlled’ by ‘godfathers’, or ‘politicspreneur’, as Obi (2018) describes them. Obi (2018) sheds more light on this by averring that these set of political party members fail to see politics for what it really is- a call to public service, but instead view it as a business venture and an opportunity to make money. Ibrahim and Abubakar (2015) support this position when they posit that owing to the absence of a clear-cut ideological stand, politics in Nigeria has been reduced to a money-making enterprise. The importance of an ideology therefore cannot be underrated.

Momodu and Matudi (2013) highlight the relevance of a party ideology, describing it as a major drive which propels all that a political party does, and engage in. In addition, they posit that an ideology is a key element around which a political party is built, and thus, plays a central role.

In its absence therefore, the party is prone to squabbles, internally, a loss of sense of direction and so on, making the party nothing more than a platform upon which a few persons can have their interests brought to bare. In line with this therefore, Momodu and Matudi argue that the absence of an ideology is a major reason behind the never-ending rate of defection and cross carpeting in the Nigerian political scene, majorly as a result of clashes of interest.

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2.1.7.2 Absence of Internal Democracy

In this context, democracy connotes a system where every stakeholder is a part of the decision- making processes of the party, as well as a system transparent enough for all involved to see and be a part of. Thus, the process through which party flag bearers are decided upon should be made open, in such a manner that everyone has an equal opportunity at being the flag bearer. In other words, a level-playing ground should be created for all (Banire, 2017). In many cases in

Nigerian politics, Banire (2017) explains that only persons whom the political godfathers consider worthy enough to become the party’s candidates get these opportunities. The 2003 and

2007 General Elections were characterized by long legal battles; most of all were caused by intra party squabbles over nomination of candidates at the primaries. For example, the All

Progressives Congress (APC) suffered from internal squabbles in different states and at the national level because of nomination of candidates. Such was the case between Rotimi Ameachi and Celestine Omehia of Rivers state in 2007. Not only that, the imposition of Late Umaru Musa

Yar’Adua by former President (1999-2007) as his successor, had caused serious conflicts in APC in 2007. The series of reactions that trail the conduct of primary elections in preparation for the 2015 elections (most especially by the APC) in most states of the federation and the emergence of President Jonathan as the sole Presidential candidate of the party attests to the lack of transparency and internal democracy in most of the political parties.

Hence, the whole process of internal democracy suffers, and the party becomes open to disputes whenever the space for public participation becomes streamlined to some particular set of people, thereby threatening its internal democracy.

Absence of internal democracy rears its ugly head again when faced with the process of selecting, nominating and imposing candidates (Aleyomi, 2013). Examples of intra-party conflicts recorded along this line include the and Celestine Omehia case of

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Rivers State in 2007. Another instance is seen in the manner with which conflict broke out within the PDP in 2007 when former President Olusegun Obasanjo imposed the Late Umaru

Musa Yar’adua, to succeed him (Ibrahim and Abubakar, 2015). The 2015 general elections were not left out of this, as it was largely characterised by long battles stemming from intra-party disagreements, especially within the People’s Democratic Party.

2.1.8 Media Role in A Democracy

In every democratic society, the media is laced with a number of responsibilities. The most important role played by the media in a democratic order is the watchdog role, according to

Omoera (2010) who opines that the media plays a "watchful and critical role" in a democracy, as opposed to bad practices by the government, and private individuals. Media personnel are a

“corps of intrepid reporters who are always caught in the web several steps ahead of the goons”

(Akinfeleye, 2003, p. 34). In similar fashion, Ugulah and Erebi (2008) support this position, noting that the media is responsible for ensuring transparency, accountability and answerability of the government to the people, through proper, accurate and socially responsible dissemination of information as well as a protection of human rights. The watchdog role is taken as the most crucial in democratic societies. It is the assumption underlying Section 22 of the Nigerian

Constitution which stipulates that the media shall monitor governance, (Oso 2013, p.15) In other words; the media has a sole responsibility of making known to the electorates all that the government in power does. Curran (2005) also holds that the media is viewed as a check on the abuse of the different sources of power, public or private notwithstanding.

While the watchdog role is perceived by many researchers to be the major role amongst many other media roles played by the media in any democratic dispensation, Oyero (2008) highlights the role of the media in enhancing participatory governance by creating public sphere, averring

34 that access to the public sphere in conjunction with freedom of expression remain essential to the effectiveness of a democratic system of government. As a term, ‘public sphere’ in the practise of communication is credited to Hebermas, and is defined by Randall (2007) as an organised system and set of procedures that allow for vast, wide and participatory public debate, concerning issues of social and political importance. Democracy constitutes a system of participation, and the major instrument by which participation can be guaranteed is communication (Oyero, 2008, p.35). Hence, the relevance of communication cannot be overemphasized. The Christian Principles of Communication (1986) emphasizes the liberating power of communication, revealing that communication serves as a means through which people are able to clearly express their own needs, come together in unison to meet those needs, boost their sense of self-respect, and accentuate the right of every individual to freely participate in, and be a part, of the society, with an aim to creating societal structures which are responsive towards the fulfilment of human rights.

In achieving all of the above therefore, the media of mass communication plays a vital role as a platform through individual thoughts can be expressed, and communication can be freely done, in a democracy. As a ‘public sphere’, Soules (2001) explains that a realm is formed, in which agenda-setting takes place, and public opinion is formed. The public sphere is made up of contributions by governments, business and civil society such as religious groups, trade unions,

NGOs and sports groups (Oyero, 2008, p.36). As Oyero (2008) points out, listing the civil society alongside the government in the previous sentence poses some sort of concern, especially because it offsets the system, with regards to balance. However, in many cases, the media are seen as a part of civil society, serving as core agents of a democracy. In this manner therefore, the media may be a part of the government, a part of the public, a commercial venture

35 or a part of the civil society. And in whichever one, or all of these forms, the media plays active roles in contributing to a democracy.

With regards to the creation of public opinion, the public sphere remains the centre. If we view societal issues as goods, we can say that the public sphere is a competitive market space, with the bulk of its goods and products produced by individuals who, and institutions which, control money, moral influence and other forms of power. Hence, the mass media lives out two roles here; first, as the vehicle through which these products are conveyed, and secondly, as the source of news. The success or otherwise of the public sphere is dependent on certain factors which

Rutherford (2000, p.18) describe as:

• the extent of access (as close to universal as possible),

• the degree of autonomy (the citizens must be free of coercion),

• the rejection of hierarchy (so that each might participate on an equal footing),

• the rule of law (particularly the subordination of the state),

• the quality of participation (the common commitment to the ways of logic) Rutherford (2000).

In line with the above stated tenets, Rutherford (2000) stresses that freedom of expression and unrestricted access to the public sphere are basic elements that must be present in a democracy.

As a result, we arrive at a point where individuals begin to recognise their voices, and opinions in the public sphere, and in the mass media especially. By adopting the social responsibility model, democratic goods are better delivered as the media serves to check and balance the affairs and activities of the government. To do this therefore, Folarin (2006) says that the media must raise conflict to the “plane of discussion”, providing a leeway for public participation and mental reasoning to decide the issues.

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With the issue of intra-party conflicts within the All Progressives’ Congress (APC) and the

People’s Democratic Party (PDP) therefore, which is the central case of study here, the media, by raising intra- party conflict to the “plane of discussion”, allow the people a chance to contribute, and participate in the happenings of the APC and the PDP. In similar manner, the media being the source of news here report the news in ways that suit them; being mindful of the fact that the people will form their opinions and base their participatory arguments on the same news which are disseminated to them.

2.1.9 Media Role in Conflict Resolution

In a democracy, there are tons of roles played by the media, both as an institution, and as media personnel. One of such roles is that of conflict resolution (Nwosu & Wilson, 2004). John (1997) and Asemah (2009) agree that the media is instrumental to the coming together of members of the society, binding members together through the dissemination of messages which become a

“shared experience.” Because the media plays such a vital role in uniting members of the society, it can equally be used to encourage peaceful co-existence through the resolution of conflicts (Awofadeju. Taiwo, Akinrosoye, Philip & Adeagbo, 2015). Similarly, Frohardt and

Temin (1997) say that violent conflicts are prone to break out in areas with poor media coverage.

They opine therefore that the better the media, the lesser the likelihood of an occurrence of violent conflict. Scholars like Awoshakin (2002) and Puddephatt (2006) aver that the media play key roles in conflict, either by taking up vigorous roles in the conflict, thereby aggravating the situation of things, or by alleviating violence by staying out of the conflict. This position lends credence to Arno (1984)’s argument which opines that the media, through its content, is not a mere spectator, in, or a mere reflector, of, the conflict situation of a society, but has the

37 capacity to either diminish or intensify conflict. In line with the aforementioned, Park and

Deshapriya opine that:

media have an important role to play in promoting an honest and pluralistic political debate, and in providing accurate and timely information about issues, policies and strategies that will reduce tension, create the conditions for equitable development and reduce the levels of ignorance and fear that contribute to misunderstanding and hostility in society (p.1)

In contrast however, Van de Veen (1997) notes that while scholars like Awofadeju. Taiwo,

Akinrosoye, Philip and Adeagbo (2015) advocate for the use of the media in conflict resolution, he maintains a different stance. He posits that conflict is a selling point for media content, as opposed to conflict resolution, concluding that the media are more likely to exaggerate or sensationalize conflict, by placing prominence on differences, extreme positions, and a host of others, within and between parties. Thomas and Lee (1996), Tehranian (2007) and Wilson

(2013, p.14) equally share this position, averring that conflict is a source of attraction to the media, and that the news media is concentrated largely on bad news. Das (2009) shares a similar view when he posits that the media has the capacity to incite significant level of violence and damage in the society. In his opinion, the media are often employed for the purpose of creating, maintaining and sustaining prejudices; and through the process of agenda setting, media become guilty of defining certain areas as being conflict-ridden, war-torn, etc. Omenugha (2013, p.6) also observes that in conflict situations, sensationalism takes over the headlines of most Nigerian media, in order to quicken and improve sales. Thus, as a result of the realisation of the role played by the media in intensifying conflict, lots of research have gone into examining how the media can be used to diminish, and if possible, totally resolve conflict (Puddephatt, 2006).

In conflict resolution, the major role played by the media is that of peace building (Das, 2009).

The media are equipped enough to serve as peace building mechanisms, warn people of

38 impending dangers, teach how to avert such dangers should in case they arise, ensure that relevant and accurate information devoid of political bias are disseminated, promote social responsibility by safeguarding national interest through education of the public in the right direction, as well as investigating and extricating media prejudice by any media house

(Awofadeju. Taiwo, Akinrosoye, Philip & Adeagbo, 2015).

In resolving conflict, the surveillance and correlation functions of the media highlight media obligation to provide information to the society as well as its duty to relate such information to the individual’s life and environment (Ngige, Badekale & Hammanjoda, 2016, p.13). In performing these functions therefore, the media shapes the attitude of society members.

According to Osadolor (2001), a crucial role which should be played by the media is the prevention, or outright eradication of conflict. To achieve this, the media, being agents of social change, and agenda-setters, should publicize vices and other societal ills as a means of curtailing conflicts. Howard (2000) posits that the timeframe preceding the conflict phase often needs effect early-warning systems, which are heavily dependent on the availability as well as the quality of information.

In addition to these, Asemah and Edegoh (2012) opine that not only do the media draw attention to issues of concern, but they subtly provide clues to ‘unassuming’ members of the audience about the degree of importance of a particular issue. By virtue of the prominence given to stories with respect to their positions in the newspapers, or their features on major television and radio programmes lends a certain level of significance to such subjects. Through this process, the media largely controls the information seen or heard by audience members, and by employing gatekeeping and agenda setting, they equally control access to news, information and

39 entertainment. Hence, when positively administered, conflicts can be resolved as this power can be employed both negatively and positively.

With regards to agenda-setting, Asemah and Edegoh (2012) note that the media does have a critical role to play in setting the agenda of peace. To achieve this, they opine that media personnel must learn to report objectively, as well as desist from sensationalism. Sensationalism leads the conflict or the parties involved in the conflict to wreck more havoc, hence, it should be avoided at all costs. Also, all the parties involved in a conflict situation have to be duly represented in every media content where such issues are discussed. The divergence of opinions conveyed in platforms like these allow distressed nerves enjoy some calm. Hence, beyond just reporting conflict situations, the media should equally do well to investigate the root causes of conflicts.

2.2 Theoretical Framework

To place this study in proper perspective, two related theoretical constructs have been selected to support it. These constructs are the Agenda- setting theory and the Gate-Keeping theory. Both theories were chosen on the basis of their functions. Like Ekeanyanwu (2011) puts it, both theories are relevant in the areas of media surveillance and media coverage, and are useful in determining media role in certain situations. As a result, therefore, theories that emanated these two have continually found a place in addressing issues that concern media coverage at both national and international levels.

2.2.1 Agenda-Setting Theory

The theory of agenda – setting is hinged on Walter Lippman (1922)’s discovery which posits that the media is laced with so much power to present images to the public. This prompted

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McCombs and Shaw’s investigations in the presidential campaigns of 1968, 1972 and 1976, examining the relationship between what voters considered important issues, as well as media messages churned out in the course of the campaign. (McQuail & Windahl, 1993). The results of the study revealed that the mass media did exert a significant level of influence on the issues voters considered to be important, during the campaign. Thus, agenda-setting theory implies that the mass media predetermine what issues are regarded as important at a given time in a given society (Folarin, 2005). There are two basic assumptions which underlie this theory; the first being that the media do not reflect reality, but only filter and shape it. The second assumption says that the media concentrates on few issues, placing prominence on these issues, thereby leading members of the public to perceive such issues as being more important than others (Baran,). It is in agreement with these assumptions that Bernard Cohen (1963) posits that

“The press may not be successful much of the time in telling people what to think, but it is stunningly successful in telling its readers what to think about.” Agenda setting occurs through a cognitive process known as “accessibility,” which implies that the more frequently and prominently the news media covers an issue, the more that issue becomes accessible in the audience’s memory (Iyengar & Kinder, 1987).

Agenda setting exists across three types according to Everett Rogers and J.W.

Dearing (1988): public, media and policy agenda setting. Public agenda setting focuses on the audience’s agenda while media agenda setting focuses on the influence of the mass media on the audience. Policy agenda setting, which has been mostly ignored by Rogers and Dearing

(1988) deals with how media and public agendas might influence the decisions of elite policy makers. This part of the theory has since been explored by other scholars who want to further examine the factors that influence elite policy makers’ agendas (Walgrave & Val Aelst, 2006).

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This theory, in application to this research study lays particular emphasis on the creation of public awareness and concern of salient issues by the news media. It highlights the relevance and function of the media to society, particularly, peace building and conflict resolution in conflict situations, stressing the need for the media to put its power to use in the area of conflict resolution by setting the agenda for peace by virtue of the content of the messages it churns out in times of conflicts. It also recognises the constitutional duty of the mass media to foster peace and encourage unity among the people.

In relation to intra-party conflict therefore, the adoption of agenda setting basically highlights the power of the media, what Ekeanyanwu (2011) refers to as the ‘editorial’ decision of the media, stressing that a particular event might be considered newsworthy or not, depending on the decision of the media personnel. Thus, any event which receives particular attention in the media becomes topical.

Within the area of politics, scholars converge that the media play huge roles as agents of propaganda. In the sphere of development communication, the media ought to use this power to promote national development across all sectors. Hence, reporting political issues according to

Shaw and Mc Combs (1977) revolve largely around setting the agenda for civic concern and action. This is politically significant. Commonly, it is held that media personnel determine what news is, which political happening will be covered or prescribed and which to downplay or give prominence in their daily coverage of national and international issues. Political conditions which may have been all the while considered undesirable, yet tolerable, due to obscurity may lose tolerability once hit with publicity (Umechukwu, 2011).

In relation to intra-party conflicts, as is expected of the media in every other case, media institutions and media personnel ought to serve as agents through which proper societal values

42 and beliefs are reinforced. By serving as means of surveillance, the media are empowered enough to define the social, political, and economic conditions of their world to the audience, and are expected to do the aforementioned objectively, so as to enable them properly influence public opinion.

Similarly, because the media are recognized as primary agents of socialization, they can set agenda for political socialization and mobilization. Hence, the Nigerian media is expected to present political values that will stimulate changes in the right direction. A lot of learning and unlearning come from media exposure. It is expected therefore that media personnel concern themselves with dishing out content that supply right political values. It is on this note that

Okunna (1998) avers that through the process of socialization by the mass media, people become aware of values, belief systems, acceptable behaviours and norms. Ekeanyanwu (2011) says therefore that the media, being bearers of knowledge, make such knowledge available to the people, which upon internalization result in the enablement of the people to function as effective, society members.

2.2.2 News Framing Theory

Framing theory is often attributed to sociologist, Ervin Goffman (Littlejohn & Foss, 2009). The concrete idea of framing derives from both mass communication and political communication.

Framing involves a communication source presenting and defining an issue. The outcome of this process is referred to as framing effects. Framing effects refer to behavioural or attitudinal consequences that are not due to differences in what is being communicated, but rather to differences in how a given piece of information is being presented (or framed) in public dialogue. In other terms, our interpretation of information differs depending on the manner in which such information is presented or framed in public dialogue.

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In the communication sphere today, nearly every volume of the major journals feature nothing less than a paper on media frames and framing effects (Scheufele,1999). Earlier on, it had been asserted that framing refers to selecting some aspects of a supposed reality, making them more prominent within the body of communication in a bid to promote a certain problem definition, a causal interpretation, provoke more evaluation as well as elicit treatment recommendation for the subject under discussion.

The News framing theory seeks to identify the structures in which the world is perceived by individuals. While frames help in making information less complex by reducing its complexity, they go on to interpret and reconstruct reality (Littlejohn & Foss, 2009). On a daily basis, tons of individuals make use of the news media, making the media a formidable force in democracies around the world (DeVreese, 2005). And a major way that the media may shape public opinion is by simply framing happening and events in particular ways.

Without timely information in conflict situations, there are chances that rumours will dominate the entire conflict landscape, breeding uncertainty and worsening the situation of things. Hence, there is the need to determine the means of communication with various stakeholders so as to manage the situation of things. The way the message is framed will determine the definition people will give to the problems, its causes, the attributions of responsibility, solutions to the problems, and all that come together to influence public opinion. Thus, it is essential that frames for understanding as well as offering explanatory definitions are created so as to ensure effective communication in the course of the conflict, as these would specify how the stakeholders should interpret the conflict (Nijkrake, Gosselt & Gutteling, 2014).

The concept of news framing has been applied in diverse settings, which has resulted in a rich line of research, utilizing various research methods, qualitative and quantitative alike (Sellnow

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& Seeger, 2013). Highlighting the strengths and weaknesses of this research method, Sellnow and Seeger (2013) argue that news framing theory is flexible in that it is suited to a variety of methods, including qualitative and quantitative approaches and both inductive and deductive perspectives; but in crisis communication literature, framing theory is fraught by limited applications. That is, although framing theory has multiple applications ranging from framing issues to communication campaigns, crisis communication scholars have limited its application largely to examining news and event publicity.

In relation to this study, the framing theory underlies the perception of reality presented to the audience by the media, as the media interpret and reconstruct their reality. In this sense, the media do not only place prominence on intra-party conflicts by means of agenda setting, but go on to shape and interpret the view that would be held by members of the public, and even members of the political parties themselves. As a result, discourse becomes centred around the definitions of the conflict presented by the media, opinions are formed and decisions are made in line with the way and manner intra-party conflicts are presented and interpreted by the media.

More importantly, framing reveals the purpose of the media reports: did the coverage of intra- party conflicts serve to resolve or aggravate the conflict?

2.3 Gap to Fill

Political conflict is a wide area of study which has been examined over the years by different scholars. And although several works on political conflict in Nigeria abound, very little work has gone into examining media coverage of conflicts, especially as it relates to intra party conflicts within the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives Congress (APC), and to what extent this has impacted upon Nigeria’s political development. Intra-party conflict is a permanent feature among Nigerian political parties, which has served

45 as backdrop to the growth of Nigeria’s democracy (Omitola 2003, p.2). In light of these, this study examines the way the Nigerian media have covered and reported intra-party conflicts, and its attendant impact on political development. While it is important that audience members are aware of the bickering between parties, it is also essential that they are up to date with the in- happenings within political parties.

Against the foundation of this study therefore, the researcher attempts to examine the way selected Nigerian newspapers covered intra-party conflicts within the Peoples’ Democratic

Party (PDP) and the All Progressives’ Congress (APC) from March 1st, 2018 till March 31st,

2019 and how they performed this role of coverage with regards to slant, tone, prominence, magnitude and frequency. It also seeks to find out whether or not adequate representation was given to intra-party conflicts within the parties.

2.4 Summary of Literature Review

When intra-party conflicts occur, they boomerang on members of the society. This study therefore examines, amongst other things, the interest being driven through the coverage of intra-party conflicts by the Nigerian media; those of the citizens, those of the media personnel, or those of the party. Intra-party conflicts have no benefits whatsoever to the citizens. As matter of fact, more disheartening is the reality that at the end of the day, the impact of such conflicts would be felt more by citizens.

The review of literature was presented as follows: democracy; political parties; democracy and political parties; conflict as a necessary evil, intra-party conflict, factors responsible for intra- party conflict, media role in a democracy, media role in conflict resolution, political development and the impact of conflict resolution on political development. In addition, an

46 overview of intra-party conflict within the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP) and the All

Progressives was also presented. This chapter closed with the presentation of the theoretical framework- Agenda Setting theory and News Framing theory.

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CHAPTER THREE

METHOD OF STUDY

This chapter is a discussion of the methods employed in carrying out this study. Methodology is, broadly speaking, the way in which a researcher conducts research. It is the way in which he/she chooses to deal with a particular question, which may consequently result in a problem definition (Jonker & Pennink, 2010). In this study, methodology comprises the overall research design employed, the study population, the techniques adopted in selecting samples for different stages of the study, as well as the sample size. It also includes a discussion of the data collection instruments, method of data collection and method of data analysis.

3.1 Study Design

This study adopted quantitative research method through the use of the content analysis of

Nigerian newspapers’ coverage of intra-party conflicts within APC and PDP. One of the most relevant and valuable research methods in the communication sphere is content analysis, according to Bajkiewicz (2010). Keyton (2001) describes content analysis as the most uncomplicated method via which message content can be analysed.

3.2 Population of Study

The population of the study comprised of all issues of The Punch and Daily Trust newspapers published between March 1, 2018 and March 31, 2019. The total population was 790 issues of both newspapers. These newspapers were studied for a thirteen-month period from March 1,

2018- March 31, 2019. The period of this study was informed by the 2019 elections, as the researcher chose to examine the pre-election period for a space of thirteen months. The study did not go beyond March 31, 2019 because of the period for the completion of this research work.

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The newspapers were purposively selected because of their coverage, national circulation and reach within the Nigerian sphere. The Punch newspaper is highly circulated within the Southern and Western part of the country, while Northern Nigeria has The Daily Trust newspaper circulating strongly within the region.

Popularly known as the most widely read newspaper in Nigeria with a daily circulation of

150,000 copies (Impala Publishers 1999), The Punch is reportedly Nigeria's most widely read newspaper (Nigeria News Network 20 Mar. 1999; Post Express 27 Oct. 1999; The News 22

Nov. 1999). The Nigerian Finder (2019) also lists The Punch newspaper as one of the top ten

Nigerian newspapers. In similar fashion, Quora quotes The Punch newspaper as the most popular newspaper in Nigeria, which sells anywhere between 80, 000 and 100, 000 newspapers every day, particularly in the Southern part of the Country. The newspaper has demonstrated its prowess in recent times, clinching awards of different sorts. THE PUNCH, won the Editor of the Year award, Newspaper of the Year, and seven other awards at the 27th Diamond Awards for Media Excellence on December 15, 2018. Hence, with regards to national coverage, readership and circulation, The Punch newspaper is highly suitable for this study.

Daily Trust newspaper is highly vibrant in the Northern part of the country, emerging the most widely read newspaper in Northern Nigeria, according to a media survey conducted by Media

Reach OMD, a Lagos based company specializing in media planning, buying and inventory services reported this in its edition of "Nigeria Media Facts, 2005." The report highlighted a commutative 10.4 percent score out of about 16.57 per cent of daily newspapers readers that were surveyed. Like The Punch, Daily Trust Newspaper emerged winner of the 2016 Nigeria

Media Merit Awards (NNMA). This was even as the Newspaper's Editor, Nasir Lawal

Abubakar emerged winner of the Editor of the year category.

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3.3 Sample Size

The size of the sample required for a study depends on at least one or more of the following factors: (1) study type, (2) study purpose, (3) study complexity (4) amount of error tolerated,

(5) time constraints, (6) financial constraints, and (7) previous research, in the area (Wimmer &

Dominick, 2003, p. 96). The sample size for this study was 154 issues of The Punch and Daily

Trust newspapers. These newspapers were studied for a thirteen-month period from March 1,

2018 to March 31, 2019. This study period was determined by the period of time around the

2019 general elections, and therefore did not exceed March 31, 2019 because of the period for the completion of this research work. This decision was made based on the considerations explained by Bajkiewicz (2010) who asserted that samples must also be sensitive regarding time, since most media are created on a schedule. This sample size was considered adequate for the study.

3.4 Sampling Technique

The researcher made use of systematic sampling to select the newspaper issues. During the thirteen months’ study period of each newspaper, six issues (except for February which had 5 issues) of each of the two newspapers were selected using systematic sampling technique of every ‘nth’. The study adopted ‘every 5th day’. Each of the newspapers therefore produced a total number of 77 issues, which translated to154 issues of selected newspapers.

3.5 Instruments of Data Collection

Instrument used for collecting data for this study is the coding sheet. The coding sheet is a standardized sheet that helps to ease coding and allows the coder (researcher) to classify the data by placing check marks in the predetermined spaces (Wimmer & Dominick, 2003). The researcher in line with the research objectives and questions generated the coding sheet.

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3.6 Units of Analysis

The unit of analysis for the study comprises of article or stories in form of news, features, opinions, editorials, and pictures.

3.7 Content Categories

The units of analysis were examined under the following categories:

1. Frequency of coverage: Frequency of coverage will be determined through the physical

counting of published items.

2. Newspaper coded on Intra-party conflicts: Two newspapers that reported stories on intra-

party conflicts within APC and PDP members in Nigeria were examined and coded. The

newspapers are The Punch and Daily Trust newspapers.

3. Month of publication: This refers to the month that the stories on intra-party conflicts

within APC and PDP members in Nigeria was published in the newspapers studied.

4. Date of Publication: This refers to the day of the month that the stories on intra-party

conflicts within APC and PDP members in Nigeria was published in the newspapers studied.

5. Day of Week: This refers to the day of the week that the stories on intra-party conflicts

within APC and PDP members in Nigeria was published in the newspapers studied.

6. Date of Publication (DOP): This refers to the day of the month that the stories on intra-

party conflicts within APC and PDP members in Nigeria was published in the newspapers

studied.

7. Prominence of Intra-Party Conflict story: Prominence centred on the level of importance

that stories around intra-party conflict in Nigeria were given. It was determined by the

placement of the story in the pages of the newspapers. Prominence was classified as follows:

• Front page • Back page • Inside front page

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• Inside back page • Centre spread • Inside pages

8. Source of information on intra-party conflict: Refers to the

origins of stories on intra-party conflict in Nigeria. The by-lines of the writers of reports

were used to determine the source of the report. In addition, descriptions presented at the

end of certain stories about the writers were used to determine the sources of the reports.

Sources were categorized as follows:

• In-house reporter: Refers to stories sourced and written by staff employed by the

newspaper house. Personnel include editors, correspondents and reporters.

• News Agency of Nigeria (NAN): Refers to stories that were obtained from the News

Agency of Nigeria-the Federal Government owned news agency.

• Agence France Presse (AFP): Refers to stories that were obtained from AFP, an

international news agency that has its headquarters in Paris.

• Reuters: Refers to stories that were obtained from Reuters- an international news agency

that has its headquarters in London.

• Freelancer(s): Refers to an independent writer who is not an employee of a particular

newspaper being analysed but who is published on a frequent basis by that newspaper.

• Citizen(s): Refers to individual citizens of Nigeria whose reports were published in the

newspaper. This category of writers were identified by descriptions about them

presented at the end of the newspaper article.

• Unidentified person(s): Refers to reports that have no identifiable by-lines. • International Person(s): Refers to Nigerians in diaspora or foreigners whose reports were

published in the newspapers. Descriptions about the writers presented at the end of the

story were used to identify them.

• Other: Refers to reports that may not fall under any of the above stated units of analysis.

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9. Story Type: This refers to the type of story about intra-party conflict in Nigeria published

by the newspaper. Story type was classified as follows:

• News • Feature Articles • Opinion Articles • Editorials • Photo News • Interviews • Cartoons • Letters-to-the-editor • Other

10. Direction/ Slant of Story on intra-party conflict: This refers to the manner in which

stories on intra-party conflict in Nigeria were reported. It was classified into:

• Favourable: This indicates stories or reports on intra-party conflicts in Nigeria which

present or support the public opinion on the issues raised in the reports.

• Unfavourable: This indicates stories or reports on intra-party conflicts in Nigeria which

do not present or support the public opinion on the issues raised in the reports.

• Neutral: This is used to indicate such reports that do not betray their stance or take any

of the earlier positions

11. Purpose of messages on intra-party conflict in Nigeria: This refers to

the type of newspaper message on intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Purpose was classified as

follows:

• Towards resolution • Aggravating conflict • Undecided 12. Themes: This refers to the focus of the newspaper report on intra-party conflict in Nigeria.

Themes were classified as follows:

• About Intra-Party Conflict: refers to stories that dealt with

the facts about intra-party conflict in Nigeria.

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• Cause of intra-party conflict: Refers to stories that focused on the causes of intra-

party conflict in Nigeria.

• Defections: Refers to stories that focused on defections related to intra-party conflict

in Nigeria.

• Consequences: Refers to stories that had as their primary focus information on the

physical, social, cultural and economic consequences of intra-party conflict in

Nigeria.

• Preventive measures: Refers to stories that dealt with information on preventive

measures of intra-party conflict in Nigeria.

• Resolution measures: Refers to stories that dealt with information on resolution

measures of intra-party conflict in Nigeria.

• Party decisions: Refers to stories that dealt with information on the decisions of the

party on intra-party conflict in Nigeria.

• Other: Refers to other stories that did not fall under any of the above stated

classifications.

13. Cause of intra-party conflict: Refers to stories that focused on the causes of intra-party

conflict in Nigeria. Causes were classified into:

• Incumbency: Refers to stories that focused on incumbency as causes of intra-party conflict

in Nigeria.

• God-fatherism: Refers to stories that focused on God-fatherism as causes of intra-party

conflict in Nigeria.

• Politics of self-interest: Refers to stories that focused on politics of self-interest as causes

of intra-party conflict in Nigeria.

54

• Illegal candidate substitution/ candidate selection: Refers to stories that focused on

Illegal candidate substitution as causes of intra-party conflict in Nigeria.

• Absence of internal democracy: Refers to stories that focused on absence of internal

democracy as causes of intra-party conflict in Nigeria.

• Lack of ideology: Refers to stories that focused on lack of ideology as causes of intra-party

conflict in Nigeria.

• Others: Refers to all other causes of intra-party conflicts not covered by the above listed

units of analysis.

14. Stakeholders on Intra-Party conflict messages: This refers to the individuals or groups

that took action or provided information in relation to intra-party conflict in Nigeria.

Stakeholders were classified into politicians, Federal government, State government,

government agencies, NGOs, private individuals and others.

15. News Frame of Intra-party conflict messages: Refers to how the stories on intra-party

conflict in Nigeria were presented. News frame was classified into:

• Conflict: Refers to stories that emphasized conflicts between individuals or two or more

conflicting sides on intra-party conflict in Nigeria.

• Economic consequences: Stories reported in terms of consequences intra-party conflicts in

Nigeria will financially have on individuals, groups, organization and the country at large.

Mention of financial losses, mention of costs/degree of expenses involved, and reference to

economic consequences of not curbing intra-party conflict incidents.

• Political consequences: Stories reported in terms of consequences the intra-party conflict

in Nigeria will financially have on politicians, political parties, political organizations, the

state of politics in the country; and the country at large. Mention of financial losses, mention

of costs/degree of expenses involved, and reference to political consequences of not curbing

intra-party conflict incidents.

55

• Responsibility: Refers to stories that hold some individual(s) or groups responsible for

dealing with the awareness, prevention or curtailment of intra-party conflict in Nigeria.

• Morality: Refers to stories that contained a moral message, referred to morality, God and

other religious tenets, or offered specific social prescriptions about how to behave.

• Resolution: Refers to stories that contained proposals about how to put an end to intra-party

conflict, or how the intra party conflict was/ is being resolved.

• Human impact: Refers to stories that brought an emotional, personal angle to the

presentation of intra-party conflict in Nigeria within November, 2018 and March, 2019.

Stories that emphasized how individuals and groups were affected by the intra-party

conflict. These stories went into the private or personal lives of the actors.

• Others: Refers to all other news frames not covered by the above listed units of analysis.

16. Period: Refers to the phase of the intra-party conflict in Nigeria that was studied which was

between November 1, 2018- March 31, 2019.

17. Party: Refers to the political party whose intra-party conflict in Nigeria was being studied.

This study focused on the All Progressives’ Congress (APC) and the People’s Democratic

Party (PDP).

18. APC/ PDP Inter-Party Conflicts: Refers to reports that centred on inter-party conflicts

between the APC and PDP.

19. Other Political Conflicts: Refers to reports that centred on other political conflicts reported

by the newspapers.

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3.8. Inter-Coder Reliability

Content categories and units of analysis were adjusted in line with the research questions and objectives before the assessment was carried out. Five issues per newspaper were randomly selected and analysed. The researcher adopted the rule of thumb as stated by Wimmer and

Dominick (2011) that content analysis must typically report minimum reliability co-efficient of about 90% or above when using Holsti’s formula. For this study therefore, the researcher adopted the formula below:

Holsti (1969)- Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

Where: M= Total number of coding decisions

N= Total number of units coded

The researcher and the independent coder coded 15 units of the instrument and the results are:

Table 3.1: Result of Inter Coder Reliability Test

INTER CODER RELIABILITY TEST RESULT Name of Newspaper 2 Month of publication 2 Date of publication 2 Day of week 2 Prominence of report 1.8 Source of report 1.8 Story type 2 Tone 2 Direction 2 Purpose of messages 1.8 Theme of message 2 Quality of reportage 2 Cause of conflict 1.8 Stakeholders 1.8 News Frame 1.8 Period 2 Party 2 APC/PDP Interparty conflicts 2 Other political conflicts 2 Computation of results 1.9

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3.9. Method of Data Presentation and Analysis

The data collected via the content analysis were analysed using descriptive statistics with the aid of Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). The results were presented in simple frequency distribution tables, cross tabulations, and using percentages. The hypotheses were tested using chi square.

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CHAPTER FOUR

RESULTS

4.1 Data Presentation and Analysis

In this chapter, the result of the data analysis is presented based on the research questions. The data gathered were first presented in the table and accompanied with their analysis.

Qualitative analysis method was used for the analysis of the data. The sample size for the study was 154 issues of The Punch and Daily Trust newspapers. Of the sample size, no issue was missing from the newspaper sample. Therefore, 154 issues were duly analysed, representing

100% that were thoroughly analysed of the total sample size. The table below provides a summary of these details.

Research Objective 1: To find out the volume of coverage given to intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC in comparison with other areas of political conflict by the Nigerian newspapers.

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Table 4.1: Distribution of Newspaper Issues Analysed

Month The Punch Daily Trust Total MARCH 2018 6 6 12 APRIL 2018 6 6 12 MAY 2018 6 6 12 JUNE 2018 6 6 12 JULY 2018 6 6 12 AUGUST 2018 6 6 12 SEPTEMBER 2018 6 6 12 OCTOBER 2018 6 6 12 NOVEMBER 2018 6 6 12 DECEMBER 2018 6 6 12 JANUARY 2019 6 6 12 FEBRUARY 2019 5 5 10 MARCH 2019 6 6 12 TOTAL 77 77 154 This 100% provided the data for the study, giving rise to 158 reports on intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC.

Table 4.2 below explains this in details:

Table 4.2: Distribution of Newspaper Reports Analysed

Month of Publication The Punch Daily Trust Total MARCH 2018 8 2 10 APRIL 2018 6 3 9 MAY 2018 6 7 13 JUNE 2018 6 5 11 JULY 2018 2 8 10 AUGUST 2018 6 8 14 SEPTEMBER 2018 5 6 11 OCTOBER 2018 8 9 17 NOVEMBER 2018 11 7 18 DECEMBER 2018 4 6 10 JANUARY 2019 6 7 13 FEBRUARY 2019 8 6 14 MARCH 2019 5 3 8 TOTAL 81 77 158 The implication of this is that for the one- year period of March, 2018 to March 2019, the selected newspapers reported 158 stories in relation to the intra-party conflicts within PDP and

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APC. The percentage of this to other areas of political conflicts covered by the newspapers is

92% which suggests that the Nigerian press did a good job of keeping up with political reports across all quarters, regardless of the ever-brooding conflicts within the parties as the elections drew close. However, the percentage of this to the entirety of news reports in the Nigerian press for the study was not determined, as this did not fall within the scope of the study.

Table 4.3: Distribution of Reports on Intra-Party Conflicts within APC And PDP before and during the 2019 Nigerian Elections

Period of Newspaper Political Party Coverage APC PDP Total March 1, 2018- Oct 31, 2018 (Before) 31.6% 21.5% 53.1% Nov 1, 2018- March 31, 2019 (After) 33% 13.9% 46.9% Total 64.6% 35.4% 100% n=103 n= 55 n= 158

Table 4.3 is a cross tabulation table which reveals the distribution of reports on intra-party conflicts within APC and PDP before and during the 2019 Nigerian elections. As shown in

Table 4.3 above, between March 1, 2018 and October 31, 2018, the period before the elections commenced, there were less recordings of intra-party conflicts within the APC as it recorded

31.6% of intra-party conflicts while the PDP recorded 21.5% of intra-party conflicts. When the election campaigns commenced, the rate of intra-party conflicts within the APC increased to

33% while that of the PDP dropped to 13.9%. The only explanation that the researcher provides for this change in figures is based on the party at the helm of affairs in the country at that point in time. The researcher opines that perhaps, because the leadership of the country was under the

APC, greater attention and prominence was given to issues that concerned them by the media.

This also explains why the APC had a total of 64.6% cases of intra-party conflicts recorded, as opposed to the PDP which had a total of 35.4% cases of intra-party conflicts recorded. Also, as established in the literature review, a major characteristic of political parties is the struggle for

61 power. And not only is this present among parties, the struggles continue even within political parties, thereby providing an explanation for the increase in the rate of intra-party conflicts within the APC which was the ruling party as the elections drew closer. The desire to control power, have certain candidates represent the party and a host of others are some of the reasons why struggles exist within the parties. The increase and decrease in the number of conflicts within the parties is considered fair and not drastic because of the slim margins that exist between what obtained prior to the elections, and what was borne during the election period.

Findings however reveal that on a general outlook, there were more cases of intra-party conflicts recorded within both parties between March 1, 2018 and October 31, 2018, the period before the elections commenced with a total of 53.1%, while November 1, 2018- March 31, 2019 recorded lesser cases of intra-party conflicts, with a total of 46.9%.

Table 4.4: Distribution of Reports on Intra-Party Conflicts by The Nigerian Newspapers

Newspaper coded on Political party intra-party conflicts APCPDP Total The Punch 31% 20.3% 51.3% Daily Trust 33.5% 15.2% 47.7% Total 64.5% 35.5% 100% n=102 n=56 n=158

Table 4.4 reveals the distribution of intra-party conflicts by the selected Nigerian newspapers.

As shown above, The Punch newspaper had a total of 51.3% reports, while the Daily Trust newspaper had 47.7% reports. The Punch newspaper had less reports on intra-party conflicts within the APC with 31% while the Daily Trust newspaper had a slightly higher rate of reports of intra-party conflicts within the APC with 33.5%. Tables turn with the PDP as The Punch newspaper takes the lead with 20.3% reports of intra-party conflicts, while the Daily Trust newspaper had 15.2% reports of intra-party conflicts. In total, the APC had a total 64.5% of reports on intra-party conflicts while the PDP had 35.5%. Similar to what obtains in Table 4.3,

62 the gap between the figures reveals that either the PDP truly had very little intra-party conflicts to contend with during the time frame studied, or the media did a poor job of coverage as more attention was paid to the ruling party. The researcher opines that the latter is the case, for the

PDP also had several issues tearing the fabric of the party. However, from the study, more media attention was given to issues that surrounded the APC. This is not to say that the PDP did not receive any media attention, for to say that would simply negate the data provided by the study.

However, considering the gap present between both parties’ reports, it is safe to conclude that the APC received more media attention, and ultimately, media coverage than did the PDP.

FIGURE 4.1 Figure 4.1: Monthly Distribution of Newspaper Issues Analysed MONTHLY DISTRIBUTION OF NEWSPAPER ISSUES ANALYSED 20 18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0

PUNCH DAILY TRUST TOTAL

Figure 4.1 shows the flow of newspaper coverage of intra-party conflicts within the APC and the PDP by the selected newspapers. Findings reveal that reports on intra-party conflicts rose in

March 2018, a period considered ‘pre-election’. Previous studies reveal that intra-party conflicts

63 worsen as the elections approach. From this study, a fluctuating, almost steady decline was observed from April 2018 to June 2018. By October/ November 2018, there was a surge in the number of reports surrounding intra-party conflicts. November 2018 marked the beginning of election campaigns, national assembly and governorship elections. Findings reveal that across both newspapers, November 2018 had the highest percentage of reportage on intra-party conflicts within APC and PDP in Nigeria. March 2019 had the least number of reports. This reveals that lower media attention was given to intra-party conflicts from December 2018 to

March 2019. Furthermore, it reveals the increase in media reports on intra-party conflicts before and at the beginning of the 2019 general elections, and a gradual decrease in reports of intra- party conflicts during the 2019 general elections.

Table 4.5: Volume of coverage given to other areas of Political Conflicts by Nigerian Newspapers from March 2018- March 2019

Period of Newspaper Coverage Other political conflict reported 1 2 3 4 5 Total MARCH 1, 2018- 32.8% 20.8% 3.4% 0.7% 0% 57.7% OCT 31, 2018 NOV 1, 2018- 22.8% 13.4% 2.7% 2.7% 0.7% 42.3% MARCH 31, 2019

55.6% 34.2% 6.1% 3.4% 0.7% 100% Total n=83 n=51 n=9 n=5 n=1 n=149

Table 4.5 is a cross-tabulation table that shows the volume of coverage given to other areas of political conflicts by the Nigerian newspapers within from March 2018 to March 2019. The findings reveal that a total of 149 reports across other areas of political conflicts were covered and reported by the two newspapers. Between March 1, 2018 and October 31, 2018, 57.7% reports were published by the two newspapers while November 1, 2018- March 31, 2019 published 42.3% of reports. For the greater part of the period studied, both newspapers reported

64 one story on other areas of political conflict, which accounted for 100% of the total coverage given to other areas of political conflict. Examples of other areas of political conflicts covered by both newspapers include inter-party conflicts, defections, e.t.c.

Table 4.6: Volume of coverage given to Intra-Party Conflicts within the PDP And the APC by Nigerian Newspapers in comparison with other areas of political conflict

Newspaper coded on Intra-Party conflicts THE PUNCH DAILY TRUST Total (n) Intra-party conflicts 81 77 158 26.4% 25.1% 51.5% Other areas of political conflict 86 63 149 28.0% 20.5% 48.5% 54.4% 45.6% 100% n=167 n=140 n=307

Table 4.6 is a cross-tabulation table that shows the volume of coverage given to intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC by Nigerian newspapers in comparison with other areas of political conflict by the Nigerian newspapers. Findings revealed that the volume of coverage given to intra-party conflicts by The Punch newspaper is 26.4% while the volume of coverage given to intra-party conflicts by Daily Trust newspaper is 25.1%. With regards to other areas of political conflict, 28.0% coverage was provided by The Punch newspaper while Daily Trust newspaper provided 20.5% coverage to other areas of political conflict. In total, 51.5% of intra- party conflicts were reported by both newspapers, while both newspapers devoted 48.5% of their reports to the coverage of other areas of political conflicts like inter-party conflicts and others. These figures imply that the Nigerian media did a great job of intra-party conflict coverage during the space of the 2019 elections.

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Research Objective 2: To examine the degree of prominence given to intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC, by the Nigerian newspapers.

Table 4.7: Degree of Prominence Given to Intra-Party Conflicts Within PDP and APC by Nigerian Newspapers from March 2018- March 2019

Newspaper coded on Intra-Party conflicts Prominence of Intra-Party Conflict Story FRONT INSIDE FRONT INSIDE PAGE COVER PAGES Total THE PUNCH APC 1.3% 0% 29.7% 31% Political Party PDP 0% 0% 20.2% 20.2% 1.3% 0 49.9% 51.2% DAILY TRUST APC 0% 0.63% 33% 33.6% Political Party PDP 0% 0.63% 14.5% 15.2% 0% 1.26% 47.5% 48.8% TOTAL APC 1.3% 0.63% 62.6% 64.5% Political Party PDP 0% 0.63% 34.8% 35.5% 1.3% 1.26% 97.4% 100% n=2 n=2 n=154 n=158

Table 4.7 is a cross-tabulation table that shows the degree of prominence given to intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC by the Nigerian newspapers within the time frame studied:

March 1, 2018- March 31, 2019. According to findings, most of the reports across both newspapers were placed on the inside pages. The Punch newspaper had 29.7% reports concerning intra-party conflicts within the APC placed on its inside pages, while it had 20.2% reports concerning intra-party conflicts within the PDP placed on its inside pages. In total, The

Punch newspaper had 49.9% reports on intra-party conflict placed on inside pages of the newspaper. In contrast to this, only 1.3% of the newspaper reports were placed on the front page and this was reflective of intra-party conflicts within the APC, and nothing about the PDP. From the Punch newspaper, there were no records of intra-party conflicts on the inside front cover.

Daily Trust newspaper had similar figures with the highest number of reports placed on inside pages of the newspaper. Daily Trust newspaper had 33% reports concerning intra-party conflicts within the APC placed on its inside pages, while it had 14.5% reports concerning intra-party

66 conflicts within the PDP placed on its inside pages. On theinside front cover, Daily Trust newspaper had 0.63% reports on intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC respectively.

And unlike The Punch newspaper, Daily Trust newspaper had no reports on the front page of the newspaper. In total therefore, both newspapers produced 64.5% of reports on intra-party conflicts within the APC and 35.5% of reports on intra-party conflicts within the PDP, with

97.4% of the reports on the inside pages of both newspapers, 1.3% on the front page and 1.3% on the inside front cover.

These figures reveal that majority of reports were placed on the inside pages of both newspapers.

Within the sphere of print communication, prominence is a big deal, and the relevance or importance of societal issues are often determined by how prominently placed they are in the print medium of communication. The front pages, back pages and centre-spread pages of any newspaper are considered the most prominent pages of the newspaper. For this reason, therefore, the Nigerian media did a poor job of giving due prominence to issues that surround intra-party conflict in the country. While this study does not advocate that all prominent pages of the newspaper be dedicated to the coverage of intraparty conflict, it recommends that a justifiable amount of coverage be given to the subject under discussion by giving intra-party conflicts a fair playing ground through the devotion of a fair amount of prominent pages to the coverage of intra-party conflicts in the country.

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Research Objective 3: To examine the slant (direction) of news reports of intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC, by the Nigerian newspapers.

Table 4.8: Direction of news reports of intra-party conflicts within PDP and APC, by the Nigerian newspapers

Newspaper coded on Intra- Direction of Intra-Party Conflict Story Party conflicts FAVOURABLE UNFAVOURABLENEUTRAL Total THE PUNCH APC 10.1% 19.6% 1.3% 31% Political Party PDP 9.5% 10.7% 0% 20.2% 19.6% 30.3% 1.3% 51.2% DAILY TRUST APC 10.1% 19.6% 3.8% 33.5% Political Party PDP 3.8% 9.6% 1.9% 15.2% 13.9% 29.2% 5.7% 48.8% Political Party APC 20.2% 39.2% 5.1% 64.5% PDP 13.3% 20.3% 1.9% 35.5% TOTAL 33.5% 59.5% 7% 100% n=53 n=93 n=11 n=157

Table 4.8 is a cross tabulation table that shows the direction of news reports of intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC by the Nigerian newspapers. Findings reveal that there were more unfavourable than favourable reports. Starting with The Punch newspaper, a total of

19.6% reports were churned out by The Punch newspaper and these reports were considered favourable. From the 19.6% of favourable reports, 10.1% were reports on intra-party conflicts within the APC while 9.5% were reports on intra-party conflicts within the PDP. The Punch newspaper had 19.6% unfavourable reports on intra-party conflicts within the APC, and 10.7% on intra-party conflicts within the PDP, bringing unfavourable reports to a total of 30.3%. On the neutral side, The Punch newspaper only had such reports on intra-party conflicts within the

APC which were considered neutral, with 1.3% of the reports. The Punch newspaper therefore churned out a total of 51.2% reports, with 31% on intra-party conflicts within the APC and

20.2% on intra-party conflicts within the PDP.

13.9% of the reports covered by the Daily Trust newspaper were considered favourable. 10.1% of these reports covered intra-party conflicts within the APC while 3.8% of the reports covered

68 intra-party conflicts within the PDP. Like The Punch newspaper, Daily Trust also had more unfavourable than favourable reports with a total of 29.2% unfavourable reports about both parties. From this 29.2%, 19.6% of these reports covered intra-party conflicts within the APC while 9.6% of the reports covered intra-party conflicts within the PDP. A total of 5.7% reports were produced by Daily Trust newspaper. 3.8% of the reports covered intra-party conflicts within the APC while 1.9% of the reports covered intra-party conflicts within the PDP. Daily

Trust newspaper therefore produced a total of 48.8% reports, with 33.5% on intra-party conflicts within the APC and 15.2% on intra-party conflicts within the PDP.

From both newspapers, a total of 64.5% of the reports covered intra-party party conflicts within the APC, while 35.5% covered intra-party conflicts within the PDP, totalling 100%. From this,

59.5% of the reports were considered unfavourable by both newspapers, 33.5% were considered favourable while 7% were considered neutral by the researcher.

These figures reveal vividly that there were more unfavourable reports on intra-party conflicts published by both newspapers, concluding that the Nigerian press did a poor job of coverage with proper direction as they ought to.

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Research Objective 4: To ascertain what the story types associated with intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC by the Nigerian newspapers were.

Table 4.9: Major Story Type Associated with Intra-Party Conflicts Within PDP and APC by the Nigerian Newspapers

Story Type Political party Total APC PDP Straight News 60.8% 30.4% 91.2% Feature Article 3.2% 0% 3.2% Opinion Article 0% 0.6% 0.6% Interview 1.4% 3.0% 4.4% Others 0.6% 0% 0.6% Total 64.6% 35.4% 100% n=102 n=56 n=158 Table 4.9 is a cross tabulation table that shows the major story types associated with intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC. Findings reveal that majority of the story types associated with intra-party conflicts were news stories. A total of 91.2% straight news stories were covered by both newspapers with 60.8% covering intra-party conflicts within the APC and 30.4% covering intra-party conflicts within the PDP. Straight news stories were followed by interview which had a total of 4.4%, with the PDP taking the lead with 3.0% of interviews on intra-party conflicts while the APC had 1.4% of interviews on intra-party conflicts. Feature articles had

3.2% and only covered intra-party conflicts within the APC, and none with the PDP. 0.6% of the story types were opinion articles, while another 0.6% fell into the ‘others’ category.

This implies that most of the story types employed were straight news stories, revealing that there are gaps to be filled both in the creative as well as investigative capacities of the Nigerian media.

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Research Objective 5: To examine whether the coverage of intra-party conflicts served to resolve or aggravate the conflict.

Table 4.10: Purpose of Messages Associated with Intra-Party Conflicts Within PDP and APC by Nigerian Newspapers

Newspaper coded on Intra- Purpose of messages on intra-party conflict Party conflicts Aggravating Towards Undecided Conflict Resolution Total THE PUNCH APC 11.3% 9.5% 13.5% 34.3% Political Party PDP 7.1% 6.3% 9.3% 22.7% 18.4% 15.8% 22.8% 57% DAILY TRUST APC 7.9% 8.3% 12.6% 28.8% Political Party PDP 4.2% 4.1% 6.3% 14.6% 12.1% 12.4% 18.9% 43.4% Political Party APC 19.2% 17.8% 26% 63% PDP 11% 10.4% 15.6% 37% TOTAL 30.2% 28.2% 41.6% 100% n=48 n=44 n=66 n=158

Table 4.10 is a cross tabulation table that shows the purpose of messages associated with intra- party conflicts within PDP and APC by the Nigerian newspapers. The Punch newspaper had

18.4% of its reports categorised as serving to aggravate intra-party conflicts. Out of this 18.4%,

11.3% of the reports were on intra-party conflicts within the APC while 7.1% of the reports focused on intra-party conflicts within the PDP. 15.8% of the reports by The Punch newspaper were categorised as serving towards the resolution of intra-party conflicts within both parties, with 9.5% of the reports focused on intra-party conflicts within the APC while 6.3% of the reports focused on intra-party conflicts within the PDP. 22.8% of the reports covered by The

Punch newspaper were categorised as undecided. In total therefore, 57% reports were solely covered by The Punch newspaper.

Daily Trust newspaper had 12.1% of its reports categorised as serving to aggravate intra-party conflicts. Out of this 12.1%, 7.9% of the reports were on intra-party conflicts within the APC while 4.2% of the reports focused on intra-party conflicts within the PDP. 12.4% of the reports

71 by Daily Trust newspaper were categorised as serving towards the resolution of intra-party conflicts within both parties, with 8.3% of the reports focused on intra-party conflicts within the

APC while 4.1% of the reports focused on intra-party conflicts within the PDP. 18.9% of the reports covered by Daily Trust newspaper were categorised as undecided. In total therefore,

43.4% reports were solely covered by The Punch newspaper.

In total, 30.2% of reports served to aggravate conflicts, while 28.2% of the reports served to resolve intra-party conflicts. 41.6% of the reports remained undecided by the researcher. This implies that the coverage of intra-party conflicts by the Nigerian media was fairly done, compared to what obtained in previous years. Previous studies revealed that the Nigerian media tilted largely towards aggravating intra-party conflicts. This study however proves otherwise.

While it does not suggest that the Nigerian media has done a commendable job of covering intra-party conflicts with regards to the purpose of the reports, it does state that there has been an obvious and noteworthy improvement in the coverage of intra-party conflicts, with regards to purpose, by the Nigerian media.

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4.2 Test of Hypotheses

Ho1:There is no significant difference in the frequency of newspaper reportage on intra-Party conflicts within the PDP and APC before and duringthe 2019 elections in Nigeria.

Month of publication * Period of Newspaper Coverage Cross tabulation

Count

Period of Newspaper Coverage

MARCH 1, NOV 1, 2018- 2018- OCT 31, MARCH 31, 2018 2019 Total

Month of publication MARCH 2018 8 2 10

APRIL 2018 6 3 9

MAY 2018 6 7 13

JUNE 2018 6 5 11

JULY 2018 2 8 10

AUGUST 2018 6 8 14

SEPTEMBER 2018 5 6 11

OCTOBER 2018 8 9 17

NOVEMBER 2018 11 7 18

DECEMBER 2018 4 6 10

JANUARY 2019 6 7 13

FEBRUARY 2019 8 6 14

MARCH 2019 5 3 8

Total 81 77 158

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Chi-Square Tests

Asymptotic Significance (2- Value Df sided)

Pearson Chi-Square 126.616a 12 .000

Likelihood Ratio 169.739 12 .000

Linear-by-Linear Association 76.949 1 .000

N of Valid Cases 158 a. 6 cells (23.1%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 2.30.

Since the p. value is less than our chosen significance level 0.05 (P.value =0.000), we reject the null hypothesis, and accept the alternate hypothesis which states that there is a significant difference between the frequency at which the newspaper was reported and the period of the newspaper coverage. Based on the result therefore, this study concludes that there is a significant difference between the frequency at which the newspaper is reported and the period of the newspaper coverage (x2 (1) =126.616, p<0.05).

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Ho2: There is no significant difference in the slant (direction) of newspaper reportage on intra- Party conflicts within the PDP and APC before and during the 2019 elections in Nigeria

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Chi-Square Tests

Asymptotic Significance (2- Value Df sided) Pearson Chi-Square a 1.720 2 .423 Likelihood Ratio 1.720 2 .423 Linear-by-Linear Association 410 1 .522 N of Valid Cases 158 a. 0 cells (0.0%) have expected count less than 5. The minimum expected count is 5.15.

Since the p. value is more than our chosen significance level 0.05, we confirm the null hypothesis, and conclude that there is no significant difference between the slant (direction) of the newspaper reportage on intra-party conflict and the period of the newspaper coverage. Based on the result of the study therefore, we can state the following: There is no significant difference between the slant (direction) of the newspaper reportage on intra-party conflicts and the period of the newspaper coverage (x2 (1) =1.720, p>0.05).

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CHAPTER FIVE

DISCUSSION

5.1 Discussion of Findings

In this section, the data presented and analysed will be discussed. The discussion will be guided by the research questions posed at the beginning of this study. In addition, the discussion will be backed by literature collected in this study and instances from the newspapers studied (i.e. related headlines).

Of the 154 issues spread between the two newspapers thoroughly analysed in this study, Table

4.2 reveals that 158 reports were collected. It reveals further that The Punch newspaper had had the higher number of reports between the two newspapers studied, while Daily Trust newspaper had the lesser number of reports collected in this study. Table 4.3 further reveals the distribution of reports on intra-party conflicts within APC and PDP before and during the 2019 Nigerian election. According to findings, there were more reports on intra-party conflict before the 2019

Nigerian elections began, than there were during the elections.

Table 4.4 reveals the distribution of reports on intra-party conflicts by the newspapers, according to the number of reports. Findings show that the two newspapers had almost equal number of reports. Figure 4.1 further reveals the distribution sequence across the thirteen months studied.

Findings reveal that November 2018 had the highest number of reports, while March 2019 had the least number of reports, revealing that lower media attention was given to intra-party conflicts from December 2018 to Mach 2019. Findings in this study also show that by

November 2018 which served as the beginning of election campaigns, the reports that had hitherto taken a download spiral peaked as the campaigns began, and the elections approached.

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Findings in this study support those of Ekeanyanwu (2011), who opined that the Nigerian press still have a lot to learn with regards to reporting conflicts. For a start, many of the reports were mainly news stories, which had very little journalistic analysis, as a result of lack of proper investigative journalism. Conflicts, generally, and intra-party conflicts, particularly are not surface issues. They are skin-deep, and therefore require a professional sense of journalism to unearth and resolve. News stories, must of a necessity incorporate the different sides to the conflict, with a sole aim of informing, educating and enlightening the citizens. Another issue noticed was that a huge percentage of the reports served to aggravate the intra-party conflicts rather than douse it. This was evident in the style and language adopted in writing these reports.

Another observation that this study revealed is that there were more reports considered unfavourable than favourable. Likewise, largely all the reports came from in-house reporters of the two media organisations. This study also noted that the follow up of certain intra-party conflicts were poorly addressed by the media. For instance, a story was reported by The Punch newspaper on the 3rd of November, 2018. The story was about a Rotimi Rahmon, a House of

Representatives aspirant in the 7th October 2018, All Progressives Congress legislative primaries conducted in Ogun State by the National Working Committee who alleged that his mandate given by the APC members of Ado Odo/Ota Federal Constituency was stolen.

According to him, he defeated three contestants in the race namely Sesan Fagbayi, who polled

3,713, Kazeem Aina and Akinpelu Aina, who polled 195 and 150 respectively. However, surprised that the National Chairman, -led NWC later announced the name of Olusola Ojugbele, as the winner of that ticket. Rahmon alleged that Ojugbele contested on the same date for the senatorial seat of the Ogun West. He said that he never contested for House of Representatives seat. In his words:

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The electoral committee sent from by the National Working Committee monitored and supervised the primary. I won that primary. But I was surprised to see the name of someone who contested for a seat in the Senate for Ogun West, Olusola Ojugbele, on the same day, being given my seat and his name has been sent to the Independent National Electoral Commission. Comrade Oshiomhole has come out to say some people wanted him to do certain things against his conscience. What conscience is he talking about? Where is fairness? Where is justice? (The Punch newspaper, Nov 3, 2018)

Whether or not the accusation levelled against the National Chairman, Adams Oshiomole was true or not, we may never know, for no further information was provided by the newspapers.

As a matter of fact, other newspapers that were not studied by this research work were examined for the purpose of this particular story. Both of them- The Sun newspaper and the Vanguard newspaper simply reported this allegation, but they all failed to follow up. This story is a classic example of an absence of internal democracy within the party, and more than anything, citizens deserve to know the truth, and see justice administered. What did the media do to resolve the issue?

This study also observed that there were many more reports on intra-party conflicts within the

APC than there were on intra-party conflicts within the PDP. Perhaps, because the APC is the ruling party, more media attention was paid to its happenings and events. This is however unethical and unprofessional as comprehensive, adequate media attention is expected to be given to every political party in Nigeria, regardless of who is at the helm of affairs. From this study therefore, the All Progressives’ Congress was largely portrayed as a very poorly coordinated and incapable of having its house in order.

On a positive note, however, the Nigerian press coverage of political conflicts is worthy of commendation as the press did a good job of giving prominence to certain intra-party conflicts, thereby giving room for members of the audience to become a part of the democratic process.

A core example of this is the intra-party conflict which almost tore the fabric of the APC, and

79 resulted in the creation of the Allied People’s Movement (APM) by former Ogun state

Governor, IbikunleAmosun. As a result of proper media coverage of the conflict, citizens were able to make guided, informed decisions with regards to casting votes for their preferred candidates. And while the Allied People’s Movement (APM) did not necessarily win the gubernatorial elections in the state, there are indications that the party is gaining grounds in the state, and by the next elections, the APM would give the ruling party a serious run.

Like Duncan (2014) asserted, this study concludes by supporting the position that newspapers provide more in-depth coverage than broadcast channels of television and radio.

Research Question 1: What is the volume of coverage given to intra-party conflicts within the

PDP and the APC in comparison with other areas of political conflict by the Nigerian newspapers?

Table 4.1 revealed that a total of 154 issues of both The Punch and Daily Trust newspapers were duly analysed in the course of the study. Table 4.2 explained further, revealing that the total coverage given to intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC by both newspapers under study was 158 reports. In addition, more coverage was given to intra-party conflicts within the

PDP and the APC by The Punch newspaper, as it had the higher number of reports, when compared with the number of reports churned out by Daily Trust newspaper. Similarly, more coverage was given to the All Progressives’ Congress (APC) by both newspapers as it had more than double the reports of intra-party conflicts held by the Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP).

Table 4.3 shows that more reports surrounding intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC were churned out by the Nigerian press before the elections began, and they gradually declined until the election campaigns approached when they peaked, before declining once again. This observation was reflected by both newspapers.

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Figure 4.1 revealed that November 2018 had the highest number of reports, and the greatest level of media attention, from both The Punch and Daily Trust newspapers. In contrast, March

2019 had the least number of reports from both newspapers.

Coverage, in the first chapter of this work was defined as the extent to which the media presents or reports issues of intra-party conflicts as news, editorial, picture news, e.t.c, which are capable of influencing the audience’ opinion. Thus, the more the media reports a certain issue, the more coverage it is said to have. In order to objectively answer this research question, there might be the need to calculate the percentage of intra-party conflicts within the APC and PDP in relation to other political conflicts addressed by the newspapers. In this light therefore, Table 4.6 revealed that a commendable amount of coverage was given to intra-party conflicts within the

PDP and the APC by The Punch and the Daily Times newspapers when compared with other political conflicts addressed by the newspapers.

Table 4.5 and Table 4.6 revealed that a fairly laudable amount of coverage was given to other areas of political conflicts, especially when compared against intra-party conflicts within the

PDP and the APC by The Punch and the Daily Times newspapers. It also revealed that The

Punch newspaper did a better job of coverage, when compared with the Daily Times newspaper.

Table 4.9 showed that both newspapers mostly reported just one story on other areas of political conflicts, and rarely reported more than a story on other areas of political conflicts. It also revealed that between March 1, 2018 and October 31, 2018, 114 reports were published by the two newspapers while November 1, 2018 - March 31, 2019 published 86 reports, showing that there was more coverage between March 1, 2018 and October 31, 2018 than there was between

November 1, 2018 - March 31, 2019.

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Judging by other factors however, this study concludes that the Nigerian press coverage of intra- party conflicts is commendable, and can be improved upon. This conclusion is tied to Aghamelu

(2013)’s position who opined that the Nigerian media ought to improve its coverage of politics and elections.

Research Question 2: What is the degree of prominence given to intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC, by the Nigerian newspapers?

Table 4.7 revealed that more stories were placed on the inside pages of the two newspapers while the least number of reports were place on the front and inside front pages of the newspapers studied. It also revealed that The Punch newspaper had the highest number of reports analysed in this study as well as the highest percentage of reports on the inside pages of both newspapers. Although the Daily Trust newspaper had the lesser number of reports, it was fairly considerable as there was very little difference between the number of reports both newspapers provided. The Punch newspaper had the highest percentage of front-paged articles between the newspapers studied, while the Daily Trust newspaper had had the highest percentage of inside front-paged articles. Between the two newspapers, there were no reports placed in the centrespread of the newspaper issues.

In the preceding chapter, prominence was defined as the importance an article held as reflected by its placement within the newspaper issues. Front paged articles were determined as most important while inside paged articles were deemed least important. There were more inside paged articles within the newspapers studied. There were more inside paged articles than front- paged, back paged articles, inside front and inside back pages of the issues studied. Amoka

(2014) however argues that despite the vast number of pages in a newspaper which can be categorized as inside pages, there is just one front page, one back page, one inside front page

82 and one inside back page, and as a result, prominence can only be calculated without being biased when the percentages of intra-party conflicts reports are calculated in relation to the total number of newspaper articles in each newspaper.

As earlier mentioned, this study does not clamour for all the prominent pages of the newspaper to be dedicated to the coverage of intraparty conflict. However, it recommends that a fair amount of prominent pages cover intra-party conflicts so as to ensure that reports concerning the subject matter find a place in the heart of members of the audience.

This study concludes that prominence was poorly given to intra-party conflicts by the newspapers, disagreeing with Ekeanyanwu (2011)’s assertion which states that the Nigerian press gave prominence to its reports of political conflicts.

Research Question 3: What is the slant (direction) of news reports of intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC, by the Nigerian newspapers?

Findings in this study reveal that intra-party conflict in Nigeria was covered and measured using different parameters. Table 4.8 revealed that there were more unfavourable reports from both newspapers. It revealed further that The Punch newspaper had the greatest amount of both favourable and unfavourable reports, while the neutral direction was the least report slant adopted in these reports. The Daily Trust newspaper had the greater amount of neutral reports..

In the preceding chapter, reports were considered favourable, unfavourable or neutral. In cases where the reports present or support the public opinion on the issues raised, both in their use of language and content, they are considered favourable. Favourable reports are positive oriented towards the public interest. Unfavourable reports are those which do not present or support the public opinion on the issues raised in the reports. Instead, such reports take sides with the

83 political class in both language and content, and are negative in perspective towards public opinion. Neutral reports are reports that do not betray their stance or take any of the earlier positions both in the content and the language of the presentation.

From both newspapers, a total of 64.5% of the reports covered intra-party party conflicts within the APC, while 35.5% covered intra-party conflicts within the PDP, totalling 100%. From this,

59.5% of the reports were considered unfavourable by both newspapers, 33.5% were considered favourable while 7% were considered neutral by the researcher. The huge presence of unfavourable reports show that the Nigerian media has a long way to go with regards to the direction of its reports. One striking thing the researcher observed while conducting this study was the high rate of sensationalism adopted by both newspapers. This issue should also be addressed by the editors of media houses, particularly the press (print medium), so as to ensure that objectivity and accuracy define their reports.

In the course of this study, the following news reports were found and considered favourable by virtue of the aforementioned criteria:

1. APC Crisis: Buhari, Osinbajo, Tinubu, Govs meet to determine Oshiomole’s fate (Nov

14, 2018)

2. Amosun’s preferred candidate begins campaign, APM adopts Buhari (The Punch- Dec

21, 2018)

3. Ogun Guber: 60 parties adopt Amosun’s Candidate (Daily Trust- Dec 21, 2018)

4. Disquiet in APC over alleged Amaechi’s anti-Buhari’s comments (The Punch- Jan 7,

2019)

5. Buhari faults Oshiomole, says aggrieved members can sue APC (The Punch- Nov 27,

2018)

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The following news reports were found and considered unfavourable by virtue of the aforementioned criteria:

1. Ekiti reps disown Olujimi, restate loyalty to Fayose (The Punch- Nov 5, 2018

2. Ogun APC Crisis: rejects Amosun’s loyalists’ demands (The Punch- Nov

19, 2018)

3. PDP kicks as Kashamu gets party flag in Ogun (The Punch- Dec 11, 2018)

4. PDP: Court upholds nullification of Kashamu, others’ expulsion (The Punch- Dec 14,

2018)

5. We’ll report Amosun, Okorocha’s candidate to INEC (Daily Trust- Jan 23, 2019)

The following news reports were found and considered neutral by virtue of the aforementioned criteria:

1. Police move in as crisis rocks Ekiti PDP secretariat (The Punch- Nov 2, 2018)

2. APC Crisis: South West governors divided over bid to remove Oshiomole (The Punch-

Nov 7, 2018)

3. Mass defection hits PDP in Akwa Ibom (Daily Trust- Dec 11, 2018)

Research Question 4: What are the major story types associated with intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC by the Nigerian newspapers?

This research question seeks to find out the major story type associated with intra-party conflicts within the PDP and the APC by the Nigerian newspapers. Table 4.9 reveals that majority of the reports published by both newspapers were news stories. Very few, and almost inexistent feature articles, opinion articles, interview and others were published by both The Punch and Daily

Trust newspapers. Most of the news stories were also placed on the inside pages of the

85 newspapers, which could be regarded as having poor prominence. If any conflict is shrouded in secrecy, or hidden away in the pages of newspapers that are not likely to be read by everyone, they might hardly get resolved. Ekeanyanwu (2011) buttresses this, explaining that but experience has shown that the conflicts much talked about receive quicker attention in its management and subsequent resolution.

With regards to media proficiency, the study observed that there was no single editorial on any of the intra-party conflicts rocking the political scene by both media organizations. Does this suggest that the media, who should inform and educate the audience had no clue, and as a result, no stance as to what was rocking the political plane of the Nation? Can this be said to be the reason why many of the reports were shallow and considered ‘low’ quality reports? Lastly, the reports were mainly centered around ‘Oshiomole/APC/APM’ when the conflict being reported was about the All Progressives’ Congress (APC), and ‘Kahamu/Adebutu/PDP’ when the conflict being reported was about the People’s Democratic Party, which suggests that this was all the feud going on within both parties. This can be also be attributed to poor investigative journalism. Also, the absence of fields like letters-to-the-editor suggest that the Nigerian media might be poorly conversational, providing little or no room for feedback from members of the audience on issues that surround intra-party conflict in Nigeria.

Although this study commends the media for its impressive coverage of intra-party conflicts, more attention should be paid to feature reports, interpretative reports, editorials and investigative reports.

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Research Question 5: Did the coverage of intra-party conflicts serve to resolve or aggravate the conflict?

This research question seeks to find out if the coverage of intra-party conflicts by the Nigerian media served to resolve or aggravate the conflict. Tables 4.5 and 4.6 both revealed that good coverage was given to both intra-party conflicts as well as other areas of political conflicts. In contrast however, Table 4.8 reveals that there were more unfavourable than favourable reports from both newspapers.

With regards to the purpose of the messages, the news reports revealed that a larger percentage of the news reports served the purpose of aggravating the intra-party conflict as opposed to those that were geared towards resolving them. Table 4.10 reveals this, with 30.2% of the reports being categorised as having aggravated intra-party conflicts. 28.2% of the reports sought to resolve the intra-party conflicts. However, owing to the slim margin between both results, this study concludes that the coverage of intra-party conflicts was moderate, and did not particularly aggravate or resolve the conflict. This is an improvement on previous studies by scholars like

Nwuneli (1986), Egbon, (1994), Ekeanyanwu (2005, 2011), Momodu and Matudi (2013) and

Aleyomi (2014) who opine that the media have all served to aggravate intra-party conflicts, rather than seek to resolve them. As it stands, the recommendations given by Ekeanyanwu

(2011) have been duly applied by media practitioners and media institutions in the coverage and reportage of intra-party conflicts.

In the course of the study, the following are examples that revealed instances where the intra- party conflicts report either appeared to resolve or aggravate the intra-party conflicts. Most of these conflicts were premised on an absence of internal democracy.

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Instances where the news reports appeared to aggravate rather than resolve the intra-party conflicts are:

1. Oshiomole speaks from both sides of his mouth (The Punch - Nov 4, 2018)

2. Oshiomole lacks respect for truth, decency, says Amosun (The Punch, Nov 4, 2018)

3. How I was robbed of victory by APC NWC- Rahmon (Daily Trust- Nov 8, 2018)

4. My son-in-law will contest Imo gov’ship in another party- Okorocha (Daily Trust, Nov

28, 2018)

5. I’ll work against Ogun APC governorship candidate- Amosun (The Punch- Dec 4, 2018)

6. Okorocha’s son-in-law dumps APC, (Daily Trust- Dec 5, 2018)

7. Disquiet in APC over alleged Amaechi’s anti-Buhari’s comments (The Punch- Jan 7,

2019)

8. PDP can strategize but will fail- Tinubu (The Punch- Feb 1, 2019)

9. Oshiomole should resign from APC- Nwafor (Daily Trust, March 3, 2019)

On the other hand, the following are examples that revealed instances where the news reports appeared to resolve the intra-party conflicts:

1. Ondo APC members to support AA, PDP candidates (Daily Trust- Dec 2, 2018)

2. PDP elders reaffirm Fayose as leader (The Punch, Nov 9, 2018)

3. Ekiti caucus affirms Fayose as leader (The Punch- Nov 12, 2018)

4. Kashamu asks Secondus to unite Ogun PDP factions (The Punch- Nov 12, 2018)

5. APC urges members to embrace peace committees (Daily Trust- Nov 26, 2018)

6. PDP working on political solution to Ogun Gov Candidate Crisis (The Punch- Dec 16,

2018)

7. Disquiet in Ondo Guber race (Daily Trust- Jan 3, 2019)

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A lot of news reports fell into the undecided category, as the researcher could not place them under either of the aforementioned categories. Some of them include reports like:

• APC loses four reps to PDP, other parties (Daily Trust- Nov 6, 2018)

• My invitation, quizzing by DSS not strange (The Punch- Nov 11, 2018)

• APC loses more reps- (Daily Trust- Nov 23, 2018)

• Ogun APC undecided over allegation against governorship candidate (The Punch- Dec

17, 2018)

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CHAPTER SIX

CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS

6.1 SUMMARY

This study sought mainly to examine the coverage of intra-party conflicts by selected Nigerian newspapers within the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressives’ Congress

(APC) before and during the 2019 general elections. A crucial role required of the media is political education of the citizenry, and as such, are required to bring issues that surround intra- party conflicts to the fore. In line with this therefore, this study examined the extent to which these newspapers have covered intra-party conflicts within the People’s Democratic Party

(PDP) and the All Progressives’ Congress (APC) before and during the 2019 general elections, looking at the frequency of report, tone, prominence, themes, major goals, frame of reports, sources of information of the conflict, and a host of other categories.

In the investigation of the coverage of intra-party conflicts within the People’s Democratic Party

(PDP) and the All Progressives’ Congress (APC) before and during the 2019 general elections, content analysis design was adopted. 154 newspaper issues were sampled and analyzed. The samples were drawn from the pools of newspapers published between March 1, 2018 and March

31, 2019. The inter-coder reliability test calculated, using Holsti’s formula, recorded a high level of agreement among coders, which established the appropriateness of coding instructions, category definitions and unit of analysis.

The analysis yielded 201 reports in total, and these reports were examined for tone, prominence, themes, major goals, frame of reports, sources of information of the conflict, and a host of other categories. The results were presented in tables, reflecting their percentages. These tables were used to provide answers to the research questions. Hypotheses were tested using chi square to find out if there were any significant differences in the coverage within the period of study.

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6.2 CONCLUSION

This study concludes that that the media should be commended for their effort of coverage of intra-party conflicts in recent times, as they have greatly improved over the years. Unlike in previous times when the media titled towards aggravating conflicts, a balance has come to be in the coverage of intra-party conflicts by the Nigerian media. The figures revealed by this study show that the Nigerian media practitioners and media institutions have duly applied the recommendations posited by Ekeanyanwu (2011).

6.3 CONTRIBUTION TO KNOWLEDGE

This study has expanded the frontiers of knowledge in the area of political communication. It aids our understanding of what the news environment has been about intra-party conflicts in

Nigeria. It makes conscious efforts to reveal how the newspapers have been responding to the challenges of intra-party conflicts within the Nigerian political sphere.

This study also revealed that intra-party conflicts are very well represented in newspaper coverage in diverse ways. In addition, the study reveals that more attention is given to intra- party conflicts as the election periods draw closer.

Lastly, this study reveals the importance of elements like themes and tones in the reportage, by the media and the reception of intra-party conflict messages by the citizenry.

6.4 RECOMMENDATIONS

This study set out to examine the coverage given to intra-party conflicts in Nigeria before and during the 2019 general elections (March 2018- March 2019). It was discovered that the coverage given to intra-party conflicts by the two newspapers was considerably high, especially

91 when compared with other areas of political conflicts. This study concluded that although the

Nigerian media have done a good job in their coverage of intra-party conflicts, there still exists room for improvement. Up until very recently, the Nigerian media have been found deficient in the manner with which they covered intra-party conflicts. Thus, there is a need for media personnel and media organizations to pay particular attention to intra-party conflicts. Citizens have a right and deserve to know when the democratic fabric of the country is threatened, especially by the political parties that are supposed to be the vehicles that drive the democratic order. And this can be done by giving more attention to intra-party issues, specifically by creating more columns, for, and devoting more pages to feature such issues. In this regard, the government and media regulatory bodies can be instrumental through the creation of policies that mandate media houses to dedicate a certain percentage of their news coverage to issues that promote the awareness of intra-party conflicts.

It is also highly recommended that media organizations ensure that journalists assigned to political beats are highly competent and experienced enough to handle the task. This is because, in a country like Nigeria, anything devoid of this could pose a challenge. Only an experienced, diplomatic and professionally minded reporter can navigate the tides of the political scene, particularly, intra-party politics. The dominance of only news reports could also be attributed to the problem of having few reporters handling investigative and interpretative reports. Hence, it is necessary that well experienced reporters navigate this area, so as to ensure that concrete, well-thought and accurate information are made available to the people.

Finally, in institutions of higher learning where disciplines like broadcasting, mass communication and journalism are taught, it is important that courses that border on covering and reporting conflicts are taught, so as to empower the young journalist to become firmly grounded and more professional in the manner with which he covers and reports conflicts.

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6.5 SUGGESTIONS FOR FURTHER STUDIES

With the findings of this study, several other areas which can be explored for further research have been opened up.

To begin with, a major area worthy of examination is the extent of newspaper coverage of intra- party conflicts during and after the elections, so as to determine the effect such coverage had in shapening and educating the citizenry.

Another area that can be looked into is an examination of broadcast media content and the extent of their coverage of intra-party conflicts before and during the 2019 general elections. In this study, only newspapers were examined. It is suggested therefore that examining other mass communication media can help determine which medium may be most effective for covering and reporting intra-party conflicts.

In addition to the aforementioned, a comparative analysis of intra-party conflicts in Nigeria as well as in other West African nations who operate a democratic system of government, and are plagued by intra-party conflicts is also a viable study area.

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APPENDIX I

INTER-CODER RELIABILITY

Inter-coder reliability result- Name of Newspaper

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 30

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(30)/ 15+15

= 60/30

= 2.

The inter-coder reliability was found to be 2. This implies that not only was the measure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfect agreement between the two coders on the content category-name of newspaper.

Inter-coder reliability result- Month of publication

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 30

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(30)/ 15+15

= 60/30

= 2.

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The inter-coder reliability was found to be 2. This implies that not only was the measure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfect agreement between the two coders on the content category-name of newspaper.

Inter-coder reliability result- Date of publication

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 30

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(30)/ 15+15

= 60/30

= 2.

The inter-coder reliability was found to be 2. This implies that not only was themeasure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfectagreement between the two coders on the content category-date of publication.

Inter-coder reliability result-Day of week

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 30

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(30)/ 15+15

= 60/30

= 2.

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The inter-coder reliability was found to be 2. This implies that not only was themeasure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfectagreement between the two coders on the content category-date of publication.

Inter-coder reliability result- Prominence of report

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 28

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(28)/ 15+15

= 56/30

= 1.8.

The inter-coder reliability was found to be 1.8. This implies that not only was the measure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfect agreement between the two coders on the content category-Prominence of report.

Inter-coder reliability results-Source of report

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 28

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(28)/ 15+15

= 56/30

= 1.8.

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The inter-coder reliability was found to be 1.8. This implies that not only was the measure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfect agreement between the two coders on the content category- Source of report.

Inter-coder reliability results- Story type

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 30

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(30)/ 15+15

= 60/30

= 2.

The inter-coder reliability was found to be 2. This implies that not only was themeasure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfectagreement between the two coders on the content category- Story type.

Inter-coder reliability results- Tone

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 30

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(30)/ 15+15

= 60/30

= 2.

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The inter-coder reliability was found to be 2. This implies that not only was themeasure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfectagreement between the two coders on the content category- Tone.

Inter-coder reliability results- Direction

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 30

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(30)/ 15+15

= 60/30

= 2.

The inter-coder reliability was found to be 2. This implies that not only was the measure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfect agreement between the two coders on the content category- Direction.

Inter-coder reliability results- Purpose of messages

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 28

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(28)/ 15+15

= 56/30

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= 1.8.

The inter-coder reliability was found to be 1.8. This implies that not only was the measure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfect agreement between the two coders on the content category- Purpose of messages.

Inter-coder reliability results- Theme of message

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 30

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(30)/ 15+15

= 60/30

= 2.

The inter-coder reliability was found to be 2. This implies that not only was themeasure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfectagreement between the two coders on the content category- Theme of message.

Inter-coder reliability results- Quality of Reportage

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 30

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

106

= 2(30)/ 15+15

= 60/30

= 2.

The inter-coder reliability was found to be 2. This implies that not only was the measure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfect agreement between the two coders on the content category- Quality of reportage.

Inter-coder reliability results- Cause of conflict

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 28

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(28)/ 15+15

= 56/30

= 1.8.

The inter-coder reliability was found to be 1.8. This implies that not only was the measure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfect agreement between the two coders on the content category- Cause of conflict.

Inter-coder reliability results- Stakeholders

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 28

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

107

N1 +N2

= 2(28)/ 15+15

= 56/30

= 1.8.

The inter-coder reliability was found to be 1.8. This implies that not only was the measure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfect agreement between the two coders on the content category- Stakeholders.

Inter-coder reliability result-News frame

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 28

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(28)/ 15+15

= 56/30

= 1.8.

The inter-coder reliability was found to be 1.8. This implies that not only was the measure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfect agreement between the two coders on the content category- News Frame.

Inter-coder reliability results- Period

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 30

Total number of units coded= 15

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Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(30)/ 15+15

= 60/30

= 2.

The inter-coder reliability was found to be 2. This implies that not only was the measure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfect agreement between the two coders on the content category- Period.

Inter-coder reliability results- Party

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 30

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(30)/ 15+15

= 60/30

= 2.

The inter-coder reliability was found to be 2. This implies that not only was the measure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfect agreement between the two coders on the content category- Party.

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Inter-coder reliability results- APC/PDP Interparty conflicts

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 30

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(30)/ 15+15

= 60/30

= 2.

The inter-coder reliability was found to be 2. This implies that not only was the measure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfect agreement between the two coders on the content category- APC/PDP Interparty conflicts.

Inter-coder reliability results- Other political conflicts

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 30

Total number of units coded= 15

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(30)/ 15+15

= 60/30

= 2.

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The inter-coder reliability was found to be 2. This implies that not only was the measure of agreement between inter-coders statistically significant; there was an almost perfect agreement between the two coders on the content category- Other political conflicts.

Computation of Inter-coder reliability results

Total number of coding decisions by the two coders= 318

Total number of units coded= 330

Reliability- 2M

N1 +N2

= 2(318)/ 165+165

= 636/330

= 1.9.

The inter-coder reliability based on Holsti’s measurement was assessed via the computation of the content categories (prominence, source, story type, tone, purpose, theme, stakeholder, frame, period and party). This computation established an inter-coder reliability of 1.9, establishing an acceptable level of agreement between the coders.

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APPENDIX II CONTENT CATEGORIES UNITS OF ANALYSIS Frequency of coverage: This refers to the number of stories published in every edition of the newspapers under 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10… study. This will be determined through the physical counting of published items. Newspaper coded on Intra-Party conflicts: This refers to the particular newspaper publication that The Punch reported stories on intra-party Daily Trust conflicts within APC and PDP members in Nigeria. March 2018 April 2018 May 2018 June 2018 Month of publication: This refers to July 2018 the month that the stories on intra- August 2018 party conflicts within APC and PDP September 2018 members in Nigeria was published in October 2018 the newspapers studied. November 2018 December 2018 January 2019 February 2019 March 2019 Date of Publication (DOP): This refers to the day of the month that the stories on intra-party conflicts within 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,…31 APC and PDP members in Nigeria was published in the newspapers studied.

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Sunday Day of Week (DOW): This refers to Monday the day of the week that the stories on Tuesday intra-party conflicts within APC and Wednesday PDP members in Nigeria was Thursday published in the newspapers studied. Friday Saturday Front Page (FP): It was determined that stories around intra-party conflict in Nigeria placed on the front pages of the newspapers were of highest importance.

Back Page (BP): It was determined that stories around intra-party conflict in Nigeria placed on the Prominence of Intra-Party Conflict back pages of the issues of the story: Prominence centred on the newspapers were of second highest level of importance that stories around importance in this study. intra-party conflict in Nigeria were given. It was determined by the Inside Front Page (IFP): It was placement of the story in the pages of determined that stories around intra- the newspapers. party conflict in Nigeria placed on the inside front pages of the issues of the newspapers were of third highest importance.

Inside Back Page (IBP): It was determined that stories around intra- party conflict in Nigeriaplaced on the inside back pages of the issues of

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the newspapers studied were of fourth highest importance.

Centre Spread (CS):It was determined that stories around intra- party conflict in Nigeria placed in the centre of the issues of the newspapers studied were of fifth highest importance.

Inside Pages (IP):It was determined that stories around intra-party conflict in Nigeria placed on inside pages of the issues of the newspapers were regarded as fairly important. In-house reporter: Refers to stories sourced and written by staff employed by the newspaper house. Personnel Source of information on intra- include editors, correspondents and party conflict: Refers to the reporters. origins of stories on intra-party News Agency of Nigeria (NAN): conflict in Nigeria. The by-lines of Refers to stories that were obtained the writers of reports were used to from the News Agency of Nigeria-the determine the source of the report. In Federal Government owned news addition, descriptions presented at the agency. end of certain stories about the writers Agence France Presse (AFP): were used to determine the sources of Refers to stories that were obtained the reports. from AFP, an international news Sources were categorized as follows: agency that has its headquarters in Paris. Reuters: Refers to stories that were obtained from Reuters- an

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international news agency that has its headquarters in London. Freelancer(s): Refers to an independent writer who is not an employee of a particular newspaper being analysed but who is published on a frequent basis by that newspaper. Citizen(s): Refers to individual citizens of Nigeria whose reports were published in the newspaper. This category of writers were identified by descriptions about them presented at the end of the newspaper article. Unidentified person(s): Refers to reports that have no identifiable by- lines. International Person(s): Refers to Nigerians in diaspora or foreigners whose reports were published in the newspapers. Descriptions about the writers presented at the end of the story were used to identify them. Other: Refers to reports that may not fall under any of the above stated units of analysis. News: These were straight news Story Type: This refers to the type of stories that reported issues story about intra-party conflict in surrounding intra-party conflict in Nigeria published by the newspaper. Nigeria; they were not in-depth but

were factual and objective.

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Feature Articles: They were human- angled expository reports that were colourfully written on intra-party conflict in Nigeria, but they were not interpretive. Opinion Articles: These were comments of columnist or in-house reporters published on intra-party conflict in Nigeria. They did not include letters to the editor.

Editorials: These were subjective viewpoints of the newspaper houses on intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Photo News: These pictures were often captioned, told stories concerning intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Interviews: These were newspaper reports that involved an interviewer asking the interviewee(s) about issues relating to intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Cartoons: Visually illustrated art works that addressed issues relating to intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Letters-to-the-editor: These were newspaper reports that did not fall into any of the above listed units of analysis Other: Refers to other stories that did not fall under the above stated classifications.

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Rational: This refers to any story on intra-party conflict in Nigeria that provided the facts of the story in an Tone of Story on intra-party educational and informative manner, conflict: This refers to the manner in in a formal or informal tone. which stories on intra-party conflict in Emotional: This refers to any story Nigeria were reported on intra-party conflict in Nigeria that

presented the report drawing on emotions- fear, apprehension, sympathy etc. Favourable: This indicates stories or reports on intra-party conflicts in Nigeria which present or support the public opinion on the issues raised in the reports. Both in language and content, favourable reports are positive oriented towards the public interest. Unfavourable: This indicates stories Direction/ Slant of Story on intra- or reports on intra-party conflicts in party conflict: This refers to the Nigeria which do not present or manner in which stories on intra-party support the public opinion on the conflict in Nigeria were reported. issues raised in the reports. Rather, such reports take sides with the political class in both language and content. Unfavourable reports are negative in perspective towards public opinion. Neutral: This is used to indicate such reports that do not betray their stance or take any of the earlier positions

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both in the content and the language of the presentation. Purpose of messages on intra-party conflictin Nigeria: This refers to Aggravate conflict the type of newspaper message on Resolve conflict intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Neutral

About Intra-Party Conflict: refers to stories that dealt with the facts about intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Cause of intra-party conflict: Refers to stories that focused on the causes of intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Defections: Refers to stories that focused on defections related to intra- Themes: This refers to the focus of party conflict in Nigeria. the newspaper report on intra-party Consequences: Refers to stories that conflict in Nigeria. had as their primary focus

information on the physical, social,

cultural and economic consequences of intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Preventive measures: Refers to stories that dealt with information on preventive measures of intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Resolution measures: Refers to stories that dealt with information on resolution measures of intra-party conflict in Nigeria.

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Party decisions: Refers to stories that dealt with information on the decisions of the party on intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Other: Refers to other stories that did not fall under any of the above stated classifications.

Very High: These are reports adjudged by the author as excellent in quality with regards to the content and language of presentation of the reports. High: These are reports adjudged by the author to be very good in quality with regards to the content and

language of presentation of the

reports.

Low: These are reports adjudged by Quality of Reportage the author to be poor in quality with regards to the content and language of presentation of the reports. Very Low: These are reports adjudged by the author to be very poor in quality with regards to the content and language of presentation of the reports.

Incumbency: Refers to stories that Cause of intra-party conflict: Refers focused on incumbency as causes of to stories that focused on the causes of intra-party conflict in Nigeria. intra-party conflict in Nigeria.

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God-fatherism:Refers to stories that focused on God-fatherism as causes of intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Politics of self-interest: Refers to stories that focused on politics of self- interest as causes of intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Illegal candidate substitution/ candidate selection: Refers to stories that focused on Illegal candidate substitution as causes of intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Absence of internal democracy: Refers to stories that focused on absence of internal democracy as causes of intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Lack of ideology: Refers to stories that focused on lack of ideology as causes of intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Others: Refers to all other causes of intra-party conflicts notcovered by the above listed units of analysis. Politician(s): Refers to individuals or groups of politicians Stakeholders on Intra-Party that the newspaper reports centred on, conflict messages: This refers to the individuals, or groups of politicians individuals or groups that took action that provided information on intra- or provided information in relation to party conflict in Nigeria. intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Federal government: Refers either to newspaper reports that centred on

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actions or information provided by the Nigerian Federal government directly or via its officers. State government: Refers to newspaper reports that centred on actions or information provided by individual state governments or officials of the state government on intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Government agencies: Refers to reports that centred on government agencies or their officials (federal, state, or local) such as the Federal Ministry of Affairs, State ministries of affairs, etc. NGOs: Refers to reports that centred on the actions of no-governmental organizations on intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Private individuals: Refers to reports that centred on actions of individuals on intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Others: Refers to all other stakeholders notcovered by the above listed units of analysis. News Frame of Intra-party conflict Conflict: Refers to stories that messages: Refers to how the stories emphasized conflicts between on intra-party conflict in Nigeria were individuals, groups or organizations, presented parties that defended themselves against criticism, or two or more

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conflicting sides on intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Economic consequences: Stories reported in terms of consequences intra-party conflicts in Nigeria will financially have on individuals, groups, organization and the country at large. Mention of financial losses, mention of costs/degree of expenses involved, and reference to economic consequences of not curbing intra- party conflict incidents. Political consequences: Stories reported in terms of consequences the intra-party conflict in Nigeria will financially have on politicians, political parties, political organizations, the state of politics in the country; and the country at large. Mention of financial losses, mention of costs/degree of expenses involved, and reference to political consequences of not curbing intra- party conflict incidents. Responsibility: Refers to stories that hold some individual(s) or groups responsible for dealing with the awareness, prevention or curtailment of intra-party conflict in Nigeria. Morality: Refers to stories that contained a moral message, referred to morality, God and other religious

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tenets, or offered specific social prescriptions about how to behave. Resolution: Refers to stories that contained proposals about how to put an end to intra-party conflict, or how the intra party conflict was/ is being resolved. Human impact: Refers to stories that brought an emotional, personal angle to the presentation of intra-party conflict in Nigeria within November, 2018 and March, 2019. Stories that emphasized how individuals and groups were affected by the intra- party conflict. These stories went into the private or personal lives of the actors. Others: Refers to all other news frames not covered by the above listed units of analysis. Period: Refers to the phase of the November 1, 2018- March 31, 2019. intra-party conflict in Nigeria that was studied. Party: Refers to the political party APC: All Progressives’ Congress whose intra-party conflict in Nigeria PDP: People’s Democratic Party was being studied.

Refers to reports that centred on inter- APC/ PDP Inter-Party Conflicts: party conflicts between the APC and PDP. Other Political Conflicts

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Refers to reports that centred on other political conflicts reported by the newspapers.

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APPENDIX III

S/N VARIABLES LABELS CODES

1. Frequency of 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10… 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10… coverage of Intra- Party conflict

2. Newspaper coded on The Punch 1 Intra-Party conflicts Daily Trust 2 March 2018 1 3. Month of publication 2 April 2018 3 May 2018 4 5 June 2018 6 July 2018 7 August 2018 8 September 2018 9 October 2018 10 November 2018 11 December 2018 12 January 2019 13 February 2019 March 2019

4. Date of Publication 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,…31 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10,…31

Sunday 1 5. Day of Week Monday 2 Tuesday 3 Wednesday 4 Thursday 5 Friday 6 Saturday 7 Front Page (FP) 1 6. Prominence of Intra- Party Conflict story Back Page (BP) 2

Inside Front Cover (IFP) 3

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Inside Back Cover (IBC) 4

Centre Spread (CS) 5

Inside Pages (IP) 6

7. Source of information In-house reporter 1 on intra-party conflict News Agency of Nigeria 2 (NAN) 3 Agence France Press(AFP)

Reuters 4

Freelancer(s) 5

Citizen(s) 6

Unidentified Person(s) 7

International Person(s) 8

Other 9 8. News 1 Story Type Feature Article 2

Opinion Article 3

Editorial 4

Photo news 5

Interview 6

Cartoon 7

Letter-to-the editor 8

Other 9 9. Tone of Story on Rational 1 intra-party conflict Emotional 2

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Favourable 1 Direction/ Slant of Story on intra-party Unfavourable 2 conflict Neutral 3 10.

11. Aggravate conflict 1 Purpose of messages on intra-party conflict Resolve conflict 2 in Nigeria Neutral 3

Very High 1 High 2 Quality of Reportage 12. Low 3 Very Low 4 13. Themes About Intra-Party 1 Conflict

Cause of intra-party conflict 2

Defections 3

Consequences 4

Preventive measures 5

Resolution measures 6

Party Decisions 7

Other 8 14. Incumbency 1 Cause of intra-party conflict God-fatherism 2 Politics of self-interest 3 Illegal candidate 4 substitution/ Candidate selection Absence of internal 5 democracy

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Lack of ideology 6 Others 7 Disloyalty 8 Two or more causes 9 15. Stakeholders on Politician(s) 1 Intra-Party conflict messages Federal government 2 State government 3

Government agencies 4

NGOs 5

Private individuals 6

Others 7 16. News Frame of Intra- Conflict 1 party conflict messages Economic consequences 2 Political consequences 3

Responsibility 4

Morality 5

Resolution 6

Human impact 7

Others 8 17. Period March 1, 2018- October 1 31, 2018 (Pre- Election period)

November 1, 2018- March 2 31, 2019 (Election campaigns to National Assembly/ Presidential/ Governorship/ State House of Assembly

Elections) 18. Party APC 1

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PDP 2 19. APC/PDP Inter-Party 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10 Conflicts 20. Other Political 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10 1,2,3,4,5,6,7,8,9,10 Conflicts

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