On the Plague by Tony Judt the New York Review of Books
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Just Rewards? Communism's Hard Bargain with the Citizen-Consumer
JUST REWARDS? COMMUNISM’S HARD BARGAIN WITH THE CITIZEN-CONSUMER Patrick Patterson University of California, San Diego The National Council for Eurasian and East European Research 2601 Fourth Avenue Suite 310 Seattle, WA 98121 TITLE VIII PROGRAM Project Information* Principal Investigator: Patrick Patterson NCEEER Contract Number: 821-12g Date: August 6, 2008 Copyright Information Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded through a contract or grant from the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research (NCEEER). However, the NCEEER and the United States Government have the right to duplicate and disseminate, in written and electronic form, reports submitted to NCEEER to fulfill Contract or Grant Agreements either (a) for NCEEER’s own internal use, or (b) for use by the United States Government, and as follows: (1) for further dissemination to domestic, international, and foreign governments, entities and/or individuals to serve official United States Government purposes or (2) for dissemination in accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United States Government granting the public access to documents held by the United States Government. Neither NCEEER nor the United States Government nor any recipient of this Report may use it for commercial sale. * The work leading to this report was supported in part by contract or grant funds provided by the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research, funds which were made available by the U.S. Department of State under the Title VIII program. The analysis and interpretations contained herein are those of the author. -
A View of Rebellion and Humanism in Albert Camus’ The
A VIEW OF REBELLION AND HUMANISM IN ALBERT CAMUS’ THE PLAGUE THESIS Submitted as a Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Sarjana Degree of English Department Faculty of Arts and Humanities State Islamic University of Sunan Ampel Surabaya By: Siti Nur Aviva Reg. Number: A33213075 ENGLISH DEPARTMENT FACULTY OF ARTS AND HUMANITIES STATE ISLAMIC UNIVERSITY SUNAN AMPEL SURABAYA 2018 ABSTRACT Aviva, Siti Nur. 2018. A View of Rebellion and Humanism in Albert Camus’ The Plague. English Department, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, State Iislamic Uinversity (UIN) Sunan Ampel Surabaya. Advisor: Dr. Mohammad Kurjum, M. Ag. This thesis analyzes a philosophical novel written by the French-Algerian author namely Albert Camus, The Plague. The purpose of this thesis is to interpret an opposition in The Plague novel and with the proposition of Albert Camus's philosophical book The Rebel. This thesis uses descriptive analysis method. In that method, the first is reading novel stories. The two is collecting important sections dealing with the issues contained in The Rebel's book. The third is interpreting, which uses the hermeneutic theory of Hans-George Gadamer. The Fourth is ending with a conclusion. The results of this interpretation are; (1) the main character as a measure of rebellion; (2) a plague metaphor which means a symbol of human lust. Through the image of the citizens of Oran, human desires are seen where the state of calm, they do the habit of seeking comfort and security by searching for materialistic life, suddenly become chaotic because of epidemic; (3) humanism is a rebellious human who always appreciates life and has a noble value; (4) The rebellion is divided into two: physical rebellion and metaphysical rebellion. -
European Modernism and the Resident Theatre Movement: The
European Modernism and the Resident Theatre Movement: The Transformation of American Theatre between 1950 and 1970 Sarah Guthu A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2013 Reading Committee: Thomas E Postlewait, Chair Sarah Bryant-Bertail Stefka G Mihaylova Program Authorized to Offer Degree: School of Drama © Copyright 2013 Sarah Guthu University of Washington Abstract European Modernism and the Resident Theatre Movement: The Transformation of American Theatre between 1950 and 1970 Sarah Guthu Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Dr. Thomas E Postlewait School of Drama This dissertation offers a cultural history of the arrival of the second wave of European modernist drama in America in the postwar period, 1950-1970. European modernist drama developed in two qualitatively distinct stages, and these two stages subsequently arrived in the United States in two distinct waves. The first stage of European modernist drama, characterized predominantly by the genres of naturalism and realism, emerged in Europe during the four decades from the 1890s to the 1920s. This first wave of European modernism reached the United States in the late 1910s and throughout the 1920s, coming to prominence through productions in New York City. The second stage of European modernism dates from 1930 through the 1960s and is characterized predominantly by the absurdist and epic genres. Unlike the first wave, the dramas of the second wave of European modernism were not first produced in New York. Instead, these plays were often given their premieres in smaller cities across the United States: San Francisco, Seattle, Cleveland, Hartford, Boston, and New Haven, in the regional theatres which were rapidly proliferating across the United States. -
The Brookings Institution Center on the United
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER ON THE UNITED STATES AND EUROPE Second Annual Raymond Aron Lecture IN DEFENSE OF DECADENT EUROPE Speakers: Tony Judt Gilles Andreani Introduction: Philip Gordon November 16, 2005 [TRANSCRIPT PRODUCED FROM A TAPE RECORDING] P R O C E E D I N G S MR. GORDON: Good evening, ladies and gentlemen. Let me welcome you all here, and apologies for the late start. There are a number of people still fighting the elements, but I thank you for doing your best to get here. I'm Phil Gordon, the director of the Center on the United States and Europe here at Brookings. It's really a great pleasure for me to welcome you to the second annual Raymond Aron lecture here. Aron, as everybody knows, was the prominent French scholar, philosopher, political commentator, journalist who was best known for his willingness to follow his ideas wherever the evidence took him rather than supporting the conventional wisdom of the day. He also combined great theoretical and historical work with a deep appreciation for the dilemmas of the policymaker and the need to apply those ideas to the real world. He had very little time for intellectuals who couldn't think about the realities of the real world. And finally, he also stood quite strongly for a strong U.S.-French and U.S.- European relationship at a time when that itself wasn't always fashionable. I think in all of those ways he is sort of a symbol for what we aspire to do here, combining theoretical historical work with the dilemmas of the policymaker and the real world. -
The Revisionist Imperative: Rethinking Twentieth Century Wars* I
The 2012 George C. Marshall Lecture in Military History The Revisionist Imperative: Rethinking Twentieth Century Wars* I Andrew J. Bacevich Abstract What students want (and citizens deserve) is an account of the past that illuminates the present. The conventional narrative of the twenti- eth century, exalting World War II as an episode in which Anglo-Amer- ican good triumphs over Nazi evil, is no longer adequate to that pur- pose. Today, the “lessons” that narrative teaches mislead rather than guide. The moment is ripe for revisionism. Historians need to respond to the challenge, replacing the familiar and morally reassuring story of a Short Twentieth Century with a less familiar and morally ambiguous story of a still unfolding Long Twentieth Century. ot long before his untimely death the historian Tony Judt observed that “For many American commentators and policymakers the message of the twenti ethN century is that war works.”1 Judt might have gone even further. Well beyond the circle of experts and insiders, many ordinary Americans even today at least tacitly share that view. * This essay derives from the George C. Marshall Lecture on Military History, delivered on 7 January 2012 at the annual meeting of the American Historical Association, Chicago, Il linois. The Marshall Lecture is sponsored by the Society for Military History and the George C. Marshall Foundation. 1.Tony Judt, “What Have We Learned, If Anything?” New York Review of Books, 1 May 2008. Andrew J. Bacevich is professor of history and international relations at Boston University. A graduate of the U.S. Military Academy, he received his Ph.D. -
“I Am Afraid Americans Cannot Understand” the Congress for Cultural Freedom in France and Italy, 1950–1957
“I Am Afraid Americans Cannot Understand” The Congress for Cultural Freedom in France and Italy, 1950–1957 ✣ Andrea Scionti Culture was a crucial yet elusive battlefield of the Cold War. Both superpowers tried to promote their way of life and values to the world but had to do so care- fully. The means adopted by the United States included not only propaganda and the use of mass media such as cinema and television but also efforts to help shape the world of highbrow culture and the arts. The Congress for Cultural Freedom (CCF), an organization sponsored by the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), offered U.S. policymakers and intellectuals the opportunity to provide indirect support for anti-Communist intellectuals without being openly associated with their activities. Although the CCF represented one of the main instruments for the United States to try to win the hearts and minds of postwar Europe, it also created new challenges for U.S. Cold War- riors. By tying themselves to the European intelligentsia, they were forced to mediate between different societies, cultures, and intellectual traditions. This article looks at the contexts of France and Italy to highlight this interplay of competing notions of anti-Communism and cultural freedom and how the local actors involved helped redefine the character and limits of U.S. cultural diplomacy. Although scholars have looked at the CCF and its significance, es- pecially in the Anglo-Saxon world, a focus on French and Italian intellectuals can offer fresh insights into this subject. The Congress for Cultural Freedom was the product of a convergence of interests between the CIA’s recently established Office of Policy Coordination (OPC) and a small number of American and European intellectuals, many of them former Communists, concerned about the perceived success of the Soviet cultural offensive in Western Europe. -
State-Building and Political Change: Options for Palestine 2011
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY i CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION State-building and political change: Options for Palestine 2011 Elizabeth Sellwood March 2011 NYU State-building and political change: Options for Palestine 2011 CIC NEW YORK UNIVERSITY CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION The world faces old and new security challenges that are more complex than our multilateral and national institutions are currently capable of managing. International cooperation is ever more necessary in meeting these challenges. The NYU Center on International Cooperation (CIC) works to enhance international responses to conflict, insecurity, and scarcity through applied research and direct engagement with multilateral institutions and the wider policy community. CIC’s programs and research activities span the spectrum of conflict, insecurity, and scarcity issues. This allows us to see critical inter-connections and highlight the coherence often necessary for effective response. We have a particular concentration on the UN and multilateral responses to conflict. Table of Contents State-building and political change: Options for Palestine 2011 Acknowledgments 2 Executive Summary 3 Introduction 5 What are the PA’s practical achievements? 6 What are the constraints facing the PA and its leadership? 7 Political options for September 2011 9 Business as usual 9 The idea 9 The process 9 How would this affect the political context and the situation on the ground? 10 State declaration/recognition options 11 The idea 11 Possible processes 12 How would this affect the -
Of Plagues and Nazis: Camus' Journey from Moral Nihilism
The Journal of Social Encounters Volume 4 Issue 2 Article 10 2020 Rereading Albert Camus’ The Plague During a Pandemic: Of Plagues and Nazis: Camus’ Journey from Moral Nihilism Stephen I. Wagner College of St. Benedict/St. John’s University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/social_encounters Part of the African Languages and Societies Commons, French and Francophone Language and Literature Commons, Modern Literature Commons, Peace and Conflict Studies Commons, Philosophy Commons, Politics and Social Change Commons, Race and Ethnicity Commons, and the Race, Ethnicity and Post-Colonial Studies Commons Recommended Citation Wagner, Stephen I. (2020) "Rereading Albert Camus’ The Plague During a Pandemic: Of Plagues and Nazis: Camus’ Journey from Moral Nihilism," The Journal of Social Encounters: Vol. 4: Iss. 2, 103-106. Available at: https://digitalcommons.csbsju.edu/social_encounters/vol4/iss2/10 This Book Review is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Journal of Social Encounters by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@CSB/SJU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Journal of Social Encounters Rereading Albert Camus’ The Plague During a Pandemic: Of Plagues and Nazis: Camus’ Journey from Moral Nihilism Stephen I. Wagner College of St. Benedict/St. John’s University During our current pandemic, Albert Camus’ novel, The Plague, can serve readers well by illustrating and perhaps helping us resolve the feelings, options and decisions we are now facing. Indeed, Camus can help us learn much from our current situation. Camus’ plague takes place in Oran, an Algerian city under the control of France. -
Confronting Soviet Power Confronting Soviet Paul C
Confronting Soviet Power Confronting Soviet Paul C. Avey Power U.S. Policy during the Early Cold War For many, the behav- ior of the United States in the early Cold War highlights the inºuence of ideas in foreign policy. According to this view, American liberalism directly faced off against Soviet Communism after World War II. This caused the United States to abandon collaboration, deªne the Soviet Union as an enemy, and implement a series of combative policies. In other words, Soviet power became a threat because the Soviet Union was a Communist dictatorship.1 To be sure, works in the realist tradition contend that balance of power concerns motivated U.S. policy. Yet these explanations often sidestep the role of ideas,2 blur the role of power and ideas,3 or incorporate ideas into their analysis.4 In short, many scholars accept that ideas were critical in pushing the United States to confront the Soviet Union and Communism. A close look at early Cold War history, however, suggests that U.S. policy was often inconsistent with the most prominent ideational explanations for U.S. behavior toward the Soviets. For instance, the United States genuinely at- tempted to engage the Soviet Union in the early postwar period despite aware- ness of the totalitarian nature of Soviet Communism. In addition, U.S. policy initially tolerated Communist groups beyond the Soviet Union and later tar- geted them to prevent Soviet expansion. Finally, the United States did not seri- Paul C. Avey is a Ph.D. candidate in political science at the University of Notre Dame. -
Europe's Broken Conscience
NEW EPILOGUE: EUROPE'S BROKEN CONSCIENCE. Those recognized as the "Fathers of Europe", responded in conscience to the spectacle of ruins left by European politics in the first half of the twentieth century. They knew that: "to serve right and to fight against the dominion of wrong is and remains the fundamental task of the politician." 1 As Hannah Ahrendt wrote in 1945: "The problem of evil will be the fundamental problem of postwar intellectual life in Europe – as death became the fundamental problem after the last war."2 The Fathers of Europe clearly understood that a radical break with the European past was necessary. After the Second World War and the onset of the Cold War, they saw it to be their task to reconcile France and Germany and to unify Europe. The Governments of the six states who concluded the ECSC Treaty in 1951, fundamentally agreed on: (1) The purposes to be pursued: reconciliation, peace, solidarity and federal unity; (2) The road to follow: concrete actions and the fusion of essential interests; and (3) The method of common action: creating supranational institutions capable of giving direction to their future common destiny. This agreement on the peaceful organization of common action has been solid enough to provide the constitutional foundation for peaceful cooperation in an enlarging European Union. Still, European conscience is fragile. Already in 1954, it was too weak in the French National Assembly to accept a European Defense Community. It was partly restored through the creation of EEC and Euratom, but soon faded, during the Gaullist era in France, again. -
Unpacking the Global Campaign to Delegitimize Israel. Drawing The
SWP Research Paper Gil Murciano Unpacking the Global Campaign to Delegitimize Israel Drawing the Line between Criticism of Israel and Denying Its Legitimacy Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 7 June 2020, Berlin Abstract ∎ In the last two decades, international delegitimization of Israel has become a new mode of operation for those denying Israel’s right to exist. It encompasses a wide range of civil-society and grassroots organizations. ∎ The campaign attempts to imitate the logic of the struggle against the South African apartheid regime – hence to undermine Israel’s inter- national legitimacy in a manner that would lead to its isolation and even- tually cause it to collapse. ∎ In its current phase, the campaign functions as a long-term effort to grad- ually change the discourse and mindset of Israel’s critics in the West. Its main goal is to mainstream delegitimization – hence to reposition anti- Zionism from the radical margins into the mainstream of Western liberal- progressive circles, with specific emphasis on critics of Israel’s policies. ∎ A key strategy to mainstream delegitimization is to blur the differences between criticism of Israeli policy and challenges to Israel’s basic legiti- macy. This includes efforts to turn items of the delegitimization agenda into an integral part of the political debate about Israel. ∎ As a result, many critics of Israel’s policies end up supporting efforts that are led by the delegitimization campaign. The discussion in the West on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is gradually developing into a dichotomous encounter between supporting Israel and its policies unquestioningly or supporting anti-Zionism. -
Part I. History, Diplomacy, Democracy and Development – 11
PART I. HISTORY, DIPLOMACY, DEMOCRACY AND DEVELOPMENT – 11 Part I. History, Diplomacy, Democracy and Development THE MARSHALL PLAN: LESSONS LEARNED FOR THE 21ST CENTURY CHAPTER 1. THE MARSHALL PLAN: HISTORY AND LEGACY – 13 Chapter 1. The Marshall Plan: History and Legacy by Gerard Bossuat The Marshall Plan, officially called European Recovery Program (ERP), was in place from April 1948 to September 1951. Most contemporary actors considered that it played an essential role in the economic successes of postwar Western Europe. The various European programs of modernization greatly benefited from the ERP, since it financed imports essential to reconstruction and modernization. It produced counterparts in European currencies, the allocation of which needs to be clarified, and generated a debate on their use. Moreover, the Marshall Plan was at the origin of the Organisation for European Economic Co-operation (OEEC), created to encourage European unity. The Marshall Plan was a political tool in the hands of the American administration in the context of the Cold War and the defense of the West. What was the role of the Marshall Plan in the development of a consumer society? Was the Marshall Plan Americanizing European societies? The ERP thus also held a socio-cultural dimension. Finally, over the last 60 years the Marshall Plan has become a myth. Whenever our countries are hit by a crisis, the media or politicians ask for a “new Marshall Plan”. The Marshall Plan was, and remains, appreciated, but it also raised criticisms in Europe. So we have to separate what belongs to history and what belongs to the collective memory or to the myth.