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Remapping Inland Southern California: Global Commodity Distribution, Land Speculation, and Politics in the Inland Empire

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Remapping Inland Southern California: Global Commodity Distribution, Land Speculation, and Politics in the Inland Empire Remapping Inland Southern California: Global Commodity Distribution, Land Speculation, and Politics in the Inland Empire by Juan David De Lara A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Geography in the GRADUATE DIVISION of the UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY Committee in charge: Richard Walker, Chair Michael Johns David Montejano Fall 2009 The dissertation of Juan David De Lara, titled Remapping Inland Southern California: Global Commodity Distribution, Land Speculation, and Politics in the Inland Empire, is approved: Chair Date Date Date University of California, Berkeley Remapping Inland Southern California: Global Commodity Distribution, Land Speculation, and Politics in the Inland Empire Copyright 2009 by Juan David De Lara 1 Abstract Remapping Inland Southern California: Global Commodity Distribution, Land Speculation, and Politics in the Inland Empire by Juan David De Lara Doctor of Philosophy in Geography University of California, Berkeley Richard Walker, Chair Inland Southern California's development is deeply embedded in the territorial restruc- turing of profit. Cyclical waves of capital investment into local land markets has produced a regional landscape of commodity transport, housing, and labor that links the region's growth to multiple economic scales. My research is an attempt to understand how global shifts in production and an increasing dominance of finance capital have produced new landscapes of accumulation in Riverside and San Bernardino counties - also known as the Inland Empire. Most studies on globalization focus on the shifting geographies of industrial production, financial networks, information technologies, and the emergence of world cities that function as control centers. Links between commodity distribution and urbanization is virtually ignored in the globalization literature. But innovations in distri- bution processes and the shifting scale of development have played important roles in the growth of American cities. Studies of Los Angeles and Southern California's metropolitan growth tend to treat the Inland Empire as a parochial second cousin. But the region's growing population and important economic role requires us to acknowledge and reconcile some of the ways that the Inland Empire is implicated in regional and global processes. Richard Walker Dissertation Committee Chair i For Ixchel and Emiliano ii Contents List of Figures v List of Tables vi Introduction 1 The Fastest Growing Place in California . .1 What is the Inland Empire? From Cultural Maps to Government Measure- ment.......................................2 Roadmap to the Text . .3 1 Landscapes of Circulation: How the Inland Empire Became A Nexus In the Flow of Global Commodities 7 1.1 Inland Empire Warehouses as Nodes in the Global Flow of Capital and Goods ......................................7 1.2 Trading Spaces: A Rising Tide of Containers, Boats, Trains, and Trucks . .9 1.2.1 Consumption's Spatial Demands: Boom Times and Port Activity In Southern California . .9 1.2.2 Defining a Regional Economy: From Port Activity to the Goods Movement Industry . 13 1.3 Industry Innovation and the Spatial Realignment of Inland Distribution Networks . 13 1.3.1 Virtual and Physical Space in the Goods Movement Industry . 13 1.3.2 Cross-Docking and the New Shape of Distribution Centers . 15 1.3.3 The Super-Sized Distribution Center . 17 1.3.4 Air Cargo Hubs: Integrating New Places Into the Global Logistics Network . 18 1.4 The March Inland: Extending the Ports' Territorial Reach . 18 1.4.1 A Long Line of Trains and Trucks: Connecting the Inland Empire to the Ports . 19 1.4.2 Building an Inland Port in the Urban Hinterland . 20 1.4.3 The Environmental Disparities of Inland Distribution . 23 1.5 Contested Terrain: How Social Movements Shaped Port Development . 25 1.5.1 Building a Regional Clean Ports Movement . 25 1.5.2 Cleaning-Up the Ports . 26 iii 1.5.3 The Shippers Fight Back . 28 1.6 A Consuming Dilemma: Busted Economic Model or Crisis-Generated Op- portunity? . 30 2 Subprime Spaces: Building The Inland Empire 32 2.1 Southern California's Frontier: The Historical Roots of Speculation and Growth . 32 2.2 Culture and the Material Landscapes of Development . 36 2.3 Real Estate Markets and the Territorial Scale of the Goods Movement Industry . 37 2.3.1 Big Money and Big Projects: Industrial Developers in the Inland Empire . 37 2.3.2 From Guns to Goods: Military Base Conversions as the New Fron- tiers for Logistics Development . 41 2.4 Constructing the American Dream: Big Houses and Fat Profits . 43 2.4.1 Investing in Cheap Dirt . 43 2.4.2 Selling the Dream: Developers and Bad Loans . 45 2.4.3 Mass Luxury: Evolution of the Subprime House . 47 2.4.4 From Dream to Nightmare: Foreclosures in the Inland Empire . 49 2.4.5 Transformation of the Housing Sector in the Post-Subprime Era: Market Failure and Affordable Housing . 52 2.5 The Next Wave? The Material Landscapes of White Collar Workers . 54 3 The Geographies of Cheap Labor in the Inland Empire 56 3.1 Somebody Should Organize This Place . 56 3.2 What Happens When Unions Talk Class and Not Contract? . 57 3.2.1 Can Unions Get Their Act Together? Searching for Relevancy in the Hinterland . 57 3.2.2 Building the Grass Roots: The Narratives and Institutions of a New Labor Geography . 59 3.3 Contesting the Middle Class Logistics Wage . 60 3.3.1 Good Jobs or Bad Numbers? Deconstructing the True Costs of Development . 60 3.3.2 Temporary, Flexible, and Cheap . 65 3.3.3 The Precarious Lives of Temporary Warehouse Workers . 68 3.4 This Work Used to be Done on the Docks: Labor and the Production of Industrial Space . 70 3.4.1 Industrial Space and Labor Markets . 70 3.4.2 Contested Turf . 71 3.4.3 Class Consciousness, Labor Space, and Organizing Narratives . 72 3.5 Which Working Class Are You Talking About? Inside the Warehouse Workers United Campaign . 75 3.5.1 Back to the Basics: We Have to Organize Workers . 75 iv 3.5.2 The Lost Boys and the Great Immigrant Hope: Forging A Class Identity Among Native and Foreign-Born Workers . 77 3.5.3 Who's the Boss? Defining the Target in a Contingent World . 79 3.6 Class Formation and Industry Structure: LiUNA's Residential Construc- tion Campaign . 82 3.6.1 Finding Unity in A Fragmented Labor Force: The Push for Inte- grated Construction Services . 82 3.6.2 What Happens When the Workers Disappear? Housing Crisis and Labor Market Collapse . 85 4 Contested Space: Remaking Inland Politics 88 4.1 Changing Landscapes and the New Spaces of Political Possibility . 88 4.2 Color and the Politics of Growth . 89 4.2.1 Red or Blue? Demographics and Political Transformation . 90 4.2.2 Latinos on the Fringe: The Cultural Politics of Class . 92 4.3 Changing the Scale of Regional Politics . 96 4.3.1 Surburban Growth and the Federalist State: Resisting the Machine 97 4.3.2 It's Different Out Here: Organizing on the Fringe . 100 4.3.3 The State of Regional Governance . 101 Conclusion 106 References . 108 v List of Figures 1.1 All Import Commodities By Customs Value, U.S. 1996-2008 . .9 1.2 Largest Sources of U.S. Imports, Top 5 Countries . 10 1.3 Imported Loaded Container Volume, Long Beach and Los Angeles Ports . 11 1.4 Logistics and Temporary Employment, Inland Empire 1990-2007 . 14 2.1 Industrial Real Estate Absorption, Inland Empire . 38 2.2 Top Industrial Property Owners in the Inland Empire, May 2009 . 39 2.3 Base Reuse Job Comparison . 43 2.4 New Housing Permits, Inland Empire 1998 - 2008 . 44 2.5 Eastern Riverside County Sales Decline Between 2005 and 2006 . 50 2.6 Inland Empire Bank Reposessions , 2007-2008 . 51 2.7 Inland Empire Leads Southern California in Unemployment, 2008 . 52 2.8 Southern California Office Space Construction, 3rd Qtr. 2007, Grubb & Ellis 55 2.9 Office Permit Valuations, Inland Empire . 55 3.1 Comparison of Blue-Collare Warehouse Occupations, Los Angeles and the Inland Empire . 63 3.2 Blue-Collar Warehouse Worker Wages, 1st Quater 2008 . 64 3.3 Number of Temporary Employment Establishments, Inland Empire . 65 3.4 Temporary Employment Location Quotients . 66 4.1 Educational Attainment By Percent of Population Over Age 25 . 99 vi List of Tables 0.1 Cumulative Population Change 2001-2008, Top Five Metropolitan Areas .1 0.2 Net Migration By Ethnicity, 2000-2006 Estimates . .2 0.3 Blue and White Collar Workers, by Ethnicity . .5 1.1 Diesel Related Cancer Cases . 24 2.1 Converted Farmland, San Bernardino County 2004 - 2006 . 45 2.2 Top 10 New Home Builders in California, Net Sales - 2006 . 46 4.1 Voting on Key Ballot Initiatives . 90 4.2 Voter Registration By County, 2008 . 91 4.3 Political Party Registration and Percent Share, 2000-2008 . 92 4.4 Inland Empire Ethnic Distribution . 93 4.5 Net Migration by Ethnicity, 2000-2006 . 93 4.6 Registered Voters By Ethnicity, Inland Empire . 95 4.7 Latino Citizenship Status, Inland Empire 2007 . 96 vii Acknowledgments I could not have finished this dissertation without the help of Richard Walker. His insistence that I stop talking and start writing forced me to turn intellectual speculation into the initial drafts of this document. He made me believe that I could finish even when looming deadlines and multiple revisions made it seem impossible. Michael Johns and David Montejano deserve special recognition for reading my last-minute drafts during their vacation time. The following institutions provided funding during my time at Berkeley - the Graduate Opportunity Program, the Institute for the Study of Social Change, and the Center for Latino Policy and Research.
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