DL Summer 2017

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

DL Summer 2017 Organizing • Net Neutrality • Solidarity • 1917 the magazine of the Democratic Socialists of America Vol. XLV, No. 1, Summer 2017 www.dsausa.org A NewNew RevolutionRevolution From the National Director In Dark Times, Growing Pains And Opportunities By Maria Svart SA is now almost qua- ics, planning campaigns, and winning victories. It druple the size it was last is also about transforming ourselves into agents of Dsummer. It’s a far cry from change through the democratic process of collective the organization I joined sixteen struggle. It is impossible to restructure our soci- years ago as a student in Chica- ety without unlearning the helplessness that capi- go. Many longtime members had talism teaches us. Our goal is to create space for lost steam, and new folks weren’t all people to do this together. Giants from Eugene joining, yet the politics and strat- Debs to Peggy Terry speak of how, in the words of egy of DSA resonated with me. I Ella Baker, we need “organizing to be self-suffi cient rose in the ranks as an elected YDS and then DSA rather than to be dependent upon the charismatic leader, eventually joining staff as the National Di- leader.” rector in 2011. Central to this work is our commitment to par- During those years, a team of national leaders ticipatory democracy. We operate through a feder- and staff collectively transformed DSA. We held ated chapter structure and elected leadership at all summer relationship-building retreats between levels. Such a structure is an investment in trans- YDS and DSA leaders. We developed more organiz- forming people and thus in our long-term strength. ing trainings. We made the right strategic choices, It’s a truism among organizers that the good ones such as supporting Bernie Sanders during the Dem- organize themselves out of a job. In other words, our ocratic primary and using a highly democratic, bot- work as an organization is to strengthen our com- tom-up participatory process to develop a national munity and build leaders and, to paraphrase Linda strategy document, “Resistance Rising.” Sarsour, “open more doors to the movement.” That work paid off. At our November 2015 con- On the other hand, our recent rapid growth puts vention I could feel and see the respect forged a target on our back, and learning how to do democ- through joint work and the commitment to dealing racy is tough. Capitalism doesn’t train people from with organizational weaknesses through practical wildly different backgrounds to work through con- and concrete new initiatives. Without the founda- fl ict respectfully and together come up with mutu- tion that we built then, we could not now success- ally acceptable solutions. Those who study history fully absorb and be changed by the new members know how often movements have foundered on the and energy we’ve experienced since the presidential shoals of our learned habits of competition and divi- election. sion. Make no mistake: what we build in DSA is an It is in this context that I invite you to approach experiment in collective transformation. It is a fore- participation in this beautiful experiment called shadowing of the vision we have for a democratic DSA by adopting these practices as we build social- socialist society. ist power together! Organizing is not just about assessing dynam- 1. Ask well-posed, open-ended questions that dem- onstrate curiosity about the other person’s experi- Contents ence and invite them to be introspective. Coalition Politics .................................................................. 3 2. Take a moment to absorb and refl ect on what oth- Pentagon Cries Poverty, Trump Marches to War ............ 5 ers say to you, rather than immediately formulating How to Canvass Door to Door ...........................................7 your response. Does what they are saying change Solidarity Has Many Names ................................................ 8 you? Kitchen Table Socialism: Net Neutrality ............................. 9 Organizing for Resistance ................................................ 10 3. Think of concrete organizing work as the place Assessing Leon Trotsky ....................................................... 12 Bolsheviks and Beyond ..................................................... 13 where we can better understand each other—in- Hannah Allison Interview ................................................... 15 cluding both our differences and our mutual inter- Cover art by Frank Reynoso continued on page 6 page 2 • Democratic Left • Summer 2017 Coalition Politics and the Fight for Socialism By Joseph M. Schwartz SA has thrown itself into resistance to Re- playing constant defense can exhaust and demobi- publican rule of all three branches of the lize people. We have to build organization and not Dfederal government and twenty-fi ve state just show up for rallies. DSA will have to “walk on governments. Highly visible DSA contingents have two legs,” sustaining mass opposition to the Trump marched in every signifi cant mobilization since the administration and its red-state equivalents while presidential election and shown up at local town building social movements for economic, gender, meetings to push back against efforts to repeal the and racial justice that can spur electoral challenges Affordable Care Act (ACA). DSA chapters also are to pro-corporate Democratic incumbents. challenging the Democratic pro-corporate establish- Defeating the Republicans in 2018 will be a ma- ment at the national, state, and jor priority for everyone. Using local level. Since the election, in executive fi at, Donald Trump has fact, thousands have fl ocked to already green-lighted the Dakota DSA to make it—at 21,000 mem- Access Pipeline; appointed a re- bers—the largest socialist orga- actionary Supreme Court justice nization in this country since the who will tilt the Court to the far 1960s. right on labor, gender and repro- DSA is a rare bird in United ductive justice, immigrant, and States politics: a democratic, na- voting rights; terrorized the im- tional, federated organization migrant community by ramp- (with local and state groups) ing up arbitrary anti-immigrant that is almost completely mem- enforcement; unleashed the rac- ber-funded. Chapters have con- ist and reactionary tendencies siderable local autonomy, and within local law enforcement; and democratically elected local Frank Reynoso severely weakened federal regu- representatives set feasible na- lations that slow climate change tional priorities at our conven- and protect workers’ rights. As tions. DSA is also a multi-tendency organization Trump threatens massive military action in Syria, that believes in democracy as both a means and North Korea, and who knows where, the left and an end. We do not compel members to adhere to DSA have to build a mass anti-war movement. one ideological line. Our members’ commitment to Fighting Racism and Building a Multi-Racial Left socialism derives from a multitude of traditions ranging from religious socialists to left social demo- Absent the emergence of hundreds of racially di- crats, to various strands of democratic Marxism. We verse “Bernie and Bernice”-style candidacies, the have spirited but comradely internal political dis- Democrats will not win enough votes in 2018 from cussions. Our most effective chapters build “unity a suffi cient portion of the white working class to be through diversity” by focusing upon a few key activ- competitive in red states and the rural and small- ist projects that enable us to work with organiza- town deindustrialized areas of the Midwest. Many tions representing working-class people of all races DSA chapters already work with local groups that and nationalities. We function as an independent, came out of Bernie Sanders’s campaign (Our Revo- visible socialist presence in mass social movements lution, Indivisible, and Swing Left, to name some). and focus our energy on “non-reformist” or “trans- For these groups to transform the political order, formational” reforms—changes in public policy that they must form broader multi-racial coalitions than constrain corporate power and that illustrate how did the Sanders campaign. A divided working class economic democracy better serves people’s needs, is a defeated working class. such as Medicare for All and free public higher edu- In-depth interviews show that although many cation. white working-class swing voters oppose unbridled But as those who lived through the resistance corporate power, they remain cynical about gov- to Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush will attest, ernment programs and taxation. Some buy the Democratic Left • Summer 2017 • page 3 Republican myth that government programs dis- ing-class families otherwise not eligible for ACA proportionately benefi t undeserving people of color subsidies). (though whites are the largest benefi ciaries of gross- Activists are drawn to DSA’s message that build- ly underfunded anti-poverty programs). And taxes ing a majoritarian left requires constructing a pow- on working people are too high, given the regres- erful independent socialist organization. Any pro- sive burden of sales taxes, user fees, and property gressive reform that curtails the power of corporate taxes. Thus, left candidates, including open social- America immediately gets red-baited. When open ists, need to explain how progressive taxation can democratic socialist candidates become a greater fund high-quality universal social programs such as part of the political landscape, the power of red- Medicare for All and baiting will be weak- child care as well as ened. public investment in The space pro- job-creating alterna- Activists are drawn to vided by the Sanders tive energy and infra- campaign for explicit structure. But the left “DSA’s message that build- democratic socialist also has to take on candidates to run the racist narrative of ing a majoritarian left for offi ce has already the Republican Party, raised DSA’s visibil- which generates fears requires constructing a ity, with khalid kam- of undocumented im- au and Dylan Parker migrants taking jobs powerful independent so- winning city council from the native born races in South Ful- even in areas so eco- cialist organization.
Recommended publications
  • John Reed, Ten Days That Shook the World
    Review: John Reed, Ten Days That Shook the World Barney Doherty thing but a detailed account’ of the revolu- tion, amongst its pages are counters to the common criticism of the revolution as well as several important lessons for revolutionaries today. Immediately in Ten Days That Shook the World, Reed reveals how Russian society was in a flux. Ideas were being debated on street corners and in large halls, all of Russia, he writes, ‘was learning to read politics, eco- nomics, history because people wanted to know.’ The masses were not passive spec- tators of the political discussion but were energetic participants. Reed commented that by October the period of the February Revolution seemed conservative by comparison. Russian poli- John Reed, Ten Days That Shook the World tics ‘swung bodily to the Left’ as the masses grew in confidence and changed the param- eters of political discourse, ‘until the Cadets The centenary of the Russian Revolution were outlawed as ‘enemies of the people’, in 1917 is obviously significant for Marxists. Kerensky became a ‘counter-revolutionist’, This year will see attempts to misrepresent the ‘middle’ Socialist leaders... were too re- the revolution or questions its democratic actionary for their following’. (p. 36) nature or political necessity. Revolutionary socialists, therefore, must The revolution in October was part of a study the event themselves and understand wider process of human liberation, as people how it happened and what its significance were actively involved in conciously shap- was. A good place to start is with John ing their society. The levels of engagement Reed’s Ten Days That Shook the World.
    [Show full text]
  • Leon Trotsky Three Concepts of the Russian Revolution 1
    Leon Trotsky Three Concepts of the Russian Revolution 1 The Revolution of 1905 came to be not only the “general rehearsal” of 1917 but also the laboratory in which all the fundamental groupings of Russian political life were worked out and all the tendencies and shadings inside Russian Marxism were projected. At the core of the arguments and divergences was, needless to say, the question concerning the historical nature of the Russian Revolution and its future course of development. That conflict of concepts and prognoses has no direct bearing on the biography of Stalin, who did not participate in it in his own right. The few propagandist articles he wrote on that subject are utterly devoid of theoretical interest. Scores of Bolsheviks who plied the pen popularised the same thoughts, and did it considerably better. Any critical exposition of Bolshevism’s revolutionary concepts naturally belongs in a biography of Lenin. But theories have their own fate. Although during the period of the First Revolution [1905] and subsequently, as late as 1923, at the time when the revolutionary doctrines were elaborated and applied, Stalin had no independent position whatever, a sudden change occurred in 1924, which opened an epoch of bureaucratic reaction and radical transvaluation of the past. The film of the revolution was unwound in reverse order. Old doctrines were subjected either to a new evaluation or a new interpretation. Thus, rather unexpectedly at first glance, attention was focused on the concept of “permanent revolution” as the prime source of all the fallacies of “Trotskyism”. For many years to come criticism of that concept formed the main content of all the theoretical – sit venio verbo – writings of Stalin and his collaborators.
    [Show full text]
  • The Salon of Mabel Dodge
    DIVISION OF THE HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES CALIFORNIA INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY PASADENA, CALIFORNIA 91125 THE SALON OF MABEL DODGE Robert A. Rosenstone To be published in Peter Quennell, ed., Salon (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1980). HUMANITIES WORKING PAPER 24 January 1979 THE SALON OF ~WillEL DODGE Robert A. Rosenstone Mabel Dodge's salon ••• burst upon New York like a rocket. Margaret Sanger It was the only successful salon I have ever seen in America. Lincoln Steffens Many famous salons have been established by women of wit or beauty; Mabel's was the only one ever established by pure will power. And it was no second-rate salon; everybody in the ferment of ideas could be found there. Max Eastman 2 It is indeed the happy woman who has no history, for by happy we mean the loving and beloved, and by history we designate all those relatable occurences on earth caused by the human energies seeking other outlets than the biological one. • . That I have so many pages to write signifies, solely, that I was unlucky in love. Most of the pages are about what I did instead •. Mabel Dodge 1 Mabel Dodge was rich and attractive and more than a little lucky. For two years -- from 1912 to 1914 -- she played hostess to the most famous and no doubt the most interesting salon in American history. This success was no accident, but the result of a subtle interplay between her individual needs and ambitions and the historical moment. It was a very special period in the cultural life of the United States, one when expatriate Irish painter John Butler Yeats cocked an ear and heard "the fiddles • tuning as it were allover America.
    [Show full text]
  • Anarchy! an Anthology of Emma Goldman's Mother Earth
    U.S. $22.95 Political Science anarchy ! Anarchy! An Anthology of Emma Goldman’s MOTHER EARTH (1906–1918) is the first An A n t hol o g y collection of work drawn from the pages of the foremost anarchist journal published in America—provocative writings by Goldman, Margaret Sanger, Peter Kropotkin, Alexander Berkman, and dozens of other radical thinkers of the early twentieth cen- tury. For this expanded edition, editor Peter Glassgold contributes a new preface that offers historical grounding to many of today’s political movements, from liber- tarianism on the right to Occupy! actions on the left, as well as adding a substantial section, “The Trial and Conviction of Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman,” which includes a transcription of their eloquent and moving self-defense prior to their imprisonment and deportation on trumped-up charges of wartime espionage. of E m m A g ol dm A n’s Mot h er ea rt h “An indispensable book . a judicious, lively, and enlightening work.” —Paul Avrich, author of Anarchist Voices “Peter Glassgold has done a great service to the activist spirit by returning to print Mother Earth’s often stirring, always illuminating essays.” —Alix Kates Shulman, author of Memoirs of an Ex-Prom Queen “It is wonderful to have this collection of pieces from the days when anarchism was an ism— and so heady a brew that the government had to resort to illegal repression to squelch it. What’s more, it is still a heady brew.” —Kirkpatrick Sale, author of The Dwellers in the Land “Glassgold opens with an excellent brief history of the publication.
    [Show full text]
  • Presenter Contact Information
    Presenter Contact Information Abad, Daniel, Michigan State University, [email protected] Abdul-Ra'uf, Bakhitah B., Radford University, [email protected] Abel, Meagan Nicole, Michigan State University, [email protected] Abel, Richard, Texas A&M University, [email protected] Abella, Anna Davidson, University of South Florida, [email protected] Abualnaja, Nader, U.S. Census, [email protected] Acquaviva, Brittany L., Sam Houston State University, [email protected] Acton, Daniel N., University of Florida, [email protected] Adams, Ian T., University of Utah, [email protected] Adkinson, Cary Dale, Texas Wesleyan University, [email protected] Adubato, Beth Ellen, Saint Peter's University, [email protected] Afifi, Tracie O., University of Manitoba, [email protected] Ajil, Ahmed, University of Lausanne, [email protected] Akbas, Halil, Troy University, [email protected] Akgul, Arif, Indiana State University, [email protected] Akhter, Morsheda, Texas Woman's University, [email protected] Akin, Shelleen N., University of North Carolina at Charlotte, [email protected] Akyuz, Kadir, University of Bridgeport, [email protected] Alahmad, Saad Mohammed S., University of New Haven, [email protected] Alaniz, Heather, Texas A&M International University, [email protected] Alarid, LeAnne, University of Texas, El Paso, [email protected] Alasti, Sanaz, Lamar University, [email protected] Albanese, Jay, Virginia Commonwealth University, [email protected] Alexander, Jim, Texas Woman's University, [email protected] Alexander, Kellie
    [Show full text]
  • The Life and Times of Emma Goldman: a Curriculum for Middle and High School Students
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 356 998 SO 023 057 AUTHOR Falk, Candace; And Others TITLE The Life and Times of Emma Goldman: A Curriculum for Middle and High School Students. Primary Historical Documents on: Immigration, Freedom of Expression, Women's Rights, Anti-Militarism, Art and Literature of Social Change. INSTITUTION California Univ., Berkeley. Emma Goldman Papers Project.; Los Angeles Educational Partnership, CA.; New Directions Curriculum Developers, Berkeley, CA. REPORT NO ISBN-0-9635443-0-6 PUB DATE 92 NOTE 139p.; Materials reproduced from other sources will not reproduce well. AVAILABLE FROMEmma Goldman Papers Project, University of California, 2372 Ellsworth Street, Berkeley, CA 94720 ($13, plus $3 shipping). PCB TYPE Guides Classroom Use Teaching Guides (For Teacher) (052) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC06 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Females; Feminism; Freedom of Speech; Higher Education; High Schools; Hig ,School Students; *Humanities Instruction; Intermediate Grades; Junior High Schools; Labor; Middle Schools; Primary Sources; *Social Studies; *United States History; Units of Study IDENTIFIERS *Goldman (Emma); Middle School Students ABSTRACT The documents in this curriculum unit are drawn from the massive archive collected by the Emma Goldman Papers Project at the University of California (Berkeley). They are linked to the standard social studies and humanities curriculum themes of art and literature, First Amendment rights, labor, progressive politics, and Red Scare, the rise of industrialization, immigration, women's rights, World War I, and
    [Show full text]
  • The New Nuclear Weapons by John Laforge John Reed and the Russian
    The new nuclear weapons by john laforge john reed and The russian revoluTion by p. sainaTh The presidenT and The porn sTar by ruTh fowler mexico’s big elecTions by kenT paTerson The fbi aT work by paul krassner TELLS THE FACTS AND NAMES THE NAMES · VOLUME 25 NUMBER 2 2018 AND NAMES THE · VOLUME THE FACTS TELLS editorial: 1- year digital edition (PDF) $25 [email protected] 1- year institutions/supporters $100 www.counterpunch.org business: [email protected] 1- year print/digital for student/low CounterPunch Magazine, Volume 25, subscriptions and merchandise: income $40 (ISSN 1086-2323) is a journal of progres- [email protected] 1-year digital for student/low income $20 sive politics, investigative reporting, civil All subscription orders must be prepaid— liberties, art, and culture published by The Submissions we do not invoice for orders. Renew by Institute for the Advancment of Journalis- CounterPunch accepts a small number of telephone, mail, or on our website. For tic Clarity, Petrolia, California, 95558.Visit submissions from accomplished authors mailed orders please include name, ad- counterpunch.org to read dozens of new and newer writers. Please send your pitch dress and email address with payment, or articles daily, purchase subscriptions, or- to [email protected]. Due call 1 (800) 840-3683 or 1 (707) 629-3683. der books and access 18 years of archives. to the large volume of submissions we re- Add $25.00 per year for subscriptions Periodicals postage pending ceive we are able to respond to only those mailed to Canada and $45 per year for all at Eureka, California.
    [Show full text]
  • One Hundred Years Since October
    1 2 3 4 One Hundred Years since October 5 6 7 Suzi Weissman 8 9 10 11 The Russian Revolution of October 1917 opened up a new historical epoch and was 12 greeted with enthusiasm by workers around the world. Never before had workers 13 come close to winning power, though many participated in political life in the social 14 democratic parties of Western Europe. Now, suddenly, in Russia, revolution was an 15 actuality, not simply a hope or a threat, as a huge country broke from international 16 capitalism. It is almost impossible to imagine today the intoxicating power of that 17 moment: Victor Serge described it as one where “life is beginning anew, where con- 18 scious will, intelligence, and an inexorable love of mankind are in action.”1 19 20 Russian Revolution as Workers’ Democracy / Workers’ Power 21 Workers around the world greeted the Russian Revolution with jubilation because it 22 represented their broadest aspirations, a new “democracy of free workers, such as had 23 never before been seen.”2 In Russia’s frontline cities of Petrograd and Moscow, Tash- 24 kent and Kazan, and in the provinces from Tula to Tambov, Ryazan to Kaluga, in 25 the networks of railroads across the country, hundreds of thousands of workers, peas- 26 ants, and soldiers took their fate into their own hands. They organized collectively 27 at the level of industry, agriculture, and garrisons, forming committees and councils, 28 developing their politics, their leaderships, and their power to fight their employers 29 and the state, all at the same time.
    [Show full text]
  • Trotsky‟S Struggle Against Stalinism
    International Relations and Diplomacy, September 2020, Vol. 8, No. 09, 398-408 doi: 10.17265/2328-2134/2020.09.003 D DAVID PUBLISHING Hero as Pariah: Trotsky‟s Struggle Against Stalinism Dibyajit Mukherjee Prabhat Kumar College, West Bengal, India Leon Trotsky‟s contribution to the Marxist position in philosophy and his role in the Russian Revolution of October 1917 had been politically maneuvered, tampered with, fabricated and covered by a muck heap of Stalinist slander. By Stalinism, I am referring to the narrative which was born from the bureaucratic degeneration of the Soviet Union, after the failure of working class to consolidate and capture state power in Hungary, Germany, Italy and other western countries which was materially in an advanced position than early 20th Century Russia. It was also the political ideology which was born as a result of civil far, famine, pandemic and the invasion of the newly formed Russian worker‟s state by more than fifteen foreign countries with colonial objectives. Trotsky‟s role in creating the Red Army, which was a different to that of a standing army and supporters of Trotsky in the Left Opposition were not only vilified and charged with false accusations but violently purged. In this paper I have highlighted how Stalinism marked a revolution against the revolution of 1917 and how Trotsky continuously struggled against the bureaucratic despotism over the working class in post 1917 Russia. Keywords: bureaucracy, Stalinism, privileged caste, permanent revolution, Trotsky Introduction In his reminiscences of Lenin, Maxim Gorky has related a conversation he had with him. When in the course of it, he mentioned the hostility shown by certain Bolshevists to Trotsky, Lenin banged his fist upon the table and said: Show me another man who could have practically created a model army in a year and won the respect of the military specialists as well.
    [Show full text]
  • Trotsky's 1918-Volume 1, Military Writings Table of Contents the Military Writings of LEON TROTSKY
    Trotsky's 1918-Volume 1, Military Writings Table of Contents The Military Writings of LEON TROTSKY Volume 1, 1918 HOW THE REVOLUTION ARMED These writings were first published in 1923 by the Soviet Government. They were translated by Brian Pearce. Annotation is by Brian Pearce. Footnotes are from the original Russian edition. Transcribed for the Trotsky Internet Archive, now a subarchive of the Marxist writers' Internet Archive, by David Walters in 1996 with permission from Index Books/Trade Union Printing Services, 28 Charlotte St, London, W1P 1HJ Introduction to the on-line version This five volume collection of Leon Trotsky's military writings are a major contribution to Revolutionary Marxism. Trotsky was Commissar of Military and Navel Affairs for the newly formed Soviet Republic. In this capacitiy he lead the organization of the Red Army and Navy. This workers' and peasants' army, the first regular army of a workers' state, was to immediatly face its first confict with Imperialism and it's Russian represtitives in 1918. The five volumes represents the sum total of Trotsky's articles, essays, lectures and polemics as the leader of the Red Army. Some of the writings here were given at Red Army academies, at Bolshevik Party meetings and at national and local soviets. These writing represent official Soviet policy in general and Bolshevik Party positions specifically. All the writings represents Trotsky's thoughts in reaction to the events as they were transpiring around him from 1918 through 1922: war, revolution, counter-revolution, all without the calm reflection a historian, for example, would have enjoyed in writing about such events with the advantage of 20/20 hindsight.
    [Show full text]
  • John Reed and Revolution
    1 JOHN REED AND REVOLUTION oday, Americans face intense terrorist threats and thus hard choices: Which rights and freedoms can we, must we, curtail in Torder to be safer in our streets and homes? Can our government tap wires without a court order? Detain suspected enemies without spe- cifi c charges? Subject members of one religious group to additional scru- tiny at our borders? These are precisely the sorts of decisions that J. Edgar Hoover and his successors faced in dealing with Communism for much of the twentieth century, so there should be a great deal we could learn from reading about that time. But today, Communism and anti- Communism are just terms that appear on tests, like the Whig, Greenback, or Know- Nothing parties. Flattened out into a chronology of unfamiliar names and forgettable dates, the great dramas of the twentieth century are useless to us. We can benefi t from the story of Communism and anti- Communism only if we experience it as the people who lived it did — with passion. Once you step MASTERDECEIT_BGI_US.indd 3 10/14/11 1:29 PM inside the mind of that recent past, you will have a new tool for facing the challenges of our time. THE TRUTH OF AMERICAN HISTORY There are two ways to tell the story of America. Here’s one: Yearning to be free, courageous individuals set out from England to the New World. From the Mayfl ower on, the spirit of this land has been that of liberty and personal effort. No longer needing to bow to kings or obey priests, Americans set out to improve themselves and to show the world what democracy, industry, and individual effort could achieve.
    [Show full text]
  • The Nominating Convention and Youth
    Page Eight THE DAILY WORKER, NEW YORK, SATURDAY, MAY 19, 1928 THE DAILY WORKER “LOVE AND AFFECTION FOR THE GOVERNOR” By Fred Ellis Plan Combine Published by the NATIONAL DAILY WORKER PUBLISHING ASS’N, Inc. Daily, Except Sunday Os Electrical ft First Street, New York, N. Y. Phone, Orchard 1680 A Cable Address: "Dalwork" SUBSCRIPTION RATES Bosses in U. S.i •By Mail (in New York only): By Mail (outside of New York): |$.OC per year $4.50 six months $6.50 per year $3.50 six months The greatest electric power and ga»| three months. $2.00 throe months. combine the world has ever known is L announced by through the #52.50 Address and mall out checks to Wall Street National City Bank. The Consolidated THE DAILY 33 First Street, New N. Y. WORKER. Yorfr, Gas Company and the Brooklyn Edi- i Editor • ROBERT MINOR son Company wjll form a new trust, jrl&pr Assistant Editor WM. F. DUNNE with $800,000,000 in assets. Commit- tees of both groups have been nego- terea as second-class mall at the post-office at New York, N. Y.. under tiating for and representatives “ this the act March 3. 1579. of of the two corporations met jointly yes-’ terday afternoon for final action, j This combination of the electric and| gas companies of New York City, i Long Island and Westchester means) a billion dollar water-tight trust able! to fleece the workingclass even more j than they have in the past. The gi-1 HONOR gantic trust will be second in size I only to the American Telephone andj Telegraph Company, controlled by the THE MEMORY OF Morgan interests.
    [Show full text]