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The Limits of Liberalism: France, the Veil, and Public Schools City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works All Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects Dissertations, Theses, and Capstone Projects 9-2015 The Limits of Liberalism: France, The Veil, and Public Schools Eleanor Doris Zupancic Graduate Center, City University of New York How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/gc_etds/1205 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] THE LIMITS OF LIBERALISM: FRANCE, THE VEIL, AND PUBLIC SCHOOLS BY ELEANOR ZUPANCIC A master’s thesis submitted to the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, The City University of New York 2015 i This manuscript has been read and accepted for the Graduate Faculty in Political Science in satisfaction of the requirement for the degree of Master of Arts. Alyson Cole August 2015 ______________________________________ ______________ Thesis Advisor Date Alyson Cole August 2015 ______________________________________ ______________ Executive Officer Date THE CITY UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK ii Abstract THE LIMITS OF LIBERALISM: FRANCE, THE VEIL, AND PUBLIC SCHOOLS By Eleanor Zupancic Advisor: Alyson Cole Liberal political theorists often attempt to claim that a set of universal ideals can ensure equal agency and freedom for all. This paper makes use of the case study of the French approach to Muslim headscarves as a case study for exploring the limitations of this philosophy. In particular, this paper examines the ways in which liberalism conceptualizes universal ideals, particularly in the case of the headscarves in France. It then explores two ways in which the French headscarf ban exposes weaknesses in liberalism’s conceptualization of identity and agency: rather than being universal, liberalism has very particular conceptions of 1) what constitutes agency for women and 2) the relationship between the role of religion in a person’s life and his or her autonomy. This paper explores the ways in which the case study of the French headscarf ban exposes those two sets of particular assumptions, and then looks at two very different ways that political actors and theorists have attempted to resolve the tensions in liberal political thought exposed by the headscarf ban: 1) a rejection of any attempts at universalism in favor of a forthright claim that membership in the French republic demands membership in traditional French culture, and 2) conversely, an attempt to delineate a distinction between group and individual rights. The first approach resolves the tension in liberal theory only in the sense that it rejects some of liberalism’s basic premises; the second approach, when applied to the case of the French headscarf ban, also falls short. iii Acknowledgments I am deeply indebted to Alyson Cole for her thoughtful and patient support of this project. She took me on as an advisee without having ever laid eyes on me, and was generous with her time and insightful in her advice. Marshall Berman was my advisor for an entirely different incarnation of my Master’s thesis. I remain grateful for the time and thought he put into my work. My parents, Madeline Marget and Ernie Zupancic and my husband, Jon Bresman, were consistent in their support over the length of this work; I’m especially indebted to my mother and husband for their careful readings of drafts of this thesis. iv Table of Contents Introduction……………………………………………………………………………………..…1 The History of the Headscarf in France………………………………………………………...…5 The Ideal of Universalism and the Ban………………………………………………………..…..7 “Universal” Rights for Women……………………………………………………………………8 Religious Liberty and Coercion of Women…………………………………………………...…14 Secularism as Religious Freedom………………………………………………………………..21 French Voices Against Universalism………………………………………………………….....26 Group vs Individual Rights………………………………………………………………………30 Fears of Cultural Fragmentation…………………………………………………………………32 American Multiculturalism………………………………………………………………………34 Conclusions………………………………………………………………………………………38 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………………..…41 v vi Introduction In 2004, French Prime Minister Jacques Chirac passed a law banning the wearing of “ostentatious” religious symbols in public schools. While the ban ostensibly applied to students wearing kippot and large crosses, as well as those wearing the Muslim veil, the ban was widely understood to be aimed at girls who wore the veil to school.1 The prohibition came about as the result of a governmental study into the best ways to integrate Muslims in France, and the subsequent tests of the law all involved Muslim girls who wished to wear a hijab to school. In 2011, France banned full-face coverings, particularly the niqab, in public spaces, a law that was recently upheld by the European Court of Human Rights.2 These laws sparked considerable press attention both within and outside of France, as well as significant scholarly debate. The case study of the French approach to headscarves illustrates some of the limitations of liberalism: despite the hopes of many of its champions, liberalism is not truly universal, but instead is situated in Western ideas about individualism and agency. More particularly, French laws about Muslim female dress illustrate that there are culturally-specific understandings of both freedom for women and the role of religion in public life embedded within liberalism as it is currently applied in the West. This paper examines the ways in which liberalism conceptualizes universal ideals, particularly in the case of the headscarves in France. It then explores two ways in which the French headscarf ban exposes weaknesses in liberalism’s conceptualization of identity and agency: rather than being universal, liberalism has very particular conceptions of 1) what constitutes agency for women and 2) the relationship between the role of religion in a person’s life and his or her autonomy. This paper explores the ways in which the case study of the French 1 Joan Wallach Scott. The Politics of the Veil. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007. Page 1, 34. 2 “European Court Upholds French Full Veil Ban,” BBC News. Web. July 1, 2014. 1 headscarf ban exposes those two sets of particular assumptions, and then looks at two very different ways that political actors and theorists have attempted to resolve the tensions in liberal political thought exposed by the headscarf ban: 1) a rejection of any attempts at universalism in favor of a forthright claim that membership in the French republic demands membership in traditional French culture, and 2) conversely, an attempt to delineate a distinction between group and individual rights. The first approach resolves the tension in liberal theory only in the sense that it rejects some of liberalism’s basic premises; I argue that the second approach, when applied to the case of the French headscarf ban, also falls short. Though this paper focuses primarily on the case study of headscarves in France, the problem is not uniquely French, but is instead a limitation of liberalism itself. The American approach to multiculturalism and religious liberty – perhaps more than the French approach – includes the idea of toleration, which political scientist Wendy Brown explores in depth. Members of the majority culture are exhorted to tolerate cultural and religious minorities. While this stance is presumably superior to encouraging intolerance, it is a framework that empowers those who tolerate and places a psychic toll on the objects of tolerance, who are “invariably marked as undesirable and marginal, as liminal civil subjects or even liminal humans.”3 While the French approach is to attempt to efface difference, the American approach asks the public to tolerate it, which in and of itself suggests the superiority of Western culture and justifies norms that promote Western culture and religion over non-Western cultures and religions. This paper focuses primarily on the debate over the place of the hijab, a veil that covers the hair and chest, in public schools. This debate took place primarily in the 1980s through the early years of the 21st century. More recently, the French government banned women from 3 Wendy Brown. Regulating Aversion: Tolerance in the Age of Identity and Empire. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006. Page 28. 2 wearing the niqab, a cloth that covers the face and which some Muslim women wear in addition to the hijab, in public. Though this paper will reference both, it will focus primarily on the 2004 law. I will use the term “headscarf,” “veil,” “voile,” or “hijab” when discussing the 2004 law, which is the most recent ruling on hijabs in public schools; “niqab,” when referring to the 2011 law, and “head covering” when discussing both. The headscarf ban is a particularly useful case with which to explore the limitations of liberalism because the degree to which the ban violates the individual rights of the headscarf wearer is ambiguous, and because the presence or absence of a veil is especially public. There are many non-Western practices that Western nations have restricted on the grounds that they violate universal individual rights. Child marriage and female genital mutilation, for instance, are practices that immigrants may bring from their countries of origin but that some Westerners, particularly those concerned with maintaining individual
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