The Indigenization and Hybridization of Food Cultures in

Tai Wei Lim The Indigenization and Hybridization of Food Cultures in Singapore Tai Wei Lim The Indigenization and Hybridization of Food Cultures in Singapore Tai Wei Lim Singapore University of Social Sciences Singapore, Singapore

ISBN 978-981-13-8694-7 ISBN 978-981-13-8695-4 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8695-4

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Cover illustration: Pattern © Melisa Hasan

This Palgrave Pivot imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-­01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore Contents

Part I 1

1 Introduction 3

2 Food Vessels: A Brief Historical Survey of Ceramics Use for Food Consumption in Singapore’s Hawker Centres and Coffee Shops (kopitiams) 7

3 Diversity in Southeast Asian Serving Vessels 21

4 Late Modernity: Food-Serving Vessels Used in the Mid-Twentieth Century 49

Part II 71

5 Promoting Singapore-Japan Ties Through the Soft Cultural Power of Food Diplomacy: The Hybridization, Cross-Pollination and Indigenization of Contemporary Japanese Food Culture in Singapore 73

6 The Korean Wave in Singapore’s Multi-­cultural Food Scene: Indigenization, Localization, Hybridization and Cross-Pollination 89

v vi Contents

Part III 107

7 Conclusion 109 About the Author

Tai Wei Lim is a senior lecturer at the Singapore University of Social Sciences (SUSS) and a senior research fellow adj. at the National University of Singapore (NUS) East Asian Institute (EAI). He teaches world history and East Asian history-related courses at the SUSS and researches on heri- tage issues as well as industrial technological changes. He has also done research on the ceramics industries and mass production in Jingdezhen (), Arita (Japan), Yingge () and urban pottery clusters in Hong Kong. He has an interest in the history of export porcelain wares from Jingdezhen/Arita.

vii List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 The lacquerware set on raised platform still in use in Japan today, taken out for the occasion of the New Year celebrations. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019) 8 Fig. 2.2 (a) This is the traditional lion dance that is performed during the Chinese Lunar New Year festivities. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015.) (b) The Chinese Lunar New Year celebrations in Singapore’s Chinatown in the Year of the Horse in 2014. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015.) (c) The pineapple décor, a Nanyang-style Lunar New Year (LNY) decoration that is a play on homophones. “Wang lai” in Cantonese means “pineapples” or “the arrival of prosperity”. Sometimes, the pineapple is turned topsy-turvy to literally mean “the arrival of prosperity” given that the homophone “dao” can mean “arrival” or “turned upside down”. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015.) (d) There are foodstuffs commonly consumed by all dialect groups in Singapore. For example, the mandarin orange and pomelos are popular fruits consumed during the Lunar New Year regardless of dialect group. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015) 12 Fig. 2.3 Examples of large-sized communal dishes for mixing and consuming . A wide plate is needed due to the spillage of ingredients and food onto the table during the tossing process. (Photo taken on 1 February 2019) 13

ix x List of Figures

Fig. 2.4 (a) Another local innovation—the Hainanese toasted bread with kaya jam. While normally associated with the Hainanese community in Singapore, in fact, is a Nanyang Southeast Asian food innovation, probably not originated from or found in Hainan Island but developed in Singapore and through the kopitiam (coffee-shop) culture that was associated with the Hainanese community in Singapore. (Photo dated 24 April 2015.) (b) The Hainanese rice, a dish in Singapore that may not be found in this exact form in Hainan Island, China. It is a good example of local interpretation of Chinese migrants to Singapore. (Photo dated 24 April 2015.) (c) The , an indigenous Singaporean dish that is developed by Hainanese settlers to Singapore and attributed to Hainan Island in name only, based on their adaptations and imaginations of culinary culture in the place-name. (Photo dated 24 April 2015) 13 Fig. 2.5 (a) The zhui kueh, a form of rice with vegetable pickles normally associated with the culinary culture in Singapore. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015.) (b) The kuay chup, another Hokkien-inspired rice usually consumed with stewed bean-curds, egg and pig intestines. (Photo from author’s collection.) (c) The chai tow kueh, a Hokkien-style fried carrot cake that has become the mainstay of Singaporean Chinese meals in hawker centres and food courts. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015.) (d) This is an outdoor alfresco dining area popular with Singaporeans at the Marina Bay area. The has become a mainstay of Chinese-originated cuisines in Singapore with a local Southeast Asian Nanyang innovation of belacan chilli normally used in Malay or Peranakan cooking. This is a good example of cosmopolitanism amongst the Chinese in Singapore. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015) 14 Fig. 2.6 (a) The Teochew bak chor mee, a popular noodle dish with Singaporeans. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015.) (b) A Teochew seafood fish maw dish in clay pot. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015.) (c) The , a popular breakfast and item. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015) 15 List of Figures xi

Fig. 2.7 The above photos show typical Cantonese food items found on Singapore Chinese dinner tables. (Dated 24 April 2015.) (a) Cantonese egg tarts. A popular item in experiences in Singapore. (Photo dated 24 April 2015.) (b) Cantonese chee cheong fun rice rolls—now a popular Singaporean breakfast dish. (Photo dated 24 April 2015) 15 Fig. 2.8 (a) The Lo Hei salad-like dish eaten in Singapore and Malaysia during the Lunar New Year (LNY). Added into the mixture of vegetable-based ingredients is smoked salmon or raw fish meat. (Photo dated 24 April 2015.) (b) The tradition of eating Lunar New Year titbits and is retained in Singapore. Such practices also include indigenous elements such as having local confectionary such as spicy prawn rolls. (Photo dated 24 April 2015) 16 Fig. 2.9 Examples of recent arrivals of Northeastern Chinese dishes (dongbei cai) that have delighted Singaporeans at their dinner tables. (Photo dated 24 April 2015.) (a) Tudoushi potato strips, a characteristic Northeastern Chinese dish which has appeared in eateries run by new Chinese migrants are gaining some acceptance amongst Singaporeans willing to try new cuisines. (Photo dated 24 April 2015.) (b) The shouzhuayangrou hand-held grilled lamb ribs are also characteristic of Sichuanese cuisine and found on the Northeastern Chinese (dongbei) table; another relatively new cuisine dish introduced by chefs and restaurateurs who are amongst the new Chinese migrants making inroads into the culinary culture of Singaporeans. Their businesses are supported by new Chinese migrant customers as well as local Singaporeans alike. (Photo dated 24 April 2015) 16 Fig. 2.10 Cantonese culinary culture is well-known for its dim sum dishes. Due to the individually served dim sum dishes, the serving vessels tend to be of smaller size than the typical communal eating porcelains found in food courts, restaurants and other kinds of eateries. Or they are directly served using bamboo steamers. (Photo taken on 29 November 2018) 19 Fig. 2.11 Teochew cuisines served individually on small plates with an accent on variety and diversity 20 Fig. 3.1 Simpur Ayer (also spelt Simpoh Ayer or Simpoh Ayer) is a durable plant from the tropics, able to colonize a large area quickly if the conditions are right and found extensively throughout Southeast Asia. The photo on the left shows its exploded figs scattering seeds around its perimeter, while the xii List of Figures

photo on the right shows its bright yellow flower in full bloom. Its waxy texture makes the leaves waterproof and their sturdy nature made them suitable as wrapping and serving materials. In the past, hawkers selling would wrap it with Simpur Ayer leaves and then stitch the leaves together using wooden picks. When the author was younger, his grandmother often brought him to Chinatown to buy such stitched leaf tofu from street vendors 26 Fig. 3.2 The above photos feature a traditional Teochew confectionary snack. It is wrapped within a translucent paper (normally waxed, tracing, baking or rice paper) that has another wood pulp paper outer layer. Both the traditional confectionary as well as the double -layer paper wrappings are not commonly found anymore. They are sometimes served on the coffee table by simply opening up the wrappings. (Photos taken on 20 February 2017) 26 Fig. 3.3 An old school recipe, the Paper Chicken dish. Chicken pieces are sautéed, fried and then baked in paper, together with ingredients like Chinese rice wine, sugar and other . They are then served to the customers still wrapped in paper which hold the cooked chicken bits together with its sauces/juices. Two original paper chicken restaurants survived through the ages, with the second-last restaurant ending its long run (more than half a century) in 2017. The author participated in the restaurant owner’s yard sale and managed to acquire some historical items of interest for this research. (Photos taken on 31 August 2016) 27 Fig. 3.4 While Chinese porcelains are still used as food-serving vessels, a distinctive class of Kitchen Qing porcelains are no longer found. Kitchen Qing porcelains are now sought after by antique collectors. They typically have a sturdy construction, somewhat rough by Jingdezhen standards, display amorphous hand-drawn designs. These were the common porcelain pieces used by the working class in the late Qing dynasty. They were mostly made in (or shipped through) Swatow (Shantou) and other parts of Teochew (Chaozhou). (Photos taken on 3 September 2016) 27 Fig. 3.5 The old school Hainanese steamboat is also a dying tradition. As far as the author is aware, there is only one restaurant serving this kind of steamboat. Many youngsters now prefer to patronize Chongqing/Sichuan yingyang hotpot, fashionable Chinese Haidilao hotpot, Japanese Shabu Shabu, Korean List of Figures xiii

Mongolian BBQ + Hotpot or the Hong Kong-style Dabinlou hotpot instead of this old school local tradition. The Hainanese steamboat enables patrons to scoop their food directly from the “boat” area. In the past, coal bits were used as fuel to boil the steamboat instead of natural gas which is more environmentally friendly. The is a well-kept secret and the steamboat is usually consumed with Hainanese chicken rice. (Photos taken on 7 May 2017) 28 Fig. 3.6 The Tutu steamed cake kueh is a uniquely Singaporean snack/ confectionary. It is typically stuffed with coconut or fillings. Modern versions of the tutu steamed cake also feature other kinds of fillings. It is one of the last few Singaporean foods served directly on fragrant Pandan leaves. The Tutu steamed are now produced only by a small handful of vendors and remains a nostalgic snack for many Singaporeans, including the author. (Photo taken on 24 July 2016) 28 Fig. 3.7 (a) Thai spicy fishcakes served on banana leave at the hawker centre. (Photo taken on 4 November 2017.) (b) Sometimes, the best things in life are still the simplest. The coconut rice wrapped in banana leaf is still a mainstay of Singapore breakfast. Affordable environmentally friendly packaging. (Photo taken on 12 November 2019) 29 Fig. 3.8 (a) Indian dish, Nasi Briyani, is eaten in a traditional way with hands off a banana leaf. Plastics that can be easily shaped and coloured would recreate the flat spatial layout of a banana leaf. (b) From tradition to modernity. Plastic Styrofoam used at the hawker centre for serving food. (Photo taken on 30 October 2015) 30 Fig. 3.9 (a) Another traditional serving medium at the hawker centre is waxed paper. Convenient for take-outs, they can be fastened with a rubber band. Some hawkers also serve their food on the waxed paper so that they are thrown away conveniently when the customers are done with their meals. (Photo taken on 12 September 2017.) (b) I have also spotted hybrid traditional- modern serving materials used by hawker stalls. For example, this hawker served his steamed on plastic Styrofoam lightweight plates, while placing his fried dumplings on a traditional waxed paper placed onto a plastic plate. The waxed paper apparently can soak up more oil dripping out from the fried . (Photo taken on 23 April 2017) 30 xiv List of Figures

Fig. 3.10 (a) Another example of hybrid use of modern and traditional materials for serving. The waxed paper allows the consumers to eat the bread freely with a wide space for catching falling bread crumbs. The plastic container holds the curry in place as a sauce for bread-dipping. Again, the waxed paper catches curry drips from the bread after it is soaked in the curry. (Photo taken on 24 April 2017.) (b) As the paper is waxed, there is no fear of the sauces and gravy soaking through the paper. Thus, foods that are immersed in thick dripped sauces are served directly on the wax paper placed on top of a plastic tray. (Photo taken on 20 May 2017) 31 Fig. 3.11 (a) Hybrid use of traditional materials comes in many configurations. The grilled otah fishcake is presented in the photo with banana leaves placed on cast iron hot plate which is separated from the table by a wooden platter to prevent the hot plate from damaging the table surface. In this case, there are specific purposes in utilization of materials for aesthetics and utilitarian reasons. (Photo taken on 21 January 2019.) (b) Interestingly, this hawker stall serves zhui kueh using waxed paper by simply folding it skilfully. The customer simply opens up the packaging and it is ready to eat at the hawker centre. (Photo taken on 21 February 2019) 31 Fig. 3.12 (a) Another popular serving medium used by hawkers and kopitiam chefs is the cast iron hot plate. Tofu simmers on top of a layer of semi-liquid egg omelette. (Photo taken on 8 October 2016.) (b) A new migrant dish, the mala xiangguo, is served stir-fried in a stainless steel wok, just like how it is done in Sichuan. (Photo taken on 6 December 2014) 32 Fig. 3.13 Similarly, stainless steel serving utensils are used in the duojiao yutou dish. (Photo taken on 7 March 2015.) The need to keep the dish heated is one consideration for using stainless steel serving equipment 32 Fig. 3.14 (a) Besides leaves, waxed papers and porcelain, another genre of traditional serving vessels are those made of cast iron. Popular in Japan as a cooking utensil due to their ability to retain heat, they are sometimes used for local dishes for the same reason, for example, to keep stir-fried tofu simmering with egg base or keeping Malaysian-style dried dishes warm. The meat is simmered in the pot while being flavoured by dried salted fish. Cast iron hotplates are an alternative to clay pot in keeping contents hot and simmering when they are served. (Photo taken on 8 March 2019.) List of Figures xv

(b) Besides cast iron plates, stainless steel plates are also useful for serving food such as steamed fish. These stainless steel plates are placed into the steaming chamber and then served directly to the customer. It is popular with Teochew steamed fish cuisines, usually consisting of a carefully sliced fish with open stomach lying on the plate and flavoured with light , spring and sometimes with a sour plum. (Photo taken on 16 March 2018.) The author has seen the same form of presentation used for steamed frogs in Hong Kong 33 Fig. 3.15 (a) Enamel ware used by some hawkers in the past to boil water for making coffee or tea. This particular piece was made in Czechoslovakia and used in the mid-twentieth century. (Photo taken on 1 May 2018.) In the old days, kopitiam stall vendor used enamel ware to make by “pulling” the tea to cool the contents down. (b) A collection of metal wares, mainly vacuum flasks used to keep hot water sometimes found in a kopitiam and two pieces of metallic ware, including a soy sauce kettle and a steamer found in hawker stalls. (Photo taken on 1 January 2018) 33 Fig. 3.16 Halal vegetarian mock meat fan choy (Cantonese words meaning rice with side dish) packaged in aluminium foil, a sight common in Singapore’s coffee shops and some hawker centres. Aluminium is an efficient conductor of heat. When placed in the steamer, the fan choy is kept warm this way. (Photo taken on 8 September 2014) 34 Fig. 3.17 Another variety of glassware mugs (beer mug style) that are typically used for serving sugar cane juice or calamansi . The hawkers would paint their store numbers or colour coding onto the glass ware for easier identification. (Photo taken on 10 March 2018) 34 Fig. 3.18 (a) Glassware use to serve aiyubing (shaved ice desert with jelly, a dash of lime and aloe vera bits. (Photo taken on 13 December 2014.) (b) Stainless steel metal wares used to steam tutu confectionary made of flour and coconut sap or for its contents. (Photo taken on 13 December 2014) 35 Fig. 3.19 (a) A Zhui Kueh hawker simply serves the rice cakes with pickles on a piece of waxed paper. The paper is then discarded after use. This does away with the need to wash plates. (Photo taken on 20 May 2017.) (b) A mid-twentieth century Zhui Kueh earthenware cup used to steam the rice cakes. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019) 35 xvi List of Figures

Fig. 3.20 (a and b) The terracotta pot, clay pot or shabo (in Cantonese) has been in used in China for a long time. They are popularly used for cooking shabofan or clay pot/terracotta pot rice or dried bak kut teh pork rib dishes. In the photo on the right, the clay pot is used to heat up before serving it directly to the customer. The pot keeps the contents hot when served to the customer. (Photo taken on 16 November 2017.) When lidded, the pot apparently allows the contents to soak up more flavour and aroma. Fired at 800–1000 degrees Celsius, these pots have semi-porous bodies that soak up flavour when they are repeatedly used. The clay pot in the photo on the left taken on 28 October 2017 is used to simmer dried Bak Kut Teh. (Photo taken on 28 October 2017) 36 Fig. 3.21 (a) A modern version of the clay pot, an earthenware pot that has the same qualities as the clay pot. Its superior feature is that the earthenware pot is more enduring than the shabo terracotta clay pot. It is fired at a higher temperature and the interior has a glazed smoother surface that makes it easier for cleaning. In comparison, when heated directly over fire for a long period of time, the contents tend to blacken and stick to the bottom and sides of the terracotta clay pot. Many have to be disposed after a period of intense use. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019.) (b) Terracotta clay pot rice cooked in semi- porous earthenware that allows flavour to permeate through its contents (in this case, the rice) for a flavourful meal. (Photo taken on 9 December 2017) 36 Fig. 3.22 (a) If you are a foodie, you would probably realize the best part of the sabofan dish is probably the crust that forms at the bottom of the clay pot. Old school methods of eating this crust is to dig it out and then soak it in tea, eaten like a form of Japanese ochatzuke (soaked rice in tea). However, contemporary ideas about health, carcinogenic nature of burnt food and also oily fried products have prevented the health- conscious younger generations of Singaporean from consuming the crust this way. (Photo taken on 14 May 2019.) (b) Some food courts still cook clay pot rice the old school way by using charcoal stove to fire up the clay pots. (Photo taken on 23 March 2014) 37 Fig. 3.23 (a) The clay pot also allows porridge to be cooked directly over fire and then served directly to customer. It has a handle for the server to carry over to the customer’s table. (Photo taken on 31 December 2016.) (b) The half glazed low-fired List of Figures xvii

earthenware pot that is used to slow brew Cantonese laohuotang soup. The cooking method is based on the principle of long and low fire boiling of multiple herbal ingredients to achieve a fragrant soup where the ingredients, nutrients and flavour are fully integrated with the soup. (Photo taken on 21 November 2014) 37 Fig. 3.24 (a) A Teochew mud teapot used extensively by Bak Kut Teh sellers to serve oolong tea, made of dyed mud clay. (Photo taken on 1 May 2018.) (b) With growing wealth, Singaporean hawkers, kopitiam owners, restaurant operators and food court operators began to use the more exquisite and expensive Yixing mud teapot rather than the cheaper Teochew imitation. (Photo taken on 31 December 2018.) For connoisseurs, Yixing clay has superior qualities to Teochew clay which tends to be dyed 38 Fig. 3.25 Another variation of the mud teapot with glazed decorations of a white plum tree that was used in Bak Kut Teh restaurants in the past. This teapot is dated between the 1970s and the 1980s. Like the Teochew mud teapot, it is made of clay that is probably dyed for colours. (Photo taken on 31 December 2016) 38 Fig. 3.26 Bak Kut Teh tieguanyin oolong tea set served at the oldest market cum hawker centre in Singapore. The Teochew mud teapot is so well used that the sprout has sustained damage. The porcelain cups used are a reproduction of the double happiness miner’s bowl design. An assortment of teacups is used by the same store from different periods. Their small size implies these cups are mainly used for consuming strong oolong tea brewed from high quality tieguanyin. (Photos taken on 2 February 2014) 39 Fig. 3.27 (a) The Bak Kut Teh serving and its use of multiple serving utensils including low-fired mud teapot, porcelain bowls, plastic plates and stainless steel cup washers and dispensers. (Photo taken on 13 December 2014.) (b) The Teochew mud teapot that is dyed brown colour is combined with a Taiwanese tea set that uses gongdaobei (Justice Cup) paired up with a normal tea cup (chabei). The gongdaobei helps to mix up contents of the tea evenly after it is brewed in the teapot before pouring it into the chabei to serve the guests. Because of the gongdaobei’s function in mixing the contents evenly, it is known as the “justice cup”. (Photo taken on 10 December 2014) 39 Fig. 3.28 (a) This is a picture of typical tile designs that have come to be known as Peranakan-style in origins. They are embedded in an old building dating back to 1925. (Author’s own photo xviii List of Figures

collection dated 24 April 2015.) (b) Kueh Lapis, a confectionary that has come to be associated with the Chinese Peranakans in Singapore or the Indonesian Chinese community. (Author’s own photo collection, dated 24 April 2015.) (c) The otah confectionary associated with Peranakan snack and cultures. (Author’s own photo collection.) The more affluent Peranakans in Singapore and Malaysia tend to use a distinct genre of porcelains made in Jingdezheng, but glazed, coloured and enamelled according to custom designs. Wealthier Peranakan used colourful fine porcelain with bright colours and these wares have become priceless, and are sold at auctions, especially those dating back to the Qing dynasty and Republican periods. Phoenix designs were common on these wares; it was a widespread symbolic design representing the Empress Dowager. Some of the more elaborate plates and gaibei (lidded cups) have decorative scallop shell borders 41 Fig. 3.29 The Peranakan kamcheng (lidded jar). These ceramics were kept for special occasions for use within affluent families rather than ordinary use at the hawker centres. (Photo taken on 6 December 2017) 42 Fig. 3.30 (a and b) The enamelled double dragon design against a pink chromium background punctuated with a traditional cloud collar pattern and bordered by a mandarin-collar stylized design. The print on the bottom of the sauce dish indicates it is made in Jiangxi Jingdezhen around the mid-twentieth century 43 Fig. 3.31 (a) Late Qing dynasty nineteenth-century kitchen Qing plates that were used to serve food. They come with amorphous blue and white designs of flowers and shrubs. (Photo taken on 6 October 2018.) (b) In contrast to gaudy and colourful Peranakan wares, wares are standardized mass-manufactured hand-­drawn designs. In the case of this photo which shows a nineteenth-century Qing dynasty plate, it adopts a blue and white chrysanthemum design and has the owner’s name carved on it. The carved character reads “Cheng”. (Photo taken on 7 September 2019) 43 Fig. 3.32 (a) The flowers and grass (maybe orchid) blue and white amorphous hand-drawn design on an octagonal bowl with thick porcelain body to withstand frequent use by hawkers and customers. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019.) (b) The amorphous double happiness blue and white design Swatow miner’s bowl. It was used by hawkers from the late nineteenth List of Figures xix

century to the early twentieth century. Made in large quantities in that era, the bowl is affordable and is known as miner’s bowls because they were frequently used by miners in the canteen during their meal breaks. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019) 44 Fig. 3.33 (a) The Swatow-made bowls with decorative shrubs and orchids used in the early twentieth century by hawkers and eateries to serve their food. These wares were a lot cheaper than their posh Jingdezhen cousins that tend to be finer, more symmetrical and with a more beautiful shine due to the discovery of high quality kaolinite. (Photo taken on 31 December 2016.) (b) The Shiwan pottery made in Guangdong is a Lingnan folk pottery. Lingnan is a cultural region in China with the Yue language as a marker of its civilization. Used as a chopstick holder by hawkers and hung on pushcarts and wall. Holes at the bottom of the pottery allow water to drip out after the chopsticks are washed. (Photo taken on 29 September 2017) 44 Fig. 3.34 (a) A vintage enamel sauce dish piece, but without the wanshou wujiang textual design. It is hand-drawn and probably dates back to early to mid-­twentieth century. Yellow is also considered a rarer colour than red, a delight for collectors in Singapore and Malaysia. (Photo taken on 28 October 2019.) (b) The wanshou wujiang plate is used as a combi platter to serve Peranakan otah kuehs to consumers. This genre of porcelains is not only used by the sinkhehs, but also by the Peranakan Chinese as well. While the Jingdezhen- made wanshou wujiang plates are not strictly Straits Chinese wares, their gaudy enamelled aesthetics as well as the old school feel complement the aesthetics of the kuehs (confectionary), often seen a form of cultural heritage in Singapore, Malacca and Penang (or the former Straits Settlements under the British Empire). (Photo taken on 20 January 2018) 46 Fig. 3.35 (a and b) Some of the earliest mid-twentieth-century examples of wanshou wujiang porcelains from Jiangxi Jingdezhen. This evergreen design is reproduced until the contemporary period. (Photo taken on 1 January 2017.) These are transitional wares, as the kilns change their allegiance from the Republican to the Communist government 46 Fig. 3.36 (a and b) A mid-twentieth-century (probably around 1950s and 1960s) Y series version of the Jingdezhen wanshou wujiang blue background bowl with mandarin cloud collar. These are some of the early modern mass-manufactured­ products xx List of Figures

produced by the newly declared People’s Republic of China (PRC)’s state factories. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019) 47 Fig. 3.37 (a) the Jingdezhen wanshou wujiang series is very popular but they were also costly for the hawker, restaurant owner or even the average consumer. It therefore spawned imitations made by Swatow kilns in Chaozhou. The quality is lower and the painting more amateurish but they were more affordable, especially for hawkers and eateries that needed to replace damaged pieces frequently. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019.) (b) A plastic version of the wanshou wujiang plate. A large platter that is used to mix the ingredients for the indigenous yusheng (raw fish mixed with sweetened salad ingredients). Use of the plate is appropriate, because the design connotes longevity and the colour red symbolizes prosperity. The participants of the lo hei (Cantonese word for the performance of mixing the ingredients) can then shout “Huat Ah!” (“Let us be blessed with Prosperity!” in the Hokkien language). (Photo taken on 12 February 2016) 47 Fig. 4.1 (a) Chicken bowl version, circa 1960s/1970s. The hand- drawn rooster is fatter and the veins of the leaves can be seen clearly. (Photo taken on 31 December 2018.) (b) One of the oldest pieces in the author’s collection dating back probably to the late Republican period. The chicken appears in its fattest form. And unlike later versions, the design has a pair of bats which are homophones for the Chinese word for “prosperity”. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019) 51 Fig. 4.2 (a) Version of the chicken dated probably to the 1990s to 2000s. A much leaner and less detailed drawing, compared to the above. (Photo taken on 6 November 2014.) (b) The hybridized use of a combination of plastic and porcelain bowls with the rooster design at a Bak Kut Teh setting. (Photo taken on 15 November 2014) 51 Fig. 4.3 (a) A modernized plastic version of the chicken bowl with printed designs used to serve bean curd skin by a stall that was a traditional hawker. They are lighter, easier to wash and can be manufactured in large quantities through injection moulding. (Photo taken on 28 October 2017.) (b) Hand- drawn rooster with a much simplified design on plain white bone porcelain. Labour costs have gone up in China and there are fewer artisans manually decorating such bowls for exports to Southeast Asia. Thus, designs were simplified. The banana trees/plants designs are left out. (Photo by author from his collection dated 5 April 2018) 52 List of Figures xxi

Fig. 4.4 (a) A contemporary version of the rooster bowl (dated around the 1980s), but with the rooster printed instead of hand- drawn. Most wholesalers told the author that only printed wares were available for retail due to the increase in labour costs in China. Artisans had to be paid much higher prices to paint the chicken bowls individually. In addition, younger artisans lost interest in this profession. (Photo taken on 4 April 2019.) (b) In some eateries, the Thai version of the rooster bowl is used. The Thai versions have developed a semi- indigenous style of their own with stylized abstract features. They are popular and kept in use despite the chips and cracks from frequent use (as seen in the picture). This bowl was probably made in the early twenty-first century. (Photo taken on 1 January 2018) 52 Fig. 4.5 A contemporary interpretation of the rooster design with a dispersed design and grass drawing without the banana plant. (Photo taken on 15 February 2015) 53 Fig. 4.6 (a and b) Chrysanthemum flower series with hand-drawn and hand-­stamped designs. There are two versions of this design, the round-rimmed version like the ones in the photos and the octagonal-rimmed version. The photo on the left shows the 1950s/1960s version, while the photo on the right shows the 1970s/1980s version. They were used extensively by hawkers to serve porridge, rice, tow suan (yellow bean starchy dessert) and others. (Photos taken on 7 April 2018 and 31 May 2018) 53 Fig. 4.7 An early to mid-twentieth-century version of the chrysanthemum blue and white hand-drawn design bowl with crackled glaze. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019.) These bowls were probably made in the kilns found in Chaozhou or Guangdong 53 Fig. 4.8 (a and b) Chrysanthemum flower hand-drawn pattern, but with a more detailed depiction of the disc flower and receptacle components of a sunflower. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019) 54 Fig. 4.9 (a) Another popular design is the flower/amorphous design blue and white bowl. This design enjoys continuity in the modern and contemporary periods. In the photo on the right above, it is used to serve street-side Penang-style chendol, a popular dessert. In the past, it was also use for serving bean curd. This design and bowl shape appears to be popularly used for dessert. (Photo taken on 27 April 2017.) (b) The amorphous design drawings have evolved and become simplified over the years. (Photo taken on 1 April 2015) 54 xxii List of Figures

Fig. 4.10 (a) A late nineteenth-century version of the spring onion flower amorphous design. Usually considered a kitchen Qing ware. (Photo taken on 18 August 2016.) (b) Besides the chicken bowl and the chrysanthemum flower designs, the amorphous spring onion hand-drawn designs are just as popular. They are usually drawn on bowls with some depths and comparatively less curvature. They were typically used by hawkers for serving bean curd in the 1950s to 1970s. (Photo taken on 3 September 2016) 55 Fig. 4.11 The spring onion flower design bowl used to serve bean curd, a popular use for this genre of porcelain. (Photo taken on 31 December 2015) 55 Fig. 4.12 Because of nostalgia, some hawker centres continue to use the green flower design paper coffee cups. The porcelain body of these cups have become progressively thicker to endure wear and tear from intense use. (Photo taken on 23 April 2017.) Saucers of these coffee cups were used to crack and hold semi-liquid half-boiled egg for mixing with pepper and dark slightly- for consumption. That custom is slowly dying off as well. Coffee cups started to evolve into mugs with hawker stall names printed on them. Mugs were easier to handle as they do not need a saucer and can hold more than a cup of coffee 56 Fig. 4.13 (a) Colour coding is used on coffee cups with green flower paper transfer-designs to differentiate between stalls. (Photo taken on 27 November 2014.) (b) The same colour coding scheme is also applied to plastic mugs that imitate beer mugs made of glass. (Photo taken on 26 October 2014) 56 Fig. 4.14 The glass cup which eventually replaced many green flower paper transfer coffee cups/saucers is deep enough for coffee drinkers to dip their yaochakueh into coffee, a very old school style of eating fried . (Photo taken on 1 January 2018) 57 Fig. 4.15 Regardless of medium use (glass or porcelain), hawkers and kopitiam operators both wash their cups using hot water. For dim sum sellers, some elderly Cantonese clientele still perform the ritual of washing and rolling their cups in hot water in an attempt to sanitize the porcelain for use. (Photo taken on 1 March 2015) 57 Fig. 4.16 (a and b) Some coffee shops and hawker centres served finer quality wares when mass production took off in Jingdezhen. These were some of the earliest examples of printed designs on thinner and finer porcelain wares. Thewantong (playful kids) List of Figures xxiii

carrying large signs that read fugui huakai (plant in prosperous bloom) featuring large flowers was a popular utensil for serving dishes like stir-fried wet hor fun. Wide and shallow, they allow flat, thin to be scooped up easily. The spacious surface area provides generous space for the spoon to scoop up flat noodles that may fragment if the spoon has to dig vertically deep into the porcelain vessel. In the photo on the right, the trumpet flower, also interpreted alternatively as bunga kangkung, is a very popular design for Chinese export wares from the 1960s to the contemporary period. (Photo taken on 1 April 2015) 58 Fig. 4.17 (a) Another popular design in the mid- to late twentieth century was the blue flower designs manufactured by Qunli and Liling, a state-owned porcelain factory that produces standardized high quality wares according to strict state standards and controls. The mass-manufactured wares they produced is known to collectors as changhuo (literal translation: factory products). (b) The blue flower design is so popular that some hawker stalls use plastic versions of it. Another advantage of a plastic version of the design is it allows hawkers to write their stall number on it using a permanent marker. (Photo taken on 17 December 2017) 59 Fig. 4.18 (a) The upper intermediate-sized soup bowls often found in hawker centres for noodle dishes like noodles or . They have wide open mouths that allow the noodle’s soup to cool off rapidly and for the customer to slurp the noodle quietly with the circumference of the bowl accommodating the droplets that may fall off the noodles. The blue and white flowery design is an enduring one that dates back to the late Qing/Republican eras. This is the 1980s version of the late Qing version which is hand-drawn. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019.) (b) Also, a similar stamped and stencilled design dating back to the 1990s in the form of a lidded ware usually used to serve Cantonese soup. The lid keeps the soup warm when served. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019) 60 Fig. 4.19 (a) The Red Ribbon series was popular throughout the 1970s. This particular piece was designed specifically for serving soup. Sometimes, they are also used directly in steamers to cook Cantonese-style pork rib rice dishes. Made of hardy and thick ceramics, they were designed to withstand wear and tear. (Photo taken on 5 April 2018.) (b) Another popular porcelain xxiv List of Figures

design is the red ribbon paper transfer wares that were popular from the 1970s onwards. They are unlidded and the open top allows steam to permeate the Chinese . These wares used to have gold trimmings along the mouth, but later versions removed them for hygienic reasons. (Photo taken on 9 December 2019) 60 Fig. 4.20 (a) The ribbon series often comes with blue and red colour designs. This serving plate is used to separate the hot soup unlidded pot and the table. This piece was probably made in the 1970s/1980s. (Photo taken on 31 December 2015.) (b) Besides the use of porcelain for serving hot liquid, terracotta pots are also use for brewing thick viscous sauces for noodle dishes like . (Photo taken on 7 March 2015) 61 Fig. 4.21 (a) A 1970s/1980s version of the popular trumpet flower design porcelain. The greater depth in the design meant it could hold some form of soupy cuisine for serving. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019.) (b) Another design that was popular throughout the 1970s and 1980s was this flower design porcelain series. Known as labahua (trumpet flower) to Chinese collectors, it is coined bunga kangkung (a type of Southeast Asian watercress) by Malays and Peranakans who use these wares. (Photo taken on 6 April 2018) 61 Fig. 4.22 (a) The lidded ware tea cups in the photo on the left known as gaibei in Mandarin have become scarcer. The practice of infusing tea in such teacups went out of fashion when simple teabags were made available. Singapore Chinese casual tea drinkers now prefer to diaoyu (literally meaning “angling for fish”), immersing a teabag in a glass of hot water to brew tea. It is rare to see such infusion cups used for tieguanyin oolong for bak kut teh dishes today. (Photo from author’s collection by author, taken on 5 April 2018.) (b) The stencilled blue and white dragon design is an evergreen pattern. (Photo taken on 5 April 2018) 62 Fig. 4.23 (a and b) The blue carp design is another popular classic design visible from the late Qing period (nineteenth century) to contemporary era. (Photos taken on 17 January 2018.) This particular version is printed and not hand-drawn 62 Fig. 4.24 (a) A popular blue and white flower (probably peony) coffee cup spoon, it is small enough to stir milk coffee or tea in the green flower paper transfer cups. (Photo taken on 6 April 2018.) (b) Two kinds of retro style designs are used in serving one dish (mushroom ). The trumpet flower (also List of Figures xxv

known as bunga kangkong) design flat plate with undulating outline is placed underneath a hot non-lidded soup pot with the phoenix design. The owner of this eatery deliberately used retro 1960s/1970s style utensils to complete their kampong settings. (Photo taken on 7 February 2015) 63 Fig. 4.25 The same phoenix design, but found on a sauce dish used by hawkers to serve chilli sauce or cut chilli in the mid-twentieth century. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019) 63 Fig. 4.26 (a and b) Phoenix stamped motif on a twenty-first-century porcelain Cantonese soup server. (Photo taken on 31 August 2016.) The image on the right shows the variations between different porcelain makers in their designs. This one resembles more of a bird of flight like a goose. (Photo taken on 31 December 2016) 64 Fig. 4.27 (a) A hawker stall uses this porcelain plate with mandarin- collar pattern to serve bee hoon (thin -like noodles). The wide area of the plate allows the bee hoon to be spread out and for the hawker to lay the satay sauce evenly round the plate. The mandarin-collar border helps the hawker keep the layering as much as possible within a certain perimeter. (Photo taken on 14 April 2018.) (b) Exquisitely designed non-traditional Chinese porcelain plates were used widely in hawker centres and kopitiam from the 1980s and 1990s. (Photo taken on 31 December 2018) 64 Fig. 4.28 (a) Colourful gaudy printed designs wares were used by hawkers. (Photo taken on 6 January 2018.) (b) Neo-art deco designs were also used by hawkers and kopitiam operators. (Photo taken on 6 January 2018) 65 Fig. 4.29 (a) A popular flower design dating back to the late 1980s and 1990s. Innovation has taken place, retaining popular flower designs but re-drawing the flowers. (Photo taken on 31 December 2015.) (b) Besides porcelain design changes and new preferences/tastes/fashion trends, some hawker stalls also used plastic bags for packing hawker food before placing them into a paper box. (Photo taken on 7 March 2015) 65 Fig. 4.30 (a) Dim sum served on red plastic plates manufactured in Malaysia. The Hoover brand is often found in Malaysia and Singapore. From the 1970s and 1980s onwards, plastic began to challenge porcelain as the preferred serving wares in hawker centres. Plastic is not fragile like porcelain and need not be replaced as frequently as porcelain. (Photo taken on 1 May xxvi List of Figures

2017.) (b) Some twenty-first-­century Malaysian-made plastic wares have textures that resemble porcelain and they come in Orientalist chinoiserie designs with bamboo stalks. (Photo taken on 10 December 2016) 66 Fig. 4.31 (a) The monochrome white porcelain wares became popularly used as the colours of the cooked food stood out against the white background like oil paint against a blank white canvas. The white wares were also designed with certain food in mind. The stir-fried kangkong vegetables appear striking when contrasted with its white background. (Photo taken on 1 May 2017.) Some of these white monochrome wares are specially designed with specific width and depth for serving various dishes according to their characteristics. (b) From the 1970s till the contemporary period, some hawkers opt for plastic white wares, but with some aesthetic designs, for example, a plastic bowl served at a popular hawker joint has a traditional cloud collar pattern found traditionally in Ming and Qing enamelled ceramics. (Photo taken on 12 November 2017) 66 Fig. 4.32 (a) Plastic can also be fashioned into various shapes such as a banana leaf to serve Malay for aesthetics purpose. They are lightweight and can be mass produced easily. (Photo taken on 28 August 2017.) (b) The versatility of plastics allows them to be moulded into various shapes. In this case, this plastic item is used to serve hot , allowing the server to carry it by the ears on both sides of the noodle bowl. (Photo taken on 22 January 2017) 67 Fig. 4.33 Plastic wares can innovate new shapes like this boat-shaped serving utensil for minced meat used by a hawker to serve his food. (Photo taken on 1 June 2018.) Kopitiam coffee shops used to have their names embossed onto plastic wares from the 1980s onwards. But with the appearance of large mass consumption-­targeted food conglomerates, these large food caterers custom made large numbers of plastic wares with their branding for uniformity and standardization. Some of these plates are custom made to serve the type of food found in the caterers. For example, the chai tow kueh or fried carrot cake above is served in a curved square plate that allows its contents to be spread out and cool down with exposure to cool air. It is also curved so that the contents do not roll out into the table when they are scooped up. Such plastic wares are ergonomically-friendly to use 67 List of Figures xxvii

Fig. 4.34 (a) Hawkers also use plastic plates with western designs to serve their food. (Photo taken on 7 March 2015.) (b) In some cases, the use of elongated plastic plates fit the cooking methods well, because the hawker would scoop up directly from the wok using the plastic plate after the noodles are sufficiently fried with only a slight tinge of burnt taste (the state of wok hei in Cantonese). (Photo taken on 7 May 2015.) This is a variety of char kway teow popularly known as the sweet Hokkien variety 68 Fig. 4.35 Same principle of the hawker using the lightweight plate to scope up his fried char kway teow. This is the lighter colour Teochew variety of char kway teow. (Photo taken on 13 January 2019) 68 Fig. 4.36 (a) Some hawker stalls and kopitiams deliberately use retro porcelain wares with old school chopsticks to re-create the atmosphere and feeling of eating at a hawker stall in the past. (Photo taken on 12 February 2015.) (b) A five-star hotel makes available a large bowl for customers to mix their salad. Traditionally, such bowls were made of earthenware ceramics. In this case, it has been replaced with a wooden bowl that is lighter. (Photo taken on 5 March 2015) 69 Fig. 4.37 Photo above: some of these enamel wares are used to serve colourful Peranakan kuehs for consumers. In the photo, a well-worn enamel ware, probably made in the 1970s, provides the old school look for the presentation of the kuehs. (Photo taken on 17 April 2018) 69 Fig. 5.1 (a) An example of fad food from Japan in Singapore. This melon-flavoured­ ice cream is sold at the site of the old Daimaru store in Singapore, currently taken over by a Japanese supermarket chain. This soft serve ice cream has the Hokkaido melon flavour. Hokkaido, especially Yubari City, is well known for high quality premium melon. (Photo taken by the author in 2017.) (b) Another example of fashionable food in Singapore at the time of this writing: the siopan (bread baked with sea salt) was marketed as the most popular Japanese-style bread in Singapore by Japanese chain confectionaries. This bread is sold by the same bakery from the Daimaru-era. (Photo taken by the author in 2017) 76 Fig. 5.2 Eating sushi has become so ubiquitous that locally made sushi is now part of the catering services’ regular menus, alongside local food items like . In other words, sushi is de-exoticized as a Japanese food item and integrated into xxviii List of Figures

Singaporeans’ cosmopolitan food map and served alongside local delights. Sushi has been integrated and incorporated into the local menu. (Photo taken by the author in 2017) 79 Fig. 5.3 Photo on the right shows the actual tea bowl where matcha tea powder was whisked to make frothy and even distributed green tea . (Photos taken by the author in 2017) 83 Fig. 5.4 (a) California Maki. (Photo taken by the author in 2018.) (b) Another example of Japanese American food, the Teriyaki Tofu dish for the health-­conscious consumer. Tofu substitutes chicken meat. (Photo taken by the author in 2018) 84 Fig. 5.5 The unique fusion Hainanese chicken rice chicken rice sushi, served with French macrons. It was served at a leading six-star hotel in Singapore. (Photo taken by the author in 2017) 84 Fig. 5.6 An example of hipster Japanese fusion foods found in Singapore. Grilled Tuna loin on noodles, flavoured by mirin and Japanese shoyu soya sauce. (Photo taken by the author in 2017) 85 Fig. 6.1 There is a cult following of Korean Celadon porcelains in Singapore. This small group of collectors display both decorative and kitchenware porcelain pieces. The glassy crackled appearance of Korean Celadons is sometimes visible in higher end restaurants in Singapore. (Photo taken by the author in September 2018) 92 Fig. 6.2 (a) Localized Korean beef rice is stir-fried with Sichuan dry pepper chilli and served with large thick slices of pickled and a sunny side up fried egg. It is a good example of a Northern Chinese immigrant chef’s interpretation of Korean beef rice for Singaporean consumers. It was a hit with northern Chinese patrons of this eatery. The Korean beef rice is served in mass-manufactured Jingdezhen-made bowl with cobalt oxide sticker transfers and a hand-drawn blue-coloured­ cobalt oxide line fired at 1200 degrees Celsius. Made in the 1980s and 1990s, these bowls were popularly known as “changhuo” (mass-produced factory wares) by porcelain collectors. This is an interesting immigrant chef’s interpretation of Korean food for Singaporean consumers served in Jiangnan porcelain culture. (Photo taken in January 2016.) (b) Korean food served with Hoover plastic cutleries from Malaysia and served in a ubiquitous food court plastic tray. They are combined with Korean-made metal bowls and cast iron hotplate mounted on softwood. (Photo taken in February 2016) 94 List of Figures xxix

Fig. 6.3 Spam is highly enjoyed in both Singapore and the Republic of Korea. There is therefore resonance amongst Singapore for this canned meat, as they are sometimes a common sight amongst tzu char (ala carte rice sets) stalls in Singapore. This Korean restaurant switched from spam to using China-made luncheon meat, which is widely popular with local consumers. The established Ma Ling brand of luncheon meat is used here 95 Fig. 6.4 A favourite innovative gimmick with Singaporeans, some Korean restaurants serve this towel that comes in the shape of a capsule but, when dipped into the water, it expands and becomes a towel. This capsule towel is served in a plastic Hoover dish made in Malaysia. Hoover products are very popular with restaurants, food stalls and hawker stalls in Singapore. (Photo taken in October 2017) 96 Fig. 6.5 (a) Korean fried pancake is placed onto a brown wax paper that is familiar to Singaporeans and often found in hawker centres. It is biodegradable and commonly used throughout Malaysia and Singapore. (Photo taken in March 2016.) (b) An enterprising Korean entrepreneur beat high rents by operating a kimbab manufacturing facility in the first storey shop space of a Housing Development Board (HDB) block (public housing in Singapore) dating back to the 1960s. It made affordable kimbab rolls for delivery and retail. (Photo taken in March 2016) 97 Fig. 6.6 (a) The Bibimbap Korean rice, usually served in hot stone, but in this case served in generic plastic bowls. Halal and also enjoyed by Hindu Singaporeans, this dish uses chicken meat instead of beef or pork. Beef is the most conventional meat used for the dish in its original carnation. Instead of raw eggs or sunny side up eggs, a pan-fried egg is used in this dish. Gochujang is already mixed with the long grain Thai fragrant rice instead of conventional presentation as an unmixed paste by the side. Kimchi and sesame seeds were absent from the main dish. Hardworking immigrant Chinese chefs working in the food court setting made this dish, catering to the Singaporean heartland mass consumers. (Photo taken in September 2018.) (b) A Bibimbap dish prepared by a Korean chef in a similar food court setting. Ingredients are arranged neatly, with a yolky-fried egg, thinly sliced vegetables, Korean grilled seaweed, sesame seed and other conventional ingredients found in bibimbap. The short grain rice is served xxx List of Figures

in a typical plastic-lidded container visible at all eateries in Singapore. (Photo taken in September 2018) 98 Fig. 6.7 (a) This is technically a Japanese dish: saba fish on hotplate, grilled in miso sauce and served with kimchi and sweet anchovies. It was marketed as Korean food in an eatery managed by Chinese migrants chefs, making this an interesting Chinese migrant chefs’ interpretation of Korean food based on Japanese culinary traditions for Singaporean consumers and served with seaweed soup, kimchi and anchovies for constructed authenticity. The Korean godeungeo- gui (grilled mackerel) version is usually salted and coated with flour rather than with miso paste. (Photo taken in January 2015.) (b) Another example of the saba fish dish, this time served together with spicy Korean beef stir-fried with onions before hot-plating it. The meats are combined with the longer-grained fragrant Thai rice (which is consumed by the majority of Singaporeans) instead of Korean short grain rice. It is also served with kimchi and anchovies for authenticity. The meal is topped up with Japanese miso soup. (Photo taken on January 2018.) This version therefore combines Thai ingredients with Japanese and Korean fusion cultures. The Korean godeungeo-­gui (grilled mackerel) version is usually salted and coated with flour rather than with miso paste and not combined with beef on the same hotplate 100 Fig. 6.8 (a) The author attended a private kitchen dining concept meal where the chef stir-fried toppogi rice cakes with green/red bell pepper strips, beef and strips of squash. This was another fusion dish that featured Korean culinary arts, stir-fried in a Chinese wok, integrated with Oceanic-inspired taste and veggies. (Photo taken in September 2018.) (b) The photo shows Chinese bak choy used as wraps for the stewed pork, served with a round of Thai fragrant rice for everyone. (Photo taken in September 2018) 101 Fig. 6.9 Local instant noodles (instead of perennial favourites like Nong Shim brand noodles) were immersed in spicy soup with Chinese lettuce. The meal was served in Malaysian-made Hoover brand plastic bowl. (Photo taken in September 2018.) In another store that the author visited, the omelette rice served with fish fillet is neither Korean nor Japanese.O melette rice is often known as omu rice in Japan (or Omuretto raisu in katakana), but it is not usually served with a battered fish fillet (resembling the English fish and chips dish). Yet this dish is classified as Korean by the shop owner. One may then List of Figures xxxi

conclude this is a fusion dish with Japanese and English influences, but packaged as a Korean dish. (Photo taken in October 2018) 102 Fig. 6.10 Home-cooked Jjigae and chap chae with a healthy smattering of Chinese spinach. Both were served in generic monochrome white porcelain (probably made in China or Malaysia) and Malaysian-made stainless steel fork and spoon instead of the long-stem Korean cutlery. They are served with Korean seaweed for wrapping, an improvised and unconventional way of eating. (Photo taken in September 2018) 102 Fig. 6.11 (a) Thinly sliced pork loins for Hindu Singaporeans who abstain from beef for religious reasons. They are wrapped in leafy Chinese bak choi vegetables. (Photo taken in September 2018.) (b) Another dish served with Thai fragrant rice. The toppogi and tofu are used very sparingly in this spicy soup. An authentic Soondubu Jjigae soft tofu tends to have generous servings of both ingredients 103 Fig. 6.12 (a) Fusion food served at a Korean national event. Kimbap rolls (sometimes translated into Korean sushi rolls) done in North America wrap-style with western salad ingredients, done with an external layer of Vietnamese (rice paper) skin and Southeast Asian coconut shavings. (Photo taken in 2015.) This fusion dish incorporates Korean, Vietnamese/ Southeast Asian and North American elements into its presentation. (b) Korean sashimi-style tuna wrapped in Chinese steamed mantou plain bun. (Photo taken in 2015) 103 Fig. 6.13 The chilli on the right is a typical local Singaporean chilli that are sold in large industrial grade gasoline bottles. It is now served with Korean food. Similarly, the chilli on the left is a local Teochew (also written as Chaozhou or Chiu Chow) inspired cut chilli mixture with and Thai chilli padis. This chilli is sometimes served with Teochew stewed duck. Both chilli items were served with Korean foods in this particular eatery. (Photo taken in October 2018) 104 PART I CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Abstract This publication is divided into two sections. Part I looks at the use of porcelain vessels within multi-dialect cultural spaces in the con- sumption of cooked food in Singapore. In the meal tables found in the ubiquitous hawker centres and kopitiams (coffee shops), the potteries used to serve hawker foods have a strong presence in the culinary culture of Singaporeans. The writing looks at the relationship between those utensils, the food or drink that are served, as well as the symbolic, historical, socio- cultural and socioeconomic implications of using different kinds of porce- lain/pottery wares. Part II focuses on the indigenization of foreign foods in Singapore, using two case studies of hipster food—Japanese and Korean.

Keywords Hawker • Kopitiam • Hipster • Porcelain • Culinary

Culinary cultures are a conspicuous feature of Singaporean history, society and culture. Singapore is one of the most culturally diverse countries in the world, so much so that its accurate description is a matter of exciting debate among academicians as well as non-academicians. While food crit- ics have written extensively on the technicalities of tastes and preparation methodologies, there is little existing literatures (both academic and trade professional) on the significance of the vessels used to serve the foods and the constant indigenization of foreign foods to fit local tastes. This writing opens a new window to it by discussing the food-serving vessels used in

© The Author(s) 2019 3 T. W. Lim, The Indigenization and Hybridization of Food Cultures in Singapore, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8695-4_1 4 T. W. LIM popular cafeterias and restaurants, something that has been rarely talked about in a book before. This is not because food-serving vessels are unim- portant, but because varied knowledge (e.g. economics, cultural anthro- pology and food science) is required to write about them. This multi-disciplinary approach was adopted to focus on food vessels and the indigenization process. It uses a combination of area studies approach in cultural anthropology, socioeconomic historical perspectives and scientific food safety aspects in the use of serving vessels. Studying food in its entirety is not just about the taste factor alone, but also how it is presented on the dinner table and how they are tweaked to create greater resonance between the average consumer and the original orthodox version of the dish before it migrated to multi-cultural, multi-­ ethnic, multi-dialect Chinese consumers. These material artefacts and cul- tural dissemination processes tell the story of the history of designs, aesthetics and fashion; material culture and utilitarian ergonomics; trans- formative changes through technological progress; diverse ethnic groups and culinary culture; lifestyle choices and eating habits; rituals and sym- bolisms; migration and diasporic history; localization and indigenization; and nostalgia and identity. All these features are important aspects of cul- ture (including popular culture) in East Asia as different types of Northeast Asian cuisines and food-serving vessels migrate to Southeast Asia and adapt to fit local consumer tastes. This publication is divided into two sections. The first part is on Chinese food culture in Singapore. Descendants of immigrants from China form the majority of Singapore’s total population (approximately 74%). However, even among Chinese immigrants, there are variations in ethnic- ity, region and religion. This writing distinguishes each carefully. Part I looks at the use of porcelain vessels within multi-dialect cultural spaces in the consumption of cooked food in Singapore. The hawker centres and kopitiams (coffee shops) are ubiquitous in Singaporeans’ lives. In the meal tables found in these facilities, the potteries used to serve hawker foods have a strong presence in the culinary culture of Singaporeans. From the hexagonal bowl to the coffee cup and bak kut teh (traditional pork rib soup, usually peppery Teochew version served) mud teapots as well as the exportware mass-manufactured changhuo rice bowl on the table, many types of ceramics or pottery are used. The writing looks at the relationship between those utensils, the food or drink that are served as well as the symbolic, historical, socio-cultural and socioeconomic implications of using different kinds of porcelain/pottery wares. 1 INTRODUCTION 5

A healthy dose of observation studies from the historical anthropologi- cal approach is utilized in the writing with a combination of interpretive work based on collected images. The writing presents a new approach on how to gather information: the author took photographs of food-serving vessels on a daily basis, spanning years, and included them for analysis in this writing. Due to the experiential nature of the subject matter, and there is a need to utilize the five senses to handle the material artefacts, while many academicians prefer to separate their academic activities from their daily lives, experiential activities like food consumption are part of the research carried out for this project. The liberal approach in methodol- ogy makes the volume suitable for use by practitioners as a trade profes- sional writing. This writing can help practitioners (like restaurateurs, chefs, dieticians, food critics, hawkers, food entrepreneurs, food industry execu- tives, food scientists and so on) and general readers make their daily design and planning for meals more enjoyable. Considering Singapore’s multi-racial structure and its multi-faceted and comprehensive thinking, it is necessary to analyse every vessel. Based on accumulated practical and professional fieldwork experience and exper- tise, the writing meticulously examined material artefacts for historical study, aesthetic value, constructed notions of traditions and clues on cul- tural interpretation. Through the study of porcelains on which food was served in hawker centres and coffee shops, it was possible to understand the consumption habits of Singaporeans in the past and present. This writ- ing surveys the different ways Singaporeans utilize and understand ceramic serving utensils in the hawker centres in the twentieth century to the con- temporary period. By studying the clay use, provenance, form, design, composition, kiln technology and manufacturing method of these ceram- ics, this writing will study how to appreciate the aesthetics of these objects and their relationships with hawker foods. This writing will focus mainly on serving utensils for Chinese food, but, in multi-cultural Singapore, the other colourful cultures are just as interesting and deserve full-length arti- cle coverage on the symbolisms of their utensil designs and usage too. They will be subject of future writing projects. The second part discusses the rise of two food cultures in Singapore: Japanese and Korean. Singaporeans’ embracing of these two cultures has led to the development of multi-cultural foods in the country. This section highlights cultural norms are constantly evolving and the outcome of dynamic interactive negotiations between producers and consumers. Part II focuses on the indigenization of foreign foods in Singapore, using two 6 T. W. LIM case studies of hipster food—Japanese and Korean. While authentic Japanese and Korean cuisines find resonance amongst the youths of East Asia, some of them have adapted hybrid local features in terms of sourcing for local ingredients due to costs and availability factors; modifications needed in aesthetic presentation and use of food-serving wares; reduction of costs of production for the mass market; cultural sensitivity, fashion trends and growing affluence. Food culture is a form of cultural soft power (if one utilizes a broader definition of the term) encompassing and propa- gated through non-military, economic and cultural means of influence. It is a form of persuasion without the need to resort to force. While food anthropologists have made inroads into studying the sub- ject matter, political scientists and international relations (IR) experts have hardly touched the topic at all. When food cultures are termed as authen- tic, cultural norms in terms of food consumption are reinforced within a community. At the same time, when this food product is exported to other countries, localization takes place for achieving greater resonance with local consumers. The original food product may even incorporate local features for more effective marketing and sales. In Part II, this volume examines the reception of Japanese and Korean food cultures in Singapore as a form of soft cultural diplomacy through multi-disciplinary historical surveys, observation case studies and area studies perspectives. CHAPTER 2

Food Vessels: A Brief Historical Survey of Ceramics Use for Food Consumption in Singapore’s Hawker Centres and Coffee Shops (kopitiams)

Abstract From the hexagonal bowl to the coffee cup and bak kut teh (tra- ditional pork rib soup) mud teapots as well as the exportware mass-­ manufactured rice bowls, many types of ceramics or pottery are used in Singapore’s hawker centres. The writing looks at the relationship between those utensils, the food/drinks served as well as the symbolic, historical, socio-cultural and socioeconomic implications of using different kinds of porcelain/pottery wares as serving utensils in the hawker centres from the twentieth century to the contemporary period. By studying the clay use, the provenance, form, design, composition, kiln technology and manufac- turing method of these ceramics, this writing will study the cultural aes- thetics of these objects and their relationships with hawker foods.

Keywords Peranakans • Migrant • Yusheng

Introduction The origins of Chinese cooking and serving vessels with some semblance of traceable material artefacts as archaeological evidence probably dates back to the Xia, Shang and Zhou dynastic eras, where clay and bronze vessels were used. Advances in agriculture facilitated stable food supply for China and this allowed a sophisticated food consumption culture to emerge and

© The Author(s) 2019 7 T. W. Lim, The Indigenization and Hybridization of Food Cultures in Singapore, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8695-4_2 8 T. W. LIM develop. As diets improved and people in civilized villages and towns became well-fed, they began to focus on the aesthetics of the food and the vessels they are served on. Abundance also meant that family clans can sit together and enjoy communal eating, and thus, food was served on larger and more specialized vessels. When special occasions arose, banquets were organized and this reinforced the importance for aesthetics and festive colours/ designs. By the time of the unified Qin and later Han dynasties, food serving became aesthetically pleasing with the use of lacquerware trays and the tray culture spread to Korea and Japan where they are used even today. During the Han, Sui and Tang dynasties, Chinese people sat on raised platforms for their meals served on raised trays. It was also during this time that the primi- tive ancestor of the iron wok was born, making it possible for stir-frying over high fire. A general stereotyping of Chinese food-serving vessels is that their designs reflected Nature, myths and ritualistic representations from the Neolithic to the Xia/Shang/Zhou dynasties (Fig. 2.1). By the time of the Han, Sui and Tang dynasties, they became luxurious and elegant in design, incorporating cosmopolitan designs from Buddhist India, Islamic Middle East and exotic Central Asia. Song dynasty, which was often under threat from northern Mongol invasions, saw the emer- gence of elegant, almost Zen-like food vessels with simplicity as a virtue. The Yuan Mongol dynasty saw the emergence of blue and white porce- lains with cobalt imported from Persia to fire these items. The pragmatic Ming dynasty with its accent on frugality saw the devel- opment of decorative wares that were practical to use. It is natural that, when Chinese culinary culture and serving vessels migrated to other world regions, they evolved according to local conditions. This writing looks at how Chinese food-serving vessels evolved to incorporate influences in

Fig. 2.1 The lacquerware set on raised platform still in use in Japan today, taken out for the occasion of the New Year celebrations. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019) 2 FOOD VESSELS: A BRIEF HISTORICAL SURVEY OF CERAMICS USE… 9

Southeast Asia and the West. Perhaps the quintessential case study of food vessel design evolution and indigenization are the Peranakan porcelains which have developed into a unique culture by itself. Besides commodified restaurant spaces and family spaces, perhaps the most important locale for food consumption and culinary lifestyle choices for Singaporeans are the uniquely constructed spaces of the hawker centres and kopitiams. The hawker centres and kopitiams (coffee shops) are ubiquitous in Singaporeans’ lives. In the meal tables found in these facilities, the potteries used to serve hawker foods have a strong presence in the culinary culture of Singaporeans. From the hexagonal bowl to the coffee cup and bak kut teh (traditional pork rib soup, usually peppery Teochew version served) mud teapots as well as the exportware mass-manufactured changhuo rice bowl on the table, many types of ceramics or pottery are used. Yet few have written on this topic as well as considered the relationship between those utensils, the food or drink that are served as well as the symbolic, historical, socio- cultural and socioeconomic implications of using those different kinds of porcelain/pottery wares. Through the study of porcelains on which food was served in hawker centres and coffee shops, it was possible to understand the consumption habits of Singaporeans in the past and present and the kind of nutrition and diet they followed. From the marketing, retailing and hawking of those foods, it is possible to understand the food preferences of Singaporeans as individuals and groups. This writing surveys the different ways Singaporeans utilize and understand ceramic serving utensils in the hawker centres in the twentieth century to the contemporary period. The focus placed on hawker centres and coffee shops is based the inten- tion of understanding mass food consumption and culture. Hawker cen- tres and coffee shops are large community spaces serving the dominant socioeconomic groups of Singapore from the working class to the upper middle class who frequent these spaces for meals. Even the wealthy, high net worth individuals and super elites frequent these joints if there are well-known offerings. In other words, hawker centres, food courts and coffee shops are socioeconomically-neutral spaces where Singaporeans from all walks of life meet and have their meals. (Kopitiam is the Hokkien or word for coffee shops, but they also carry the meaning of an old-­ school Singapore-style coffee shop.) Besides being class-neutral, these food spaces are also gender-, race-, ethnicity- and religion-neutral. Besides national service for Singapore males, community centres in residential area, public housing (where 80% of the population resides), Singapore’s mass consumption food outlets are probably one of the most important spaces where the national and local identity is formed. 10 T. W. LIM

The multi-cultural fabric of Singaporean society is also reflected in hawker centres, food courts and coffee shops as the vast majority of them would have fares for Singaporeans from all walks of life, including halal food, Chinese dishes, Indian/Indian-Muslim dishes and favourite drinks amongst Singapore. A microcosm of these food spaces are the tools used in such spaces, including the ceramics/pottery/porcelain used by hawk- ers, stall owners, coffee shop owners to serve their food to customers. Such tools are the subject of inquiry in this writing. The use of these ceramics also reflects the nuances, cultural preferences and identities of a particular culture or multiple cultures. Components of the ethnic, racial and socioeconomic identities of Singaporeans forms around food and their serving utensils/vessels and they are related to socioeconomic concepts of scarcity, hometown ties that bind, regional/ global fashion trends, regional/global economic production networking technological advancements, and so on. Some of these areas will be covered in this writing. The technological improvements in ceramics production, especially for mass-manufactured wares, alter Singaporean habits in food servings, consumption and presentation. By studying the clay use, the provenance, form, design, composition, kiln technology and manufactur- ing method of these ceramics, this writing will study how to appreciate the aesthetics of these objects and their relationships with hawker foods. This writing will focus mainly on serving utensils for Chinese food, but, in multi-cultural Singapore, the other colourful cultures are just as interesting and deserve full-length article coverage on the symbolisms of their utensil designs and usage too. They can be the subject of future writing projects. For the Chinese community, the sustainability of traditional Chinese cultural practices in Singapore is also reinforced by successive waves of Chinese migrants.1 One good example is the continuation of festive atmo- spheres in Singapore during the Chinese Lunar New Year (LNY) ­celebration period which is recognized as a public holiday (PH) in Singapore. It is during this LNY period where Chinese cultural traditions are most visible with lion dances, light-ups in the Marina Bay and Chinatown areas. LNY decorative items are also displayed in many of the households and public spaces. Consumption of certain foods and fruits become a common experience, such as pomelos and the indigenous dish of Lo Hei. These are all hallmarks of the Singaporean Chinese community life and experience that greets both established and new migrants alike.

1 These two short paragraphs are derived from my earlier writing: Lim, Tai Wei, “The Chinese Community: Huashe and its Contributions” in Singapore-China Relations 50 years edited by Zheng Yongnian and Lye Liang Fook (Singapore: National University of Singapore East Asian Institute), 2016, pp. 201–226. 2 FOOD VESSELS: A BRIEF HISTORICAL SURVEY OF CERAMICS USE… 11

The light-up in Singapore’s Chinatown at the point of this writing for example started on 31 January 2015 with extensive decoration of goat-­ shaped lantern displayed extensively along the main canal running through the Chinatown. The festive atmosphere has elements of old established Singaporean indigenous foodstuffs on sale like the iconic Lim Chee Guan and Bee Cheng Hiang barbequed pork jerky and restaurants serving the indigenous Chinese New Year dish, Lo Hei. These products were found alongside Greater Chinese material culture like confectionary sold by Koi Kee (a well-known Macanese product) and the presence of new migrant cultural items such as Northeastern Chinese dishes (Dongbei cai) and Shaanxi noodles and buns (Fig. 2.2). Food culture and identity.2 In addition to festive occasions, along with porcelain/ceramics/pottery culture, one of long-lasting and stron- gest Chinese cultural influence on the social fabric of Singapore is the culinary cuisines that the Chinese community have brought to the dinner tables of Singaporeans. The Singaporean Chinese food identity is rein- forced by local eating habits, lifestyles and customs. Singaporeans are increasingly delighted by the growing choices of Chinese dishes. The orig- inal southern cuisines familiar to older migrants are commonplace in Singapore, particularly the Cantonese (Yue), Teochew (Chaozhou) and Hokkien (Minnan-Fujian) dishes. Singapore has been an innovation cen- tre of Chinese-originated food even from the days of early migrants. Hainanese chicken rice, Lo Hei and are some exam- ples of early indigenous Singapore Chinese dishes with a strong Nanyang flavour. This is how theInfopedia published by the National Library Board (NLB) characterized the yusheng dish which is central to the ritualistic act of Lo Hei (raising the salad vegetables high while uttering “Huat Ah!” to herald prosperity and luck for all at the dinner table) (Fig. 2.3):

Today’s colourful version of yusheng and the practice of eating it on the seventh day of Chinese New Year appear to be unique to Malaysia and Singapore. Four local chefs are credited for developing yusheng as we know it today. They named the dish “Lucky Raw Fish” and popularized it as a new year delicacy. The chefs are Lau Yeok Pui and Tham Yui Kai, master chefs at Lai Wah Restaurant along Jalan Besar, and their good friends Sin Leong and Hooi Kok Wai.3

2 The next three short paragraphs are derived from my publication: Lim, Tai Wei, “The Chinese Community: Huashe and its Contributions” in Singapore-China Relations 50 years edited by Zheng Yongnian and Lye Liang Fook (Singapore: National University of Singapore East Asian Institute), 2016, pp. 201–226. 3 Singapore Infopedia, “Yusheng” dated 2015 in the National Library Board website [downloaded on 12 February 2015], available at http://eresources.nlb.gov.sg/infopedia/ articles/SIP_177__2009-01-08.html. 12 T. W. LIM

Fig. 2.2 (a) This is the traditional lion dance that is performed during the Chinese Lunar New Year festivities. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015.) (b) The Chinese Lunar New Year celebrations in Singapore’s Chinatown in the Year of the Horse in 2014. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015.) (c) The pineapple décor, a Nanyang-style Lunar New Year (LNY) decoration that is a play on homophones. “Wang lai” in Cantonese means “pineapples” or “the arrival of prosperity”. Sometimes, the pineapple is turned topsy-turvy to literally mean “the arrival of prosperity” given that the homophone “dao” can mean “arrival” or “turned upside down”. (Photo from author’s collec- tion, dated 24 April 2015.) (d) There are foodstuffs commonly consumed by all dialect groups in Singapore. For example, the mandarin orange and pomelos are popular fruits consumed during the Lunar New Year regardless of dialect group. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015)

Besides local innovations of Chinese dishes, Hong Kong and Taiwanese culinary trends add on to the existing choices offering the likes of the Chacaanteng culture from Hong Kong and Taiwanese Shilin night market snack culture from Taiwan which can be found in the mall spaces in 2 FOOD VESSELS: A BRIEF HISTORICAL SURVEY OF CERAMICS USE… 13

Fig. 2.3 Examples of large-sized communal dishes for mixing and consuming Yusheng. A wide plate is needed due to the spillage of ingredients and food onto the table during the tossing process. (Photo taken on 1 February 2019)

Fig. 2.4 (a) Another local innovation—the Hainanese toasted bread with kaya jam. While normally associated with the Hainanese community in Singapore, in fact, is a Nanyang Southeast Asian food innovation, probably not originated from or found in Hainan Island but developed in Singapore and Malaysia through the kopitiam (coffee-shop) culture that was associated with the Hainanese community in Singapore. (Photo dated 24 April 2015.) (b) The Hainanese curry rice, a dish in Singapore that may not be found in this exact form in Hainan Island, China. It is a good example of local interpretation of Chinese migrants to Singapore. (Photo dated 24 April 2015.) (c) The Hainanese chicken rice, an indigenous Singaporean dish that is developed by Hainanese settlers to Singapore and attributed to Hainan Island in name only, based on their adaptations and imaginations of culinary cul- ture in the place-name. (Photo dated 24 April 2015)

Singapore. The diversity of choices is further reinforced by the appearance of dishes introduced by the new migrants from Northeastern China such as dongbei cai and Shaanxi noodles and bun. In this way, food culture has become a barometer of cultural cosmopolitanism in the melting pot of Singapore (Figs. 2.4, 2.5, 2.6, and 2.7). 14 T. W. LIM

Fig. 2.5 (a) The zhui kueh, a form of rice cake with vegetable pickles normally associated with the Hokkien culinary culture in Singapore. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015.) (b) The kuay chup, another Hokkien-inspired rice noodle usually consumed with stewed bean-curds, egg and pig intestines. (Photo from author’s collection.) (c) The chai tow kueh, a Hokkien-style fried car- rot cake that has become the mainstay of Singaporean Chinese meals in hawker centres and food courts. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015.) (d) This is an outdoor alfresco dining area popular with Singaporeans at the Marina Bay area. The Hokkien Mee has become a mainstay of Chinese-originated cuisines in Singapore with a local Southeast Asian Nanyang innovation of belacan chilli normally used in Malay or Peranakan cooking. This is a good example of cosmopolitanism amongst the Chinese in Singapore. (Photo from author’s collec- tion, dated 24 April 2015)

New migrants. Different groups of Chinese-speaking societies have contributed to the wide variety of Chinese cuisines on Singaporean dinner tables. With the arrival of Hong Kong immigrants before and after 1997, Hong Kong’s popular cultural culinary dishes also entered Singaporean 2 FOOD VESSELS: A BRIEF HISTORICAL SURVEY OF CERAMICS USE… 15

Fig. 2.6 (a) The Teochew bak chor mee, a popular noodle dish with Singaporeans. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015.) (b) A Teochew seafood fish maw dish in clay pot. (Photo from author’s collection, dated 24 April 2015.) (c) The soon kueh, a popular breakfast and snack item. (Photo from author’s col- lection, dated 24 April 2015)

Fig. 2.7 The above photos show typical Cantonese food items found on Singapore Chinese dinner tables. (Dated 24 April 2015.) (a) Cantonese egg tarts. A popular item in dim sum experiences in Singapore. (Photo dated 24 April 2015.) (b) Cantonese chee cheong fun rice rolls—now a popular Singaporean breakfast dish. (Photo dated 24 April 2015) food courts and eating spaces. An example is the popular Hong Kong-­ style dessert or tongshui culture found in the shopping malls of Singapore. Besides local interpretations of Chinese foods and imported Hong Kong street food, the Singaporean Chinese community also developed its own indigenous culinary culture. The Lo Hei dish eaten by Singaporeans while uttering the festive greeting of “Huat Ah! (To prosper!)” is a good exam- ple of a with a Singaporean identity (Figs. 2.8 and 2.9). 16 T. W. LIM

Fig. 2.8 (a) The Lo Hei salad-like dish eaten in Singapore and Malaysia during the Lunar New Year (LNY). Added into the mixture of vegetable-based ingredi- ents is smoked salmon or raw fish meat. (Photo dated 24 April 2015.) b( ) The tradition of eating Lunar New Year titbits and snacks is retained in Singapore. Such practices also include indigenous elements such as having local confectionary such as spicy prawn rolls. (Photo dated 24 April 2015)

Fig. 2.9 Examples of recent arrivals of Northeastern Chinese dishes (dongbei cai) that have delighted Singaporeans at their dinner tables. (Photo dated 24 April 2015.) (a) Tudoushi potato strips, a characteristic Northeastern Chinese dish which has appeared in eateries run by new Chinese migrants are gaining some acceptance amongst Singaporeans willing to try new cuisines. (Photo dated 24 April 2015.) (b) The shouzhuayangrou hand-held grilled lamb ribs are also charac- teristic of Sichuanese cuisine and found on the Northeastern Chinese (dongbei) table; another relatively new cuisine dish introduced by chefs and restaurateurs who are amongst the new Chinese migrants making inroads into the culinary cul- ture of Singaporeans. Their businesses are supported by new Chinese migrant customers as well as local Singaporeans alike. (Photo dated 24 April 2015) 2 FOOD VESSELS: A BRIEF HISTORICAL SURVEY OF CERAMICS USE… 17

Literature Review Very few academic books have been written on the subject of the meal table and its utensils. Some anthropologists have attempted to analyse the cultural and religious signifiers of different dishes, while others look into the ethnographies of food cultures. One of the most important books that analyses the ethnography of the dining table, instead of only focusing on the food consumption, was written by Alice Yen Ho and published by Oxford University Press in 1995. It is an excellent portrayal of Southeast Asian kitchen spaces, cooking methodologies and religious rituals. This writing follows her excellent tradition of examining the various rituals, activities and lifestyle habits of diners. Instead of the dining table and cooking spaces, this writing looks specifically at the utensils used with a special focus on porcelains, ceramics and potteries or fired clay in serving Chinese food in the context of Singapore. The project completion occurs in the year when the Singapore government is trying to list hawker food as part of world heritage. While hawker food is the subject of popular analysis and interpretation, the humble vessels that serve them are often marginalized from study. This writing attempts to address this gap. Another fascinating book studies food from the world historical theme of empires is Empires of Food written by Evan D.G. Fraser and Andrew Rimas. Compared to Alice Ho’s publication which is regionally focused on Southeast Asia, Fraser and Rimas prefers to examine the theme of food from a macro historical point of view. Both publications, however, use world historical paradigms to examine world regions to highlight the diversity of regional and sub-regional cultures. Instead of mere commodi- ties, food becomes the raison d’être of the rise and ebb of world empires. All the analytical perspectives as well as case studies are large scale. Agricultural reforms and revolutions, famines, environmental degradation affecting food supply are skilfully woven into the story of food supply and other activities that affect human survival. Just like how food cultures is a perspective of world historical trends and can account for the rise and fall of a civilization, the tools that are used to hold the same food also reflects the same socioeconomic-political forces that make and break civilization, states, societies and peoples. The material used to make the food vessels, technology needed to fire those vessels and the labour costs and intricate- ness needed to create the designs on the vessels are all reflective of the strength of a civilization or the level of economic development of a society. A multi-ethnic, multi-cultural and multi-civilizational cosmopolitan mixed 18 T. W. LIM use of vessels from different cultures in culinary habits and daily lifestyles in the great trading cities of the world also reflects the importance of trans- national trade in those port cities and trading centres/nodes in the world. Also written on a macro perspective of food culture but focusing on Chinese cuisines, David Y.H. Wu’s edited volume is an account of the proliferation of Chinese cuisine in the world. It is an important account of the globalization of a culinary culture parallel to migration patterns and diasporic expansion. While food culture was analysed in depth, the vessels used to hold the food was cursorily mentioned and this was understand- able as it is not the volume’s main focus. For example, some writers in the volume, like Naomichi Ishige, noted that beef pot with its Meat and Potato stew was popularized in the early Meiji Period with the importa- tion of Western culinary equipment for cooking and serving.4 This volume hopes to complement the writings of Wu, Fraser and Rimas by looking at the porcelain used in serving the food through a multi-dialect group set- ting like Singapore. One of Ulrica Soderlind’s seminal works is The Nobel Banquets which is a fascinating look into the food and serving methodologies of one of the most prestigious award ceremonies in the world. It is truly a comprehensive account of food cultures, with anecdotes and historical surveys on the food served but also the other important aspects like the serving instruments, the rituals found in such banquets, the diplomatic protocol and the politics behind the food choices. The details are so intricate that the volume analy- ses the significance of napkins and tablecloths and details how fork, knives and spoons found their way into the Swedish dinner table. The material of silver used to make those instruments are also given detailed historical treatment, making this one of the most fascinating, comprehensive and interesting volume on food culture centred surgically on a globally impor- tant dining experience of the Nobel Banquets written over a period of 100 years. While this writing is not a micro study like Soderlind’s publica- tion, it aims to learn from the delicate sophistication of Soderlind’s writing and analysis when it comes to analysing the silverware and serving vessels of the Nobel banquet. It may not cover as much depth as Soderlind’s case study and subject matter but makes up for depth with the width of multi- dialect analyses of serving vessels in Singapore’s Chinese community.

4 Ishige, Naomichi, “Introduction of Chinese Cuisine to Japan during the Twentieth Century” in Overseas March: How the Chinese Cuisine Spread? edited by David Y.H. Wu (Taiwan: Foundation of Chinese Dietary Culture), 2011, p. 16. 2 FOOD VESSELS: A BRIEF HISTORICAL SURVEY OF CERAMICS USE… 19

This writing also uses information from non-academic writings. Popular as well as trade professional writings are a good source of information on popular perception and foodies’ perspectives of culinary culture. Malaysian food critics have also written on their interpretations of ceramic use in Malaysian cooking, which share many similarities with their Singapore counterparts. Both Singapore and Malaysia have a variety of Chinese dia- lect groups. Cantonese culinary culture is well-known for its dim sum dishes. Due to the individually served dim sum dishes, the serving vessels tend to be smaller size than the typical communal eating porcelains found in food courts, restaurants and other kinds of eateries. The Cantonese also have a double boil medicinal soup culture, thus they often make use of porcelain soup bowls and jarlets which have depth and thick body to keep the warm during serving. Double boiling over slow fire is believed to tease out the optimal taste of the ingredients (Fig. 2.10).

Fig. 2.10 Cantonese culinary culture is well-known for its dim sum dishes. Due to the individually served dim sum dishes, the serving vessels tend to be of smaller size than the typical communal eating porcelains found in food courts, restaurants and other kinds of eateries. Or they are directly served using bamboo steamers. (Photo taken on 29 November 2018) 20 T. W. LIM

Fig. 2.11 cuisines served individually on small plates with an accent on variety and diversity

Hokkiens have a number of stew dishes so their serving bowls tend to have some depth and are not flat like the ones used for serving Cantonese roast meats. The Teochews who are the second largest dialect group in Singapore after the Hokkiens tend to have multiple serving dishes when it comes to their well-known porridge. The different dishes are small, as the Teochews go for diversity and variety of dishes rather than emphasize the size of those servings. The Peranakans use their own Jingdezhen famille en rose tableware when serving traditional dishes from their culture. Many of their porcelains carry the design of phoenixes and peony flowers, both of which often symbolize Empress Dowager Cixi of the late Qing dynasty (Fig. 2.11). Besides dialect group differentiation, the next chapter will discuss the diversity in material cultures when it comes to constructing food vessels. Both traditional and modern materials used for constructing food vessels will be analysed.

Bibliography Ishige, Naomichi, “Introduction of Chinese Cuisine to Japan during the Twentieth Century” in Overseas March: How the Chinese Cuisine Spread? edited by David Y.H. Wu (Taiwan: Foundation of Chinese Dietary Culture), 2011, p. 16. Lim, Tai Wei, “The Chinese Community: Huashe and its Contributions” in Singapore-China Relations 50 years edited by Zheng Yongnian and Lye Liang Fook (Singapore: National University of Singapore East Asian Institute), 2016, pp. 201–226. Singapore Infopedia, “Yusheng” dated 2015 in the National Library Board web- site [downloaded on 12 February 2015], available at http://eresources.nlb. gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_177__2009-01-08.html. CHAPTER 3

Diversity in Southeast Asian Serving Vessels

Abstract This chapter looks at the different materials used for making food-serving wares in Southeast Asia (including Singapore). They range from traditional and primitive (but also eco-friendly vegetation and plants) to plastic, cast iron/stainless steel and porcelain. The chapter also explains how the different qualities of food and the way they are prepared sometimes determines the kind of vessel used to hold the cooked food products.

Keywords Porcelain • Clay • Plastic hawker

Introduction This volume was a five-year project from 2014 to 2019. I visited many ceramics distributors and smaller retailers that supply kopitiams, hawkers and restaurants. In these locations, I collected images using my digital camera and classified them according to dates and genres. I also had infor- mal conversations and dialogues with large numbers of porcelain, antique and pottery collectors who have been feeling, touching and authenticating old porcelain pieces for years. For secondary online resources, I have also tapped into websites like Gotheburg.com with its vast curated textual mate- rials, authentication information and images. I also visited museums to study ethnographic materials and excavation sites to examine shards. In terms of experiential research, from 2014 to 2019, I visited the vast majority of hawker centres and to a certain extent, food courts and some

© The Author(s) 2019 21 T. W. Lim, The Indigenization and Hybridization of Food Cultures in Singapore, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8695-4_3 22 T. W. LIM eateries and restaurants for research. During these observation studies, I carried out informal conversations with hawkers, food stall owners, food court stall employees and restaurateurs. I also hiked the civic district and other outlying areas of Singapore to search for older school hawker cen- tres (including those with cast iron skeleton structures, daipaidong-style open air roadside eateries, the remaining mall-embedded hawker centre, etc.) to learn how aging hawkers serve their foods. I also covered some ranking hotels to study how they re-introduce the elements of nostalgia, hipster fashions and retro trends into Singapore’s food culture. I examine secondary literatures, food blogs and trade professional as well as academic resources for secondary literature review and interpretive work. Utilitarian functionality. Regardless of traditional Chinese Singaporean fares or new culinary cultures introduced by new migrants, ethnic Chinese Singaporean food all require materials, mediums and physical platforms for serving the customer. Perhaps one of the most recognizable medium and the focus in this chapter are the porcelain wares as well as other types of ceramics and potteries (with references to traditional materials used for serving food in Southeast Asia). While utilitarian pottery wares were func- tional and well used by consumers of hawker food in Singapore, ceramics was by no means the only medium used to serve food. There were other traditional indigenous Southeast Asian material like banana leaves which were environmentally friendly and biodegradable. Aesthetically, they were pleasing to the eye, especially when serving Southeast Asian cuisines like red coloured chilli fishcakes. The banana leaf wrapping seems to add fra- grance to traditional local dishes like Nasi Lemak coconut rice which is already flavoured with coconut paste. The leaves are plentiful and easily found in Southeast Asia and they have a layer of wax that prevents sauces from the food from soaking through. Waxed paper. Another age old material used to serve food is waxed paper. Convenient and easy to use, the hawkers simply wrap the food inside the waxed paper which can withstand wet sauces without them soaking through. The waxed paper is then folded and tied up with a rub- ber band. They are so convenient that some hawkers use them to serve customers who are eating onsite in addition to takeaway customers. The waxed paper sometimes has the extra quality of drawing oil from the food, but not to excessive amounts such that they damage the wrapping when there is a soak-through. Waxed paper also invokes a sense of nostalgia for a time when plastic sheets and wrappings were not easily available. When eating from waxed paper, some Singaporean consumers hark back to the 3 DIVERSITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN SERVING VESSELS 23 nation-building days of scarcity. They are also environmentally friendly and biodegradable. Waxed paper sometimes also has the advantage of holding its contents in place when folded in a certain manner unlike plastic boxes where irregularly shaped objects may slide around the plastic box. Plastic revolution. The plastic revolution of the 1960s and 1970s introduced plastic utensils and disposable clear plastic wares and Styrofoam wares to Singapore eateries. They were highly convenient since these plas- tic wares were disposable and labour-saving. There was a reduced need to wash the utensils after the customers are done with their meals. There is also a perception that since the plastic is used only by one customer and not reused again, it promotes public hygiene. Other hawkers used non-­ disposable plastic wares for serving food. These plastic wares are light and can be carried easily by servers. They are also hardy and less brittle like porcelain; therefore, the plastic wares are better able to withstand frequent use. In the 1970s and 1980s, consumers also became concerned with the lead used in the glazes and designs on porcelains, especially brightly coloured ones such as the Guangcai porcelain wares that were popular amongst locals and tourists. Due to this reason, large shipments of Chinese-made lead glazed porcelains were seized by Hong Kong custom authorities and prevented from exportation in the 1980s and 1990s. Lead is toxic and can interfere with normal bodily functions and, when children are exposed to them, they may develop cognitive disorders. Thus, plastic was perceived as a better alternative, although plastic leaching from long use later became another source of concern. Eventually innovative porcelain manufacturers developed lead-free porcelains and glazes to assuage consumer fears. Plastic wares are sometimes colour coded or marked with hawker stall numbers to differentiate between owners. The flip side of plastic wares is that not all are biodegradable and therefore contribute to the large plastic floating masses in the oceans. The oceans are expected to have more plastic than fishes in the near future. Some plastic wares are also vulnerable to leaching, where the protective surface layer of the plastic wares may be scraped off through frequent use and leach carcinogenic substances into the food. The same quality of having bits scrapped off from frequent use also makes the designs on the plastic wares fade away after some time. This is the same case for over-glazed ceramics, but not the under-glazed ones, where the designs are protected by an additional layer of transparent slip glaze. Iron and steel and other metallic wares. Cast iron pot and plates as well as stainless steel serving trays are also alternatives to porcelain and pottery 24 T. W. LIM wares when serving food to the customers. They have the advantage of keeping the food hot and sizzling. Aesthetically, it presents a picture of hot simmering meat and vegetables that make up the dish. The cast iron mate- rial apparently retains heat so it keeps the food warm, something older generations of Singaporeans prefer. This is also a cooking methodology for Japanese food as well, since there is category of nihon ryouri that uses cast iron extensively to simmer and keep the meat warm. Iron can rust and so it is considered biodegradable and they are also recyclable, making slags out of them. Stainless steel is a much more contemporary material that is impervious to rust, making them useful for surgical equipment and food containers (hygienic quality). Stainless steel can also be easily used for constant con- tact with water without fear of rust. Another advantage of using stainless steel wares is that they can be directly placed into the steaming chamber to steam food (e.g. like the Teochew steamed fish dish). Thus, they are often used for making vacuum flasks that are found in some kopitiam coffee shops. An older form of iron utensils is the enamel ware where iron is coated with a layer of ceramics to make them waterproof and to protect the metallic components. These enamel wares can be placed directly on stoves to heat up the contents inside the wares. Both stainless steel and plastic components were later used to make vacuum flasks that can keep the contents warm or cold by containing and maintaining the tempera- tures of the food at a certain level. Besides reusable metallic ware, the disposable aluminium foil also has the quality of conducting heat, allowing contents to be steamed directly. Glassware. Besides porcelains and potteries, the other brittle medium is glass. The advantage of eating from glass wares is that it is transparent and so aesthetically pleasing, allowing consumers a clear look at the con- tents of their food. They are useful for serving , as one can see the ingredients of those desserts at the bottom of the glass bowl. Reinforced glass can also be sturdier than porcelain or ceramics. Glass ware is also seen to be hygienic, as stains can be washed off easily and cleanly from the wares themselves. Glass ware, especially reinforced glass that can withstand wear and tear, do not chip or develop hairline cracks so easily. Traditions, obsolescence and nostalgic revival. Grateful to an anony- mous reviewer’s suggestion to discuss food-serving vessels that are no lon- ger in use, the author examined some materials that have disappeared or are receding from Singapore’s food scene. For various reasons such as issues of hygiene, aesthetics, fashion and supply chain, some old school traditional food-holding vessels could not survive. Collecting information 3 DIVERSITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN SERVING VESSELS 25 on such disappearing food vessels or serving materials required the use of historical tools, including unstructured oral historical interviews. Including information on disappearing food vessels and serving materials is useful for food practitioners and scholars interested in the rich history of Singaporean food cultures. Therefore, this section features both obsolete practices of food-holding vessels as well as traditional non-porcelain utensils used to serve food that would have disappeared from the food consumption scene without old school holdouts amongst old-timer hawkers and food retailers. These materials are now enjoying a comeback and revival thanks to a wave of nostalgia for retro lifestyle products amongst Singaporeans who grew up in an age of prosperity (post-1980s). Nostalgic Singaporeans from the nation-building generation as well as fashion-conscious younger hip- sters (Generation Y and the millennials) are also driving the demand for such lifestyle products. Searching for disappeared food-holding vessels is not easy as memories fade away, but the material nature of these vessels meant they can still be retrieved for study as artefacts from various sources, including museum/archival visits, acquiring old stocks from retailers, buy- ing old items from yard sales organized by restaurants that have closed down. Some examples of these old school food vessels are illustrated below.

Materials/Food Vessels That Are No Longer Found (Or Disappearing) in Use in Singapore Sometimes, the tofu would be served on the dinner table by simply unstitching the leaves, or it would be fried, boiled, sautéed, steamed or roasted then served on the leaves. The family of Simpur Ayer is inciden- tally the national flower of Brunei (Photos taken on 27 August 2017). The resilience and efflorescence of the plant and flower are also part of the reason why the flower is chosen as a national symbol for the Sultanate of Brunei Darussalam. The author is also a member of some hiking groups, and elderly nation-building generation Singaporeans of these hiking groups sometimes recall nostalgically the Simpur Ayer tofu holders when they hike through the secondary tropical forests or park corridors in Singapore (Figs. 3.1, 3.2, 3.3, 3.4, 3.5 and 3.6). The following section looks at traditional materials used to serve food that were disappearing and being phased out by newer versatile materials. However, their use had been retained by old school advocates, diehard traditionalists, fashionable food hipsters and booming nostalgia for retro lifestyle products. 26 T. W. LIM

Fig. 3.1 Simpur Ayer (also spelt Simpoh Ayer or Simpoh Ayer) is a durable plant from the tropics, able to colonize a large area quickly if the conditions are right and found extensively throughout Southeast Asia. The photo on the left shows its exploded figs scattering seeds around its perimeter, while the photo on the right shows its bright yellow flower in full bloom. Its waxy texture makes the leaves waterproof and their sturdy nature made them suitable as wrapping and serving materials. In the past, hawkers selling tofu would wrap it with Simpur Ayer leaves and then stitch the leaves together using wooden picks. When the author was younger, his grandmother often brought him to Chinatown to buy such stitched leaf tofu from street vendors

Fig. 3.2 The above photos feature a traditional Teochew confectionary snack. It is wrapped within a translucent paper (normally waxed, tracing, baking or rice paper) that has another wood pulp paper outer layer. Both the traditional confec- tionary as well as the double -layer paper wrappings are not commonly found anymore. They are sometimes served on the coffee table by simply opening up the wrappings. (Photos taken on 20 February 2017) 3 DIVERSITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN SERVING VESSELS 27

Fig. 3.3 An old school recipe, the Paper Chicken dish. Chicken pieces are sautéed, fried and then baked in paper, together with ingredients like Chinese rice wine, sugar and other condiments. They are then served to the customers still wrapped in paper which hold the cooked chicken bits together with its sauces/juices. Two original paper chicken restaurants survived through the ages, with the second-last restaurant ending its long run (more than half a century) in 2017. The author participated in the restaurant owner’s yard sale and managed to acquire some historical items of interest for this research. (Photos taken on 31 August 2016)

Fig. 3.4 While Chinese porcelains are still used as food-serving vessels, a distinc- tive class of Kitchen Qing porcelains are no longer found. Kitchen Qing porcelains are now sought after by antique collectors. They typically have a sturdy construction, somewhat rough by Jingdezhen standards, display amorphous hand-drawn designs. These were the common porcelain pieces used by the working class in the late Qing dynasty. They were mostly made in (or shipped through) Swatow (Shantou) and other parts of Teochew (Chaozhou). (Photos taken on 3 September 2016) 28 T. W. LIM

Fig. 3.5 The old school Hainanese steamboat is also a dying tradition. As far as the author is aware, there is only one restaurant serving this kind of steamboat. Many youngsters now prefer to patronize Chongqing/Sichuan yingyang hotpot, fashionable Chinese Haidilao hotpot, Japanese Shabu Shabu, Korean Mongolian BBQ + Hotpot or the Hong Kong-style Dabinlou hotpot instead of this old school local tradition. The Hainanese steamboat enables patrons to scoop their food directly from the “boat” area. In the past, coal bits were used as fuel to boil the steamboat instead of natural gas which is more environmentally friendly. The soup stock is a well-kept secret and the steamboat is usually consumed with Hainanese chicken rice. (Photos taken on 7 May 2017)

Fig. 3.6 The Tutu steamed cake kueh is a uniquely Singaporean snack/confec- tionary. It is typically stuffed with coconut or peanut fillings. Modern versions of the tutu steamed cake also feature other kinds of fillings. It is one of the last few Singaporean foods served directly on fragrant Pandan leaves. The Tutu steamed cakes are now produced only by a small handful of vendors and remains a nostalgic snack for many Singaporeans, including the author. (Photo taken on 24 July 2016) 3 DIVERSITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN SERVING VESSELS 29

Traditional Non-porcelain Utensils Used to Serve Food Pottery use. Finally, pottery is another traditional medium humans use to serve food. Perhaps fired clay can also be considered one of the oldest forms of food-serving vessels. This had been true since the Neolithic times when humans learnt how to fashion utensils by baking mud, clay and earth to hardness. Pottery that was fired at low temperatures like 800 to 1000 degrees Celsius tends to have a semi-porous body. The earthenware qual- ity of semi-porous surface apparently facilitates absorption of flavour and taste over time. A good example is the Yixing mud teapot. It is believed that the mud teapot’s surface actually gets flavoured by the tea over time, when the teapot is repeatedly used. There are even auctions that sell such teapots at exorbitant prices. In the case of traditional Teochew-style pep- pery “white or clear soup” Bak Kut Teh (peppery pork rib soup with herbs), the Teochew mud teapot are repeatedly over time that the inside of the teapot sometimes turn black or dark from use. Bak Kut Teh aficio- nados or advanced level foodies understand the value of such teapots. This quality applies to clay pots as well. Well-used clay pots with blackened undersides are believed to be seasoned and flavoured well. Hard-core foodies love the rice crusts that form at the bottom of the clay pot and dig them out vigorously to savour the crunchy bits or pour tea over them for clay pot rice, ochatzuke (rice immersed in tea water) (Figs. 3.7, 3.8, 3.9, 3.10, 3.11, 3.12, 3.13, 3.14, 3.15, 3.16, 3.17, and 3.18).

Fig. 3.7 (a) Thai spicy fishcakes served on banana leave at the hawker centre. (Photo taken on 4 November 2017.) (b) Sometimes, the best things in life are still the simplest. The nasi lemak coconut rice wrapped in banana leaf is still a mainstay of Singapore breakfast. Affordable environmentally friendly packaging. (Photo taken on 12 November 2019) 30 T. W. LIM

Fig. 3.8 (a) Indian dish, Nasi Briyani, is eaten in a traditional way with hands off a banana leaf. Plastics that can be easily shaped and coloured would recreate the flat spatial layout of a banana leaf. b( ) From tradition to modernity. Plastic Styrofoam used at the hawker centre for serving food. (Photo taken on 30 October 2015)

Fig. 3.9 (a) Another traditional serving medium at the hawker centre is waxed paper. Convenient for take-outs, they can be fastened with a rubber band. Some hawkers also serve their food on the waxed paper so that they are thrown away conveniently when the customers are done with their meals. (Photo taken on 12 September 2017.) (b) I have also spotted hybrid traditional-modern serving mate- rials used by hawker stalls. For example, this hawker served his steamed dumplings on plastic Styrofoam lightweight plates, while placing his fried dumplings on a traditional waxed paper placed onto a plastic plate. The waxed paper apparently can soak up more oil dripping out from the fried dumpling. (Photo taken on 23 April 2017) 3 DIVERSITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN SERVING VESSELS 31

Fig. 3.10 (a) Another example of hybrid use of modern and traditional materials for serving. The waxed paper allows the consumers to eat the bread freely with a wide space for catching falling bread crumbs. The plastic container holds the curry in place as a sauce for bread-dipping. Again, the waxed paper catches curry drips from the bread after it is soaked in the curry. (Photo taken on 24 April 2017.) (b) As the paper is waxed, there is no fear of the sauces and gravy soaking through the paper. Thus, foods that are immersed in thick dripped sauces are served directly on the wax paper placed on top of a plastic tray. (Photo taken on 20 May 2017)

Fig. 3.11 (a) Hybrid use of traditional materials comes in many configurations. The grilled otah fishcake is presented in the photo with banana leaves placed on cast iron hot plate which is separated from the table by a wooden platter to prevent the hot plate from damaging the table surface. In this case, there are specific purposes in utilization of materials for aesthetics and utilitarian reasons. (Photo taken on 21 January 2019.) (b) Interestingly, this hawker stall serves zhui kueh using waxed paper by simply folding it skilfully. The customer simply opens up the packaging and it is ready to eat at the hawker centre. (Photo taken on 21 February 2019) 32 T. W. LIM

Fig. 3.12 (a) Another popular serving medium used by hawkers and kopitiam chefs is the cast iron hot plate. Tofu simmers on top of a layer of semi-liquid egg omelette. (Photo taken on 8 October 2016.) (b) A new migrant dish, the mala xiangguo, is served stir-fried in a stainless steel wok, just like how it is done in Sichuan. (Photo taken on 6 December 2014)

Fig. 3.13 Similarly, stainless steel serving utensils are used in the duojiao yutou dish. (Photo taken on 7 March 2015.) The need to keep the dish heated is one consideration for using stainless steel serving equipment

In health-conscious contemporary Singapore, old school affinities for well-used earthenware are slowly dissipating. Younger generations of health-conscious Singaporeans (including yoga practitioners, gym rats, hipsters, ethically conscious vegetarians, etc.) no longer subscribe to eating blackened rice crusts (perceived fears of carcinogenic con- tents) or drink from well-used mud teapot (fear of bacterial infections or infestations). Aesthetically, for consumers used to symmetry, lustrous shiny surface, uniform white bone china colours and perfect finishing, earthenware are less attractive than their classy bone china or porcelain Fig. 3.14 (a) Besides leaves, waxed papers and porcelain, another genre of tradi- tional serving vessels are those made of cast iron. Popular in Japan as a cooking utensil due to their ability to retain heat, they are sometimes used for local dishes for the same reason, for example, to keep stir-fried tofu simmering with egg base or keeping Malaysian-style dried bak kut teh dishes warm. The meat is simmered in the pot while being flavoured by dried salted fish. Cast iron hotplates are an alternative to clay pot in keeping contents hot and simmering when they are served. (Photo taken on 8 March 2019.) (b) Besides cast iron plates, stainless steel plates are also useful for serving food such as steamed fish. These stainless steel plates are placed into the steaming chamber and then served directly to the customer. It is popular with Teochew steamed fish cuisines, usually consisting of a carefully sliced fish with open stomach lying on the plate and flavoured with light soy sauce, spring onions and sometimes with a sour plum. (Photo taken on 16 March 2018.) The author has seen the same form of presentation used for steamed frogs in Hong Kong

Fig. 3.15 (a) Enamel ware used by some hawkers in the past to boil water for mak- ing coffee or tea. This particular piece was made in Czechoslovakia and used in the mid-twentieth century. (Photo taken on 1 May 2018.) In the old days, kopitiam stall vendor used enamel ware to make teh tarik by “pulling” the tea to cool the contents down. (b) A collection of metal wares, mainly vacuum flasks used to keep hot water sometimes found in a kopitiam and two pieces of metallic ware, including a soy sauce kettle and a steamer found in hawker stalls. (Photo taken on 1 January 2018) 34 T. W. LIM

Fig. 3.16 Halal vegetarian mock meat fan choy (Cantonese words meaning rice with side dish) packaged in aluminium foil, a sight common in Singapore’s coffee shops and some hawker centres. Aluminium is an efficient conductor of heat. When placed in the steamer, the fan choy is kept warm this way. (Photo taken on 8 September 2014)

Fig. 3.17 Another variety of glassware mugs (beer mug style) that are typically used for serving sugar cane juice or calamansi drinks. The hawkers would paint their store numbers or colour coding onto the glass ware for easier identification. (Photo taken on 10 March 2018)

cousins. They have a dull shine and chip easier than bone china, espe- cially after frequent use. But cultures like the Japanese have always discovered the charms of wabi and sabi or simplicity, rusticity and a well-worn appearance. This is a form of aesthetics in its own genre. Another aesthetic element is the rustic appearance of earthenware makes them attractive objects for display, espe- cially if the hawker or stall owner wants to convey a sense of nostalgia or a 3 DIVERSITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN SERVING VESSELS 35

Fig. 3.18 (a) Glassware use to serve aiyubing (shaved ice desert with jelly, a dash of lime and aloe vera bits. (Photo taken on 13 December 2014.) (b) Stainless steel metal wares used to steam tutu confectionary made of flour and coconut sap or peanuts for its contents. (Photo taken on 13 December 2014)

Fig. 3.19 (a) A Zhui Kueh hawker simply serves the rice cakes with pickles on a piece of waxed paper. The paper is then discarded after use. This does away with the need to wash plates. (Photo taken on 20 May 2017.) (b) A mid-twen- tieth century Zhui Kueh earthenware cup used to steam the rice cakes. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019) retro image. Clay pot and other earthenware also retain heat, so they do keep the food warm even after serving. Unlike most of their porcelain cousins, earthenware can be heated directly over an open fire and then the cooked food can be served directly to the table. They are also useful for brewing medicinal food products and Cantonese-style slow fire soups (which require the taste and flavour of the ingredients to fully and gradu- ally infuse into the soup itself) (Figs. 3.19, 3.20, 3.21, 3.22, 3.23, 3.24, 3.25, 3.26 and 3.27). 36 T. W. LIM

Fig. 3.20 (a and b) The terracotta pot, clay pot or shabo (in Cantonese) has been in used in China for a long time. They are popularly used for cooking shabofan or clay pot/terracotta pot rice or dried bak kut teh pork rib dishes. In the photo on the right, the clay pot is used to heat up chicken curry before serving it directly to the customer. The pot keeps the contents hot when served to the customer. (Photo taken on 16 November 2017.) When lidded, the pot apparently allows the con- tents to soak up more flavour and aroma. Fired at 800–1000 degrees Celsius, these pots have semi-porous bodies that soak up flavour when they are repeatedly used. The clay pot in the photo on the left taken on 28 October 2017 is used to simmer dried Bak Kut Teh. (Photo taken on 28 October 2017)

Fig. 3.21 (a) A modern version of the clay pot, an earthenware pot that has the same qualities as the clay pot. Its superior feature is that the earthenware pot is more enduring than the shabo terracotta clay pot. It is fired at a higher temperature and the interior has a glazed smoother surface that makes it easier for cleaning. In comparison, when heated directly over fire for a long period of time, the contents tend to blacken and stick to the bottom and sides of the terracotta clay pot. Many have to be disposed after a period of intense use. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019.) (b) Terracotta clay pot rice cooked in semi-porous earthenware that allows flavour to permeate through its contents (in this case, the rice) for a flavourful meal. (Photo taken on 9 December 2017) 3 DIVERSITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN SERVING VESSELS 37

Fig. 3.22 (a) If you are a foodie, you would probably realize the best part of the sabofan dish is probably the crust that forms at the bottom of the clay pot. Old school methods of eating this crust is to dig it out and then soak it in tea, eaten like a form of Japanese ochatzuke (soaked rice in tea). However, contemporary ideas about health, carcinogenic nature of burnt food and also oily fried products have prevented the health-conscious younger generations of Singaporean from con- suming the crust this way. (Photo taken on 14 May 2019.) (b) Some food courts still cook clay pot rice the old school way by using charcoal stove to fire up the clay pots. (Photo taken on 23 March 2014)

Fig. 3.23 (a) The clay pot also allows porridge to be cooked directly over fire and then served directly to customer. It has a handle for the server to carry over to the customer’s table. (Photo taken on 31 December 2016.) (b) The half glazed low- fired earthenware pot that is used to slow brew Cantonese laohuotang soup. The cooking method is based on the principle of long and low fire boiling of multiple herbal ingredients to achieve a fragrant soup where the ingredients, nutrients and flavour are fully integrated with the soup. (Photo taken on 21 November 2014) 38 T. W. LIM

Fig. 3.24 (a) A Teochew mud teapot used extensively by Bak Kut Teh sellers to serve Tieguanyin oolong tea, made of dyed mud clay. (Photo taken on 1 May 2018.) (b) With growing wealth, Singaporean hawkers, kopitiam owners, restau- rant operators and food court operators began to use the more exquisite and expensive Yixing mud teapot rather than the cheaper Teochew imitation. (Photo taken on 31 December 2018.) For connoisseurs, Yixing clay has superior qualities to Teochew clay which tends to be dyed

Fig. 3.25 Another variation of the mud teapot with glazed decorations of a white plum tree that was used in Bak Kut Teh restaurants in the past. This teapot is dated between the 1970s and the 1980s. Like the Teochew mud teapot, it is made of clay that is probably dyed for colours. (Photo taken on 31 December 2016) Fig. 3.26 Bak Kut Teh tieguanyin oolong tea set served at the oldest market cum hawker centre in Singapore. The Teochew mud teapot is so well used that the sprout has sustained damage. The porcelain cups used are a reproduction of the double happiness miner’s bowl design. An assortment of teacups is used by the same store from different periods. Their small size implies these cups are mainly used for consuming strong oolong tea brewed from high quality tieguanyin. (Photos taken on 2 February 2014)

Fig. 3.27 (a) The Bak Kut Teh serving and its use of multiple serving utensils includ- ing low-fired mud teapot, porcelain bowls, plastic plates and stainless steel cup washers and dispensers. (Photo taken on 13 December 2014.) (b) The Teochew mud teapot that is dyed brown colour is combined with a Taiwanese tea set that uses gongdaobei (Justice Cup) paired up with a normal tea cup (chabei). The gongdaobei helps to mix up contents of the tea evenly after it is brewed in the teapot before pouring it into the chabei to serve the guests. Because of the gongdaobei’s function in mixing the contents evenly, it is known as the “justice cup”. (Photo taken on 10 December 2014) 40 T. W. LIM

Late Nineteenth Century to Early Twentieth Century Historically, Chinese food tended to be served on what was known as Kitchen Ching or Kitchen Qing. These wares ranged from crude heavily potted pottery with amorphous patterns to finer blue and white or enamel glazed Jingdezhen porcelain. Because they were made in the Late Qing dynasty period in China, they were named after that reign. The cruder Kitchen Qing wares tended to be made in Guangdong, Fujian and/or Chaozhou (Teochews). Overseas Chinese in Singapore and Malaysia tended to identify provenance according to dialect groups, and hometown ties. When porcelains and potteries were still considered relatively expensive household items, Kitchen Qing were sometimes only used for festive occa- sions (e.g. weddings and reunion dinners). Some of these potteries have become inherited family treasures for the family household. But the hawkers used the cheap cruder versions for their trade. These wares tend to have thick porcelain body, heavily potted, a degree of non-symmetry and deco- rated simply with repetitive, quickly-applied amorphous patterns. Kitchen Qing pieces are now displayed in museums, especially in Malaysia where they are still highly-prized. They have also become subjects of books and discussions in ceramics societies. Classifications and dichotomies. Some publications and narratives tend to dichotomize Chinese food culture in Singapore into Peranakan Straits-­ born Chinese foods (hybridized with Malay and Western elements), Sinkheh (new arrivals, mostly from Southern China) and the most recent new migrant (substantially from Northern China) food cultures. The Straits-born Chinese are widely acknowledged to be the earliest arrivals and indigenized into local cultures at the earliest stages. A number of Peranakans navigated seamlessly between the Straits-born community and the Chinese community at large, including the Chinese entrepreneur elites.1 A prominent member of this community is Dr. Lim Boon Keng (1869–1957), the first Chinese Queen’s Scholar from colonial Singapore. He was unusual in being well-versed with Chinese cultural nuances, espe- cially since the Straits-born Chinese generally have a cosmopolitan lifestyle

1 This short paragraph is derived from my early writing: Lim, Tai Wei, “The Chinese Community: Huashe and its Contributions” in Singapore-China Relations 50 years edited by Zheng Yongnian and Lye Liang Fook (Singapore: National University of Singapore East Asian Institute), 2016, pp. 201–226. 3 DIVERSITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN SERVING VESSELS 41 and outlook, integrating and fusing selected elements of East and West, including British, Malay and Chinese sources of influence. Some Peranakan houses are a cosmopolitan design fusion of Chinese, Asian and European influences. This is how a caption in the “Chinese More or Less” exhibition in Chinese Heritage Centre (CHC) addressed the Baba identity—“… which expressed itself in speech (Malay), food (Chinese and Malay mix), dress (of Malay inspiration) and material culture (Chinese architecture and household utensils given a local inflection) …” Some of the modern and contemporary pieces of Peranakan porcelains were custom made and designed in Jingdezhen and glazed as well as painted in Hong Kong for the Peranakan clientele (Figs. 3.28 and 3.29). The Sinkhehs (new arrivals). While the Peranakans developed a unique culture by hybridizing Malay and Western elements into their cooking and choice of ceramics, the newer arrivals to Singapore were more traditional- ists and used the same kind of porcelain and ceramics ware as their relatives

Fig. 3.28 (a) This is a picture of typical tile designs that have come to be known as Peranakan-style in origins. They are embedded in an old building dating back to 1925. (Author’s own photo collection dated 24 April 2015.) (b) Kueh Lapis, a confectionary that has come to be associated with the Chinese Peranakans in Singapore or the Indonesian Chinese community. (Author’s own photo collection, dated 24 April 2015.) (c) The otah confectionary associated with Peranakan snack and dessert cultures. (Author’s own photo collection.) The more affluent Peranakans in Singapore and Malaysia tend to use a distinct genre of porcelains made in Jingdezheng, but glazed, coloured and enamelled according to custom designs. Wealthier Peranakan used colourful fine porcelain with bright colours and these wares have become priceless, and are sold at auctions, especially those dating back to the Qing dynasty and Republican periods. Phoenix designs were common on these wares; it was a widespread symbolic design representing the Empress Dowager. Some of the more elaborate plates and gaibei (lidded cups) have decorative scallop shell borders 42 T. W. LIM

Fig. 3.29 The Peranakan kamcheng (lidded jar). These ceramics were kept for special occasions for use within affluent families rather than ordinary use at the hawker centres. (Photo taken on 6 December 2017)

and friends back in Singapore. A popular and affordable category of utili- tarian wares were known as the Kitchen Qing. They were mostly blue and white wares, amorphously drawn, mass produced, constituting of tough thick porcelain bodies that can withstand impact, and mainly produced in Southern Chinese kilns. The wealthier Chinese used more colourful and classier ceramics that were finer, whiter, more symmetrical and decorated more meticulously. Many such finer wares come from Jiangxi Jingdezhen China, widely acknowledged as the porcelain capital of the world due to the discovery of kaolinite clay in that area. In other words, porcelain use denoted a class system at work, with the working class Chinese eating off cruder, amorphously drawn ceramics, while the upper middle to upper socioeconomic groups used finer Jingdezhen porcelains for their consumption. Even within the porcelain classifications, price differences and kiln provenance denote another sub-­ class system. Individuals who are less well-off, but still prefer to use porce- lains turn to Swatow wares. Swatow wares are less polished and fine than their Jingdezhen counterparts. Sometimes, they even imitate Jingdezhen wares, for example, the wanshou wujiang series has spawned Swatow imi- tations. Ceramics kitchenware wholesale distributors told the author that such Swatow-made imitation wares were substantially cheaper than origi- nal Jingdezhen porcelains (Figs. 3.30, 3.31, 3.32 and 3.33). Symbolisms. Some of the designs found in Kitchen Qing can still be found in contemporary kitchen wares from China. A reason for their lon- gevity is the sustained use of such designs due to their symbolic value. Chinese consumers valued the traditional or Taoist-inspired designs and 3 DIVERSITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN SERVING VESSELS 43

Fig. 3.30 (a and b) The enamelled double dragon design against a pink chro- mium background punctuated with a traditional cloud collar pattern and bordered by a mandarin-collar stylized design. The print on the bottom of the sauce dish indicates it is made in Jiangxi Jingdezhen around the mid-twentieth century

Fig. 3.31 (a) Late Qing dynasty nineteenth-century kitchen Qing plates that were used to serve food. They come with amorphous blue and white designs of flowers and shrubs. (Photo taken on 6 October 2018.) b( ) In contrast to gaudy and colourful Peranakan wares, wares are standardized mass-manufactured hand-­ drawn designs. In the case of this photo which shows a nineteenth-century Qing dynasty plate, it adopts a blue and white chrysanthemum design and has the owner’s name carved on it. The carved character reads “Cheng”. (Photo taken on 7 September 2019) Fig. 3.32 (a) The flowers and grass (maybe orchid) blue and white amorphous hand-drawn design on an octagonal bowl with thick porcelain body to withstand frequent use by hawkers and customers. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019.) (b) The amorphous double happiness blue and white design Swatow miner’s bowl. It was used by hawkers from the late nineteenth century to the early twentieth cen- tury. Made in large quantities in that era, the bowl is affordable and is known as miner’s bowls because they were frequently used by miners in the canteen during their meal breaks. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019)

Fig. 3.33 (a) The Swatow-made bowls with decorative shrubs and orchids used in the early twentieth century by hawkers and eateries to serve their food. These wares were a lot cheaper than their posh Jingdezhen cousins that tend to be finer, more symmetrical and with a more beautiful shine due to the discovery of high quality kaolinite. (Photo taken on 31 December 2016.) (b) The Shiwan pottery made in Guangdong is a Lingnan folk pottery. Lingnan is a cultural region in China with the Yue language as a marker of its civilization. Used as a chopstick holder by hawkers and hung on pushcarts and wall. Holes at the bottom of the pottery allow water to drip out after the chopsticks are washed. (Photo taken on 29 September 2017) 3 DIVERSITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN SERVING VESSELS 45 symbols that connote prosperity, luck, good health, longevity and other positive symbolisms. An evergreen design that originated from the late Qing/Republican period to contemporary eras is the wanshou wujiang (longevity in English, Ban Siew in Hokkien or Mun Shou in Cantonese) fencai enamel porcelain wares. The wanshou wujiang series is popular due to the auspicious symbolisms of the design. Some of the older pieces are now collected by antique collectors and vintage porcelain buffs. Another auspicious design is the dragon ua (Hokkien word meaning ‘bowl’) or dragon bowls. An important classical design is the octagonal ceramic wares (known as pe’kakua in Hokkien) for serving rice or congee in the mid-­ twentieth century. The smaller shallower versions were used to serve a Chinese dessert known as tao suan in Hokkien which is a sweet yellow bean dish immersed in starchy solution. Another popular symbolic design is the mandarin cloud pattern, some- times known as the “cloud and thunder pattern”, “meander order”, yunwen/leiwen in Chinese or the “meander border”.2 The design consists of stylized repeated angular “S” designs drawn in a pattern that is some- times connected or disconnected. Some collectors have traced this design to the Shang dynasty’s (Neolithic times) pictographic symbols for clouds and thunder which in turn connotes rainwater that has life-force and its ability to sustain abundance in harvest to the peasants and they were first discovered physically etched on Zhou-era bronze wares (c 1050–221 BC) and Han-era cocoon potteries.3 Both the mandarin cloud collar and wan- shou wujiang designs are so popular that they can found on contemporary plastic wares used extensively in hawker centres, food courts, restaurants and even households (Figs. 3.34, 3.35, 3.36 and 3.37). The next chapter will continue with the story of material use into the twentieth century and late modernity and focus on the medium of ceramics, porcelains and pottery in making food vessels for serving Chinese cuisines.

2 Gotheburg.com, “Meander, Cloud and thunder pattern—yunwen or leiwen” undated in the Gotheburg website [downloaded on 1 January 2018], available at http://gotheborg. com/glossary/meander.shtml. 3 Gotheburg.com, “Meander, Cloud and thunder pattern—yunwen or leiwen” undated in the Gotheburg website [downloaded on 1 January 2018], available at http://gotheborg. com/glossary/meander.shtml. 46 T. W. LIM

Fig. 3.34 (a) A vintage enamel sauce dish piece, but without the wanshou wuji- ang textual design. It is hand-drawn and probably dates back to early to mid-­ twentieth century. Yellow is also considered a rarer colour than red, a delight for collectors in Singapore and Malaysia. (Photo taken on 28 October 2019.) (b) The wanshou wujiang plate is used as a combi platter to serve Peranakan otah kuehs to consumers. This genre of porcelains is not only used by the sinkhehs, but also by the Peranakan Chinese as well. While the Jingdezhen-made wanshou wujiang plates are not strictly Straits Chinese wares, their gaudy enamelled aesthetics as well as the old school feel complement the aesthetics of the kuehs (confectionary), often seen a form of cultural heritage in Singapore, Malacca and Penang (or the former Straits Settlements under the British Empire). (Photo taken on 20 January 2018)

Fig. 3.35 (a and b) Some of the earliest mid-twentieth-century examples of wan- shou wujiang porcelains from Jiangxi Jingdezhen. This evergreen design is repro- duced until the contemporary period. (Photo taken on 1 January 2017.) These are transitional wares, as the kilns change their allegiance from the Republican to the Communist government 3 DIVERSITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN SERVING VESSELS 47

Fig. 3.36 (a and b) A mid-twentieth-century (probably around 1950s and 1960s) Y series version of the Jingdezhen wanshou wujiang blue background bowl with mandarin cloud collar. These are some of the early modern mass-manufactured­ products produced by the newly declared People’s Republic of China (PRC)’s state factories. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019)

Fig. 3.37 (a) the Jingdezhen wanshou wujiang series is very popular but they were also costly for the hawker, restaurant owner or even the average consumer. It therefore spawned imitations made by Swatow kilns in Chaozhou. The quality is lower and the painting more amateurish but they were more affordable, especially for hawkers and eateries that needed to replace damaged pieces frequently. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019.) (b) A plastic version of the wanshou wujiang plate. A large platter that is used to mix the ingredients for the indigenous yusheng (raw fish mixed with sweetened salad ingredients). Use of the plate is appropriate, because the design connotes longevity and the colour red symbolizes prosperity. The par- ticipants of the lo hei (Cantonese word for the performance of mixing the ingredi- ents) can then shout “Huat Ah!” (“Let us be blessed with Prosperity!” in the Hokkien language). (Photo taken on 12 February 2016) 48 T. W. LIM

Bibliography Gotheburg.com, “Meander, Cloud and thunder pattern—yunwen or leiwen” undated in the Gotheburg website [downloaded on 1 January 2018], available at http://gotheborg.com/glossary/meander.shtml. Lim, Tai Wei, “The Chinese Community: Huashe and its Contributions” in Singapore-China Relations 50 years edited by Zheng Yongnian and Lye Liang Fook (Singapore: National University of Singapore East Asian Institute), 2016, pp. 201–226. CHAPTER 4

Late Modernity: Food-Serving Vessels Used in the Mid-Twentieth Century

Abstract This chapter focuses on ceramics, porcelain and pottery wares that were used to serve Chinese cuisines. With modernity, ceramic and porcelain kitchen wares evolved accordingly. Porcelain made in the early to mid-twentieth century diversified beyond traditional Chinese designs. Some morphed into chinoiserie designs, incorporating elements of Chinese or mandarin designs and influence from the West. This fostered innovation. Amidst changes taking place, some traditional designs, how- ever, remained unchanged.

Keywords Porcelain • Ceramic • Nostalgic

This chapter focuses on ceramics, porcelain and pottery wares that were used to serve Chinese cuisines. With modernity, ceramics and porcelain kitchen wares evolved accordingly. Porcelain made in the early to mid-­ twentieth century diversified beyond traditional Chinese designs. Some morphed into chinoiserie designs incorporating elements of Chinese or mandarin designs and influence from the West. This fostered innovation. Amidst changes taking place, some traditional designs however remained unchanged. One of the most enduring designs for porcelains in this era were the “keiua” (“chicken bowl” in Hokkien or Fujian language) with the rooster design, typically drawn using black and red glazes. Red was a natural colour for the designs as it symbolized prosperity and auspicious

© The Author(s) 2019 49 T. W. Lim, The Indigenization and Hybridization of Food Cultures in Singapore, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8695-4_4 50 T. W. LIM luck. The first chicken bowls were often in an octagonal shape, heavily potted with a short stand and a thick body that could endure knocks and weather frequent use, thus making them suitable for hawkers to use. Though the bowls were mass produced, artisans who designed them became experts after repetitively drawing such patterns. Consequently, the brush strokes used to draw the chicken appeared natural with long, flow- ing strokes for portraying the feathers of the rooster. Another popular design is that of the chrysanthemum. Chrysanthemum is a popular symbol in Chinese drawings as one of the four flowers of the season representing autumn, the ninth month and symbol of joviality, all noted down in the Zhou-era Book of Rites.1 In fourth-century BC, the Chinese poet, Tao Yuan Ming, rejected a prominent state position to tend to his chrysanthemum plants, indulge in leisure with acquaintances and get intoxicated, and therefore, the chrysanthemum has since stood for smooth retirement and good post-retirement life.2 Practitioners and believers in traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) are also aware that the flower is a herb, thus there are also health and longevity values associated with the flower.3 Hand-drawn and/or printed, the chrysanthemum design can be found on popular ceramic wares used by consumers at hawker centres and eateries (Figs. 4.1, 4.2, 4.3, 4.4, 4.5, 4.6, 4.7, 4.8, 4.9, 4.10 and 4.11). Porcelain and other Western-style utensils. Singaporeans began to consume local food while picking up Western culinary habits like drinking English Ceylon tea dust milk tea as well as coffee (Robusta beans), while consuming Singaporean ethnic Chinese dishes. They were served in paper transfer-printed green flower design coffee cups and saucers. These coffee cups can also be found widely used in kopitiams (local coffee shops in Malaysia and Singapore). Ordering coffee in Singapore and Malaysia is an art form. Local terminologies like “-o-kao” (Singaporean/Malaysian-­ style expresso) are used to order various types of coffee (Figs. 4.12, 4.13, 4.14, 4.15, 4.16 and 4.17).

1 Nilsson, Jan-Erick and Gothenburg.com, “Chrysanthemum” dated 2017 in Gothenburg. com [downloaded on 1 January 2018], available at http://gotheborg.com/glossary/chry- santhemum.shtml. 2 Nilsson, Jan-Erick and Gothenburg.com, “Chrysanthemum” dated 2017 in Gothenburg. com [downloaded on 1 January 2018], available at http://gotheborg.com/glossary/chry- santhemum.shtml. 3 Nilsson, Jan-Erick and Gothenburg.com, “Chrysanthemum” dated 2017 in Gothenburg. com [downloaded on 1 January 2018], available at http://gotheborg.com/glossary/chry- santhemum.shtml. 4 LATE MODERNITY: FOOD-SERVING VESSELS USED… 51

Fig. 4.1 (a) Chicken bowl version, circa 1960s/1970s. The hand-drawn rooster is fatter and the veins of the leaves can be seen clearly. (Photo taken on 31 December 2018.) (b) One of the oldest pieces in the author’s collection dating back probably to the late Republican period. The chicken appears in its fattest form. And unlike later versions, the design has a pair of bats which are homo- phones for the Chinese word for “prosperity”. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019)

Fig. 4.2 (a) Version of the chicken dated probably to the 1990s to 2000s. A much leaner and less detailed drawing, compared to the above. (Photo taken on 6 November 2014.) (b) The hybridized use of a combination of plastic and porce- lain bowls with the rooster design at a Bak Kut Teh setting. (Photo taken on 15 November 2014) 52 T. W. LIM

Fig. 4.3 (a) A modernized plastic version of the chicken bowl with printed designs used to serve bean curd skin by a stall that was a traditional hawker. They are lighter, easier to wash and can be manufactured in large quantities through injection moulding. (Photo taken on 28 October 2017.) (b) Hand-drawn rooster with a much simplified design on plain white bone porcelain. Labour costs have gone up in China and there are fewer artisans manually decorating such bowls for exports to Southeast Asia. Thus, designs were simplified. The banana trees/plants designs are left out. (Photo by author from his collection dated 5 April 2018)

Fig. 4.4 (a) A contemporary version of the rooster bowl (dated around the 1980s), but with the rooster printed instead of hand-drawn. Most wholesalers told the author that only printed wares were available for retail due to the increase in labour costs in China. Artisans had to be paid much higher prices to paint the chicken bowls individually. In addition, younger artisans lost interest in this profes- sion. (Photo taken on 4 April 2019.) (b) In some eateries, the Thai version of the rooster bowl is used. The Thai versions have developed a semi-indigenous style of their own with stylized abstract features. They are popular and kept in use despite the chips and cracks from frequent use (as seen in the picture). This bowl was probably made in the early twenty-first century. (Photo taken on 1 January 2018) Fig. 4.5 A contemporary interpretation of the rooster design with a dispersed design and grass drawing without the banana plant. (Photo taken on 15 February 2015)

Fig. 4.6 (a and b) Chrysanthemum flower series with hand-drawn and hand-­ stamped designs. There are two versions of this design, the round-rimmed version like the ones in the photos and the octagonal-rimmed version. The photo on the left shows the 1950s/1960s version, while the photo on the right shows the 1970s/1980s ver- sion. They were used extensively by hawkers to serve porridge, rice, tow suan (yellow bean starchy dessert) and others. (Photos taken on 7 April 2018 and 31 May 2018)

Fig. 4.7 An early to mid-twentieth-century version of the chrysanthemum blue and white hand-drawn design bowl with crackled glaze. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019.) These bowls were probably made in the kilns found in Chaozhou or Guangdong 54 T. W. LIM

Fig. 4.8 (a and b) Chrysanthemum flower hand-drawn pattern, but with a more detailed depiction of the disc flower and receptacle components of a sunflower. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019)

Fig. 4.9 (a) Another popular design is the onion flower/amorphous design blue and white bowl. This design enjoys continuity in the modern and contemporary periods. In the photo on the right above, it is used to serve street-side Penang-style chendol, a popular dessert. In the past, it was also use for serving bean curd. This design and bowl shape appears to be popularly used for dessert. (Photo taken on 27 April 2017.) (b) The amorphous design drawings have evolved and become simplified over the years. (Photo taken on 1 April 2015) 4 LATE MODERNITY: FOOD-SERVING VESSELS USED… 55

Fig. 4.10 (a) A late nineteenth-century version of the spring onion flower amor- phous design. Usually considered a kitchen Qing ware. (Photo taken on 18 August 2016.) (b) Besides the chicken bowl and the chrysanthemum flower designs, the amorphous spring onion hand-drawn designs are just as popular. They are usually drawn on bowls with some depths and comparatively less curvature. They were typically used by hawkers for serving bean curd in the 1950s to 1970s. (Photo taken on 3 September 2016)

Fig. 4.11 The spring onion flower design bowl used to serve bean curd, a popular use for this genre of porcelain. (Photo taken on 31 December 2015) Fig. 4.12 Because of nostalgia, some hawker centres continue to use the green flower design paper coffee cups. The porcelain body of these cups have become progressively thicker to endure wear and tear from intense use. (Photo taken on 23 April 2017.) Saucers of these coffee cups were used to crack and hold semi-liquid half-boiled egg for mixing with pepper and dark slightly-sweet soy sauce for con- sumption. That custom is slowly dying off as well. Coffee cups started to evolve into mugs with hawker stall names printed on them. Mugs were easier to handle as they do not need a saucer and can hold more than a cup of coffee

Fig. 4.13 (a) Colour coding is used on coffee cups with green flower paper transfer-designs to differentiate between stalls. (Photo taken on 27 November 2014.) (b) The same colour coding scheme is also applied to plastic mugs that imitate beer mugs made of glass. (Photo taken on 26 October 2014) 4 LATE MODERNITY: FOOD-SERVING VESSELS USED… 57

Fig. 4.14 The glass cup which eventually replaced many green flower paper transfer coffee cups/saucers is deep enough for coffee drinkers to dip their yaochakueh into coffee, a very old school style of eating fried fritters. (Photo taken on 1 January 2018)

Fig. 4.15 Regardless of medium use (glass or porcelain), hawkers and kopitiam operators both wash their cups using hot water. For dim sum sellers, some elderly Cantonese clientele still perform the ritual of washing and rolling their cups in hot water in an attempt to sanitize the porcelain for use. (Photo taken on 1 March 2015) 58 T. W. LIM

The 1960s and 1970s

Fig. 4.16 (a and b) Some coffee shops and hawker centres served finer quality wares when mass production took off in Jingdezhen. These were some of the earli- est examples of printed designs on thinner and finer porcelain wares. Thewantong (playful kids) carrying large signs that read fugui huakai (plant in prosperous bloom) featuring large flowers was a popular utensil for serving dishes like stir-fried wet hor fun. Wide and shallow, they allow flat, thin noodles to be scooped up eas- ily. The spacious surface area provides generous space for the spoon to scoop up flat noodles that may fragment if the spoon has to dig vertically deep into the porcelain vessel. In the photo on the right, the trumpet flower, also interpreted alternatively as bunga kangkung, is a very popular design for Chinese export wares from the 1960s to the contemporary period. (Photo taken on 1 April 2015)

The 1970s and 1980s There appears to be differing narratives about how colour-schemed porce- lains are used by Peranakans or non-Peranakans. The non-Peranakan ethnic Chinese in Singapore and Malaysia were known as sinkheh in the past, a Hokkien word that literally meant “new arrivals”. Oral historical legends and myth-making attribute the origins of Peranakans to the Ming dynasty and conceptualized them as descendants of Admiral Zheng He’s (known as “Admiral Cheng Ho” in local parlance in Singapore and Malaysia) crew members who stayed on in Malacca to recuperate from illness and/or to settle down in local communities. Some of them inter-married­ with indig- enous Malay people and developed a hybrid culture known as the Peranakan culture. Thus, the oldest Peranakans may have originated from the Ming 4 LATE MODERNITY: FOOD-SERVING VESSELS USED… 59

Fig. 4.17 (a) Another popular design in the mid- to late twentieth century was the blue flower designs manufactured by Qunli and Liling, a state-owned porcelain factory that produces standardized high quality wares according to strict state standards and controls. The mass-manufactured wares they produced is known to collectors as changhuo (literal translation: factory products). (b) The blue flower design is so popular that some hawker stalls use plastic versions of it. Another advantage of a plastic version of the design is it allows hawkers to write their stall number on it using a permanent marker. (Photo taken on 17 December 2017) dynasty (1364 to 1644). In contrast, the sinkhehs came mainly during the late Qing dynasty (late nineteenth century) to the Republican period (1911 to 1949) in waves to escape from poverty, starvation, revolutions and wars in China. Strictly speaking, the blue and white porcelain wares for Peranakan families were used for funerals and ancestral worship. But for non-Per- anakan families, they were used extensively for serving food (Figs. 4.18, 4.19, 4.20, 4.21, 4.22, 4.23, 4.24, 4.25 and 4.26).

The 1980s and 1990s Appropriation, diversification and innovation. As Singapore became a cosmopolitan city in the economic fast-growth period of the 1970s to the 1990s, the porcelain used took on a globalized flavour with hybrid wares (chinoiserie designs like western plates with cloud patterns) and western printed designs (Figs. 4.27, 4.28 and 4.29). 60 T. W. LIM

Fig. 4.18 (a) The upper intermediate-sized soup bowls often found in hawker centres for noodle dishes like fish ball noodles or Fuzhoubanmian . They have wide open mouths that allow the noodle’s soup to cool off rapidly and for the customer to slurp the noodle quietly with the circumference of the bowl accom- modating the droplets that may fall off the noodles. The blue and white flowery design is an enduring one that dates back to the late Qing/Republican eras. This is the 1980s version of the late Qing version which is hand-drawn. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019.) (b) Also, a similar stamped and stencilled design dating back to the 1990s in the form of a lidded ware usually used to serve Cantonese soup. The lid keeps the soup warm when served. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019)

Fig. 4.19 (a) The Red Ribbon series was popular throughout the 1970s. This particular piece was designed specifically for serving soup. Sometimes, they are also used directly in steamers to cook Cantonese-style pork rib rice dishes. Made of hardy and thick ceramics, they were designed to withstand wear and tear. (Photo taken on 5 April 2018.) (b) Another popular porcelain design is the red ribbon paper transfer wares that were popular from the 1970s onwards. They are unlidded and the open top allows steam to permeate the Chinese watercress soup. These wares used to have gold trimmings along the mouth, but later versions removed them for hygienic reasons. (Photo taken on 9 December 2019) 4 LATE MODERNITY: FOOD-SERVING VESSELS USED… 61

Fig. 4.20 (a) The ribbon series often comes with blue and red colour designs. This serving plate is used to separate the hot soup unlidded pot and the table. This piece was probably made in the 1970s/1980s. (Photo taken on 31 December 2015.) (b) Besides the use of porcelain for serving hot liquid, terracotta pots are also use for brewing thick viscous sauces for noodle dishes like lor mee. (Photo taken on 7 March 2015)

Fig. 4.21 (a) A 1970s/1980s version of the popular trumpet flower design por- celain. The greater depth in the design meant it could hold some form of soupy cuisine for serving. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019.) (b) Another design that was popular throughout the 1970s and 1980s was this flower design porcelain series. Known as labahua (trumpet flower) to Chinese collectors, it is coinedbunga kang- kung (a type of Southeast Asian watercress) by Malays and Peranakans who use these wares. (Photo taken on 6 April 2018) 62 T. W. LIM

Fig. 4.22 (a) The lidded ware tea cups in the photo on the left known as gaibei in Mandarin have become scarcer. The practice of infusing tea in such teacups went out of fashion when simple teabags were made available. Singapore Chinese casual tea drinkers now prefer to diaoyu (literally meaning “angling for fish”), immersing a teabag in a glass of hot water to brew tea. It is rare to see such infusion cups used for tieguanyin oolong for bak kut teh dishes today. (Photo from author’s collection by author, taken on 5 April 2018.) (b) The stencilled blue and white dragon design is an evergreen pattern. (Photo taken on 5 April 2018)

Fig. 4.23 (a and b) The blue carp design is another popular classic design visible from the late Qing period (nineteenth century) to contemporary era. (Photos taken on 17 January 2018.) This particular version is printed and not hand-drawn

The Twenty-First Century The plastic revolution that started in the 1970s resulted in utensil manu- facturers making melamine plastic items for the meal table. Hawker cen- tres and coffee shops utilized these items as they were light, easy to use and did not require constant replacement. These plastic wares copied the 4 LATE MODERNITY: FOOD-SERVING VESSELS USED… 63

Fig. 4.24 (a) A popular blue and white flower (probably peony) coffee cup spoon, it is small enough to stir milk coffee or tea in the green flower paper transfer cups. (Photo taken on 6 April 2018.) (b) Two kinds of retro style designs are used in serving one dish (mushroom chicken soup). The trumpet flower (also known as bunga kangkong) design flat plate with undulating outline is placed underneath a hot non-lidded soup pot with the phoenix design. The owner of this eatery delib- erately used retro 1960s/1970s style utensils to complete their kampong settings. (Photo taken on 7 February 2015)

Fig. 4.25 The same phoenix design, but found on a sauce dish used by hawkers to serve chilli sauce or cut chilli in the mid-twentieth century. (Photo taken on 1 January 2019)

designs of evergreen porcelain glaze colours and patterns (Figs. 4.30, 4.31, 4.32, 4.33, 4.34 and 4.35). Nostalgia for the past. As for the more “common” varieties, they have been lost over the years, as people threw out old pieces and replaced them with modern branded ware, so much so that these have also become col- lectible for nostalgic value. Hipster cafes and joints are also re-using vin- tage wares to serve their foods (Fig. 4.36). 64 T. W. LIM

Fig. 4.26 (a and b) Phoenix stamped motif on a twenty-first-century porcelain Cantonese soup server. (Photo taken on 31 August 2016.) The image on the right shows the variations between different porcelain makers in their designs. This one resembles more of a bird of flight like a goose. (Photo taken on 31 December 2016)

Fig. 4.27 (a) A hawker stall uses this porcelain plate with mandarin-collar pat- tern to serve (thin rice vermicelli-like noodles). The wide area of the plate allows the bee hoon to be spread out and for the hawker to lay the satay sauce evenly round the plate. The mandarin-collar border helps the hawker keep the layering as much as possible within a certain perimeter. (Photo taken on 14 April 2018.) (b) Exquisitely designed non-traditional Chinese porcelain plates were used widely in hawker centres and kopitiam from the 1980s and 1990s. (Photo taken on 31 December 2018) 4 LATE MODERNITY: FOOD-SERVING VESSELS USED… 65

Fig. 4.28 (a) Colourful gaudy printed designs wares were used by hawkers. (Photo taken on 6 January 2018.) (b) Neo-art deco designs were also used by hawkers and kopitiam operators. (Photo taken on 6 January 2018)

Fig. 4.29 (a) A popular flower design dating back to the late 1980s and 1990s. Innovation has taken place, retaining popular flower designs but re-drawing the flowers. (Photo taken on 31 December 2015.) (b) Besides porcelain design changes and new preferences/tastes/fashion trends, some hawker stalls also used plastic bags for packing hawker food before placing them into a paper box. (Photo taken on 7 March 2015) 66 T. W. LIM

Fig. 4.30 (a) Dim sum served on red plastic plates manufactured in Malaysia. The Hoover brand is often found in Malaysia and Singapore. From the 1970s and 1980s onwards, plastic began to challenge porcelain as the preferred serving wares in hawker centres. Plastic is not fragile like porcelain and need not be replaced as frequently as porcelain. (Photo taken on 1 May 2017.) (b) Some twenty-first-­century Malaysian-made plastic wares have textures that resemble porcelain and they come in Orientalist chinoiserie designs with bamboo stalks. (Photo taken on 10 December 2016)

Fig. 4.31 (a) The monochrome white porcelain wares became popularly used as the colours of the cooked food stood out against the white background like oil paint against a blank white canvas. The white wares were also designed with certain food in mind. The stir-fried sambal kangkong vegetables appear striking when con- trasted with its white background. (Photo taken on 1 May 2017.) Some of these white monochrome wares are specially designed with specific width and depth for serving various dishes according to their characteristics. (b) From the 1970s till the contemporary period, some hawkers opt for plastic white wares, but with some aesthetic designs, for example, a plastic bowl served at a popular hawker joint has a traditional cloud collar pattern found traditionally in Ming and Qing enamelled ceramics. (Photo taken on 12 November 2017) 4 LATE MODERNITY: FOOD-SERVING VESSELS USED… 67

Fig. 4.32 (a) Plastic can also be fashioned into various shapes such as a banana leaf to serve Malay Nasi Padang for aesthetics purpose. They are lightweight and can be mass produced easily. (Photo taken on 28 August 2017.) (b) The versatility of plastics allows them to be moulded into various shapes. In this case, this plastic item is used to serve hot noodle soup, allowing the server to carry it by the ears on both sides of the noodle bowl. (Photo taken on 22 January 2017)

Fig. 4.33 Plastic wares can innovate new shapes like this boat-shaped serving utensil for minced meat used by a hawker to serve his food. (Photo taken on 1 June 2018.) Kopitiam coffee shops used to have their names embossed onto plastic wares from the 1980s onwards. But with the appearance of large mass consumption-­ targeted food conglomerates, these large food caterers custom made large numbers of plastic wares with their branding for uniformity and standardization. Some of these plates are custom made to serve the type of food found in the caterers. For example, the chai tow kueh or fried carrot cake above is served in a curved square plate that allows its contents to be spread out and cool down with exposure to cool air. It is also curved so that the contents do not roll out into the table when they are scooped up. Such plastic wares are ergonomically-friendly to use 68 T. W. LIM

Fig. 4.34 (a) Hawkers also use plastic plates with western designs to serve their food. (Photo taken on 7 March 2015.) (b) In some cases, the use of elongated plastic plates fit the cooking methods well, because the hawker would scoop up char kway teow directly from the wok using the plastic plate after the noodles are sufficiently fried with only a slight tinge of burnt taste (the state of wok hei in Cantonese). (Photo taken on 7 May 2015.) This is a variety of char kway teow popularly known as the sweet Hokkien variety

Fig. 4.35 Same principle of the hawker using the lightweight plate to scope up his fried char kway teow. This is the lighter colour Teochew variety of char kway teow. (Photo taken on 13 January 2019)

Element of Nostalgia. The element of nostalgia also runs through this writing. Singaporeans are now harking back to the nation-building days, a much simpler life with rustic eating utensils that have artisanal or handmade components. Decorative displays at hawker centres, food courts and kopitiam coffee shops have started reflecting the sense of nostalgia (Fig. 4.37). 4 LATE MODERNITY: FOOD-SERVING VESSELS USED… 69

Fig. 4.36 (a) Some hawker stalls and kopitiams deliberately use retro porcelain wares with old school chopsticks to re-create the atmosphere and feeling of eating at a hawker stall in the past. (Photo taken on 12 February 2015.) (b) A five-star hotel makes available a large bowl for customers to mix their rojak salad. Traditionally, such bowls were made of earthenware ceramics. In this case, it has been replaced with a wooden bowl that is lighter. (Photo taken on 5 March 2015)

Fig. 4.37 Photo above: some of these enamel wares are used to serve colourful Peranakan kuehs for consumers. In the photo, a well-worn enamel ware, probably made in the 1970s, provides the old school look for the presentation of the kuehs. (Photo taken on 17 April 2018)

The next Part II goes on to analyse the process of indigenization of Japanese and Korean food in Singapore. The reasons for adapting to the local setting and culture in Singapore and localization of products to fit local preferences, tastes and fashion will be discussed. 70 T. W. LIM

Bibliography Fraser, Evan D.G. and Andrew Rimas, Empires of Food (Great Britain: Random Books and Arrow Books), 2011. Gotheburg.com, “Meander, Cloud and thunder pattern—yunwen or leiwen” undated in the Gotheburg website [downloaded on 1 January 2018], available at http://gotheborg.com/glossary/meander.shtml. Ishige, Naomichi, “Introduction of Chinese Cuisine to Japan during the Twentieth Century” in Overseas March: How the Chinese Cuisine Spread? edited by David Y.H. Wu (Taiwan: Foundation of Chinese Dietary Culture), 2011, pp. 13–26. Lim, Tai Wei, “The Chinese Community: Huashe and its Contributions” in Singapore-China Relations 50 years edited by Zheng Yongnian and Lye Liang Fook (Singapore: National University of Singapore East Asian Institute), 2016, pp. 201–226. Nilsson, Jan-Erick and Gothenburg.com, “Chrysanthemum” dated 2017 in Gothenburg.com [downloaded on 1 January 2018], available at http://gothe- borg.com/glossary/chrysanthemum.shtml. Paul, “ Ceramic Ware” dated 12 January 2015 in Malaysian Chinese Kitchen [downloaded on 1 December 2018], available at https:// www.malaysianchinesekitchen.com/malaysian-chinese-ceramic-ware/. Singapore Infopedia, “Yusheng” dated 2015 in the National Library Board web- site [downloaded on 12 February 2015], available at http://eresources.nlb. gov.sg/infopedia/articles/SIP_177__2009-01-08.html. PART II CHAPTER 5

Promoting Singapore-Japan Ties Through the Soft Cultural Power of Food Diplomacy: The Hybridization, Cross-Pollination and Indigenization of Contemporary Japanese Food Culture in Singapore

Abstract Food culture is a form of cultural soft power (if one utilizes a broader definition of the term), encompassing and propagated through non-military, economic and cultural means of influence. It is a form of persuasion without the need to resort to force. While food anthropolo- gists have made inroads into studying the subject matter, political scien- tists and international relations (IR) experts have hardly touched upon the topic at all. When food cultures are termed as authentic, cultural norms in terms of food consumption are reinforced within a community. At the same time, when this food product is exported to other countries, local- ization takes place for achieving greater resonance with local consumers. The original food product may even incorporate local features for more effective marketing and sales. This writing examines the reception of Japanese food culture in Singapore as a form of soft cultural diplomacy through multi-disciplinary historical surveys, observation case studies and area studies perspectives.

This chapter was first published in: Lim, Tai Wei, Merlion And Mt. Fuji, The: 50 Years Of Singapore-Japan Relations (Singapore: World Scientific), 2017.

© The Author(s) 2019 73 T. W. Lim, The Indigenization and Hybridization of Food Cultures in Singapore, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8695-4_5 74 T. W. LIM

Keywords Diplomacy • Japan • Food culture • Soft power • Hybridization • People-to-people exchanges

Introduction. Food culture is a form of cultural soft power (if one utilizes a broader definition of the term), encompassing and propagated through non-military, economic and cultural means of influence. It is a form of persuasion without the need to resort to force. While food anthropolo- gists have made inroads into studying the subject matter, political scien- tists and international relations (IR) experts have hardly touched upon the topic at all. Individual and collective choices/selection of food are by themselves cognitive and emotional decisions driven by nationalistic impulses, ideas of identity and constructed notions of historical traditions mixed with individual preferences. At the national level, food cultures determine the health standards, cultural identities and productivity of a people. Ideas related to nationalism (e.g. self-reliance on food products) can also be used to mobilize people for achieving state goals. Therefore, food culture and its symbolisms can be both a unifying and divisive factor for a society. In terms of unifying factor, the idea of authenticity comes into play. When food cultures are termed as authentic, cultural norms in terms of food consumption are reinforced within a community. The idea of ganso (pioneer, originator, authentic, source) applied in Japanese culinary cul- ture to distinguish the original from the imitator is one example of rein- forcing authenticity. Yet, at the same time, when this food product is exported to other countries, localization takes place for achieving greater resonance with local consumers. The original food product may even incorporate local features for more effective marketing and sales. This writing looks at the reception of Japanese food culture in Singapore as a form of soft cultural diplomacy through multi-disciplinary historical sur- veys, observation case studies and area studies perspectives. Brief contemporary historical background: the political economy of Japanese food consumption in Singapore. Contemporary Japanese popular cultural products are often appreciated for their high quality, cre- ative designs and aesthetics display values. Good designs and quality mer- chandise have come to characterize Japanese lifestyle products. In fact, since the 1990s, some Singaporeans have found Japanese goods, services and lifestyle attractive, including Japanese foods and cuisines. For many middle and working class Singaporeans, one of the earliest examples of 5 PROMOTING SINGAPORE-JAPAN TIES THROUGH THE SOFT CULTURAL… 75 post-war Japanese-style food in Singapore was perhaps the battered fried chicken wings and drumsticks (karaage style) sold at Yaohan shopping mall from the 1970s. The old Yaohan shopping mall located at Plaza Singapura was the first comprehensive Japanese departmental store in Singapore. Singaporeans were able to peer through transparent glass win- dows or yatai open stall designs and watch hygienically uniformed kitchen staff fry chicken meat in commercial deep fryers. It introduced a refresh- ing concept of watching kitchen staff prepare food through the glass win- dow or over the counter in a sequential Taylorist fashion with specially designed tools. Yaohan as the pioneering Japanese mall soon faced competition from the likes of other Japanese departmental stores such as Isetan, Sogo and Takashimaya, but Daimaru was the first competitor to Yaohan that fea- tured more Japanese food options, including more upmarket culinary items. When Daimaru opened up in the 1980s, gourmet Japanese food arrived in Singapore for the first time in a mall concept. Sushi, , soba and other common Japanese foods that Singaporeans enjoy today were still considered expensive for middle-class Singaporeans but, over the years, they infiltrated mainstream consumers, facilitated by high-speed economic development in Singapore in the 1980s and the increasing affordability of common Japanese foods like sushi, soba noodles, udon and teriyaki chicken. Due to various factors, Daimaru eventually disap- peared from the Singaporean retail scene, along with Yaohan, Sogo and Seibu. Isetan and Takashimaya are the only comprehensive Japanese departmental stores left standing in Singapore’s retail scene. The former site of Daimaru supermarket is now occupied by a new tenant which is also a major Japanese supermarket chain. In some ways, the legacy of Japanese food lives on, as the supermarket continues to sell innovative Japanese products and some of them are featured below (Fig. 5.1). Over the years, besides the entry of mainstream foods into Singaporeans’ dietary habits, Japanese culinary influence is also visible in Singapore’s fast food scene. Sometimes, these fast food dishes are also known as “comfort foods” or “B-grade” gourmet foods. Some examples include deep-fried, taro-stuffed turnovers at Burger King, the Teppan-yaki Chicken McGrill at McDonald’s (teriyaki-marinated grilled chicken meat on a hot plate and then sandwiched between two standardized buns).1 In the twenty-first

1 Shah, Khushbu, “Exploring the Global Influences of Singapore’s Fast-Food Culture” dated 2 August 2013 in First We Feast website [downloaded on 1 January 2017], available at https://firstwefeast.com/eat/2013/08/singapore-fast-food-culture/. 76 T. W. LIM

Fig. 5.1 (a) An example of fad food from Japan in Singapore. This melon-­ flavoured ice cream is sold at the site of the old Daimaru store in Singapore, cur- rently taken over by a Japanese supermarket chain. This soft serve ice cream has the Hokkaido melon flavour. Hokkaido, especially Yubari City, is well known for high quality premium melon. (Photo taken by the author in 2017.) (b) Another exam- ple of fashionable food in Singapore at the time of this writing: the siopan (bread baked with sea salt) was marketed as the most popular Japanese-style bread in Singapore by Japanese chain confectionaries. This bread is sold by the same bakery from the Daimaru-era. (Photo taken by the author in 2017) century, Japanese cultural infusion is not restricted to food alone. In fact, bilateral exchanges in popular culture including food intensified as early as 2014, close to the time of the scheduled SJ50 events to celebrate 50 years of Singapore-Japan ties. A survey in 2014 organized by Borders Asia Market Insight and AsiaX revealed that Japanese food cuisine is the most popular foreign culinary choice according to the Singaporean palate.2 Food diplomacy at the official level.3 With regards to culinary culture, the author personally discovered the exquisite nature of Japanese food and the effectiveness of soft cultural power diplomacy (including food cultures), when he attended a national reception in Singapore organized by the Japanese gov- ernment that featured premium Japanese food products and culinary cuisines

2 Michishita, Narushige, “BY INVITATION Japan, Singapore, and 70 years of post-war ties” dated 11 February 2015 in The Straits Times [downloaded on 1 January 2016], available at http://www.straitstimes.com/opinion/japan-singapore-and-70-years-of-post-war-ties. 3 Part of this section is drawn from: Lim, Tai Wei, The Merlion and Mt. Fuji (Singapore and New Jersey: WPSC), 2017. 5 PROMOTING SINGAPORE-JAPAN TIES THROUGH THE SOFT CULTURAL… 77 from different regions of Japan. Japanese food (nihonryouri) needs no intro- duction in Singapore, but Japanese food served in an official capacity is not an everyday affair. The author had the privilege of experiencing Japanese culinary culture in an official reception in 2015 in Singapore hosted by the Japanese government in celebrating a bilateral ties anniversary (SJ50, Singapore-Japan ties 50th anniversary event). Japanese food in the fusion tradition comple- mented Italian finger foods that featured bread and smoked salmon. The fusion-style combination of foods in the reception deliberately confused the guests’ palates with different complex tastes before moving on to consume the elegantly minimalist aesthetics and tastes of Japanese foods. Other guests at the event with the sweet tooth preferred to tease their palates with an array of confectionary before moving onto the nihon ryouri (Japanese food) offer- ings. Puffs, tarts and cakes soaked in rum with a dash of gold-leaved berries were a favourite item amongst the guests. During the SJ50 anniversary celebration, to create the mood for con- suming Japanese cuisines and to add pomp to the circumstance, the set- ting of the six-star hotel hall was meticulously decorated with traditional Japanese objects. A perfectly arranged Ikebana arrangement was situated in a lacquered wooden horse carriage display and the larger-than-life flower arrangement display added an exquisite touch to the occasion, while the use of local flowers in this arrangement binds the Singaporean sense of aesthetics with its Japanese counterpart. It was designed to bind the cultural ties of the two countries together symbolically. Placed on a red carpet and a folding screen, the simple understated beauty of this arrange- ment teased the visual senses of the incoming guests with vibrant colours framed by streaks of intertwined red and white plant stems (the national colours of Singapore). In the same room, the gold-leaved folding screen reminded the author of the famed Kyoto Temple Kinkakuji, a golden-­ coloured Zen temple that appears to be floating in a pond, surrounded by Japanese dwarf maples (momiji), whose leaves turn red during the autumn season. The screen framed the grand ballroom and its impressive chande- lier in an understated way, contouring excessive ostentatious displays with plain monochromatic gold screen without embossed designs. It lends Kyoto-style Zen-like decorum to the occasion without being opulent. Food was served in this setting. Any Japanese culinary tasting session cannot be complete without serving sushi. The Red Seabeam or Tai in Japanese during winter season was at its fatty best. Succulent and sweet, they were hand-pressed by sushi experts at this anniversary party in Singapore with a dash of wasabi and rice and then dipped lightly in soy sauce to add that light flavour to the fish meat with a rich texture. Two 78 T. W. LIM schools of thought arose with regard to the use of soy sauce, the tradi- tional orthodox way is to flip the sushi and tap only theTai Seabeam por- tion lightly onto the soy sauce while an unconventional (sometimes considered inaccurate) way to consume sushi is to dip the rice portion of the sushi into the sauce. Not all participants placed emphasis on the authenticity of eating style as long as their palate enjoyed the cuisine. Tai is historically known as the “King of the Fishes” in Japan, enjoying high popularity amongst sushi connoisseurs. The reception served Tai Seabeams from the Aichi Prefecture, a region that organizes a famous annual ritual or matsuri festival to celebrate the seasonal availability of the fish. The most attractive part of consuming Tai Seabeams is its texture, possessing chewy yet complex fibrous tissues that contrast with the smooth-layered feel of salmon. It requires more efforts to chew and thereby releases more taste from additional chewing into the mouth. The crown jewel of the culinary experience is probably the delectable wagyu which melts in one’s mouth because of the high fats contents. Eaten medium-rare with a dash of sea salt, the thinly sliced wagyu is best at its simplest and most unadulterated taste. The author queued up 20 minutes for this dish, along with other dignitaries to the party. The wait was well worth it as it generated curiosity in the senses and the palate. Cognitively and emotively, the suspense drove the author’s anticipation to taste Japan’s finest beef product. The visual image of the marbledwagyu beef stayed in the guests’ minds while they were in the queue, keeping the visual senses busy as they try to imagine the taste of the beef cognitively before the palate can taste it. The poster introducing the Iwate wagyu at the event simply read “elegant taste on a clear day”. It depicts a cattle grazing in the green fields of Northeast Japan underneath a clear sky. Finally, the reception was concluded with the host serving French des- serts and . Once again, the sweetness of the sugary delights wrapped up the wagyu session as the occasion concluded on a sweet note. The fruity tarts also neutralize the rich oily taste of the wagyu beef and the uncomplicated juicy succulent flesh of the fruit bits contrast with soft mar- bled texture of the beef. In this event, regional foods from different parts of Japan was served to win over the hearts and minds of diplomats, stu- dents, policymakers, business people and military officers present at the event. Overall, the Japanese dishes at this diplomatic event harmonized well with continental European fares to provide a cosmopolitan fusion feel to the occasion. Singaporean foods were also served alongside the Japanese and Western dishes. Together with the delicious local fare like Mee Goreng (Malay ), the fusion approach to a national ball left a distinct 5 PROMOTING SINGAPORE-JAPAN TIES THROUGH THE SOFT CULTURAL… 79 cosmopolitan impression and aftertaste on its guests. Besides national occasions like this anniversary event, Japanese local governments also work with business and cultural groups to promote Japanese products and culinary culture in Singapore. The photos below show yet another exam- ple of a cultural show organized by the business sector in Kochi supported by their prefectural government and other stakeholders. In the twenty-first century, Japanese foods in Singapore are no longer confined only to special occasions and grand ballrooms. Some aspects of it have integrated into Singaporeans’ daily lives. For example, Japanese sake is now widely available in Singapore, especially in Japanese restaurants and beverage outlets as well as local supermarkets, and the usual brands are no longer exotic. In Japanese restaurants, they are often served in ornate pot- tery or glassware. Presentation is never far from the beverage itself. Besides whiskey, Singapore’s only certified Sake sommelier, Nobuhiko Sano, has achieved celebrity status in serving fine alcohols to Singaporean consumers who are willing to pay for their drinks. Other than the proliferation of sake in Singaporean supermarkets, Japanese food items have also become a mainstay in Singaporean catering services. An example of typical Japanese sushi items found on professional caterers’ menu is depicted in the photo below (Fig. 5.2).

Fig. 5.2 Eating sushi has become so ubiquitous that locally made sushi is now part of the catering services’ regular menus, alongside local food items like mee goreng. In other words, sushi is de-exoticized as a Japanese food item and inte- grated into Singaporeans’ cosmopolitan food map and served alongside local delights. Sushi has been integrated and incorporated into the local menu. (Photo taken by the author in 2017) 80 T. W. LIM

In deconstructing what is native and what is not, Singaporeans have proved to be adept in hybridizing non-local foods including Japanese food items. Food is probably the most fundamental and basic cultural approach to Japanese lifestyle products. As Singaporeans have their own unique tastes and spending habits, they indigenized Japanese foods and culinary lifestyles without simply absorbing them in their unadulterated original forms. Indigenization can be carried out by the Japanese food chain, its local partners or Singaporean restaurateurs selling and marketing Japanese food. Indigenization or localization of aesthetics and tastes of Japanese foods help to enhance the resonance factor of Japanese dishes with local Singaporean consumers. Elements of Singaporean food cultures are inserted into the dish without compromising the positive elements of the original taste, but the indigenized dish is sometimes unique enough to be conceptualized as a hybridized culinary cuisine. The mainstream-ization and proliferation of Japanese food culture to the masses in Singapore is by itself a soft cultural power and helps to promote Singaporean understand- ing of Japanese foods, the preparation and cooking techniques as well as lifestyle habits and philosophies behind one branch of Japanese popular culture. Curiosity with foods may prompt Singaporean consumers to dis- cover other kinds of Japanese culture or maybe even take up the language. Besides food, Japanese beverages have also made their way into Singaporean culinary experiences. Suntory whiskeys, which have over- taken the Scots in certain years at some whiskey world rankings, have made their way into the hearts of Singaporean whiskey drinkers. Jim Murray’s Whisky Bible 2015, a globally reputable whiskey ranking outfit, named the Yamazaki Single Malt Sherry Cask 2013 from Suntory (Japan’s first whiskey distillery circa 1923) as the best whiskey in the world.4 The 12-year aged Yamazaki Suntory whiskey is a popular drink amongst whiskey lovers in Singapore. Other popular brands include Nikka whiskey, a more affordable alternative to the Suntory Yamazaki. The Nikka clear blend whiskey is an affordable alternative to the 12-year aged Yamazaki Suntory. Japanese food distributors also try to strategi- cally market and brand their foods to have greater resonance with

4 Barber, Elizabeth, “The World’s Best Whisky Has Been Named and Scotland is Displeased” dated 4 November 2014 in Time.com website [downloaded on 4 November 2014], available at http://time.com/3555773/worlds-best-whisky-yamazaki-single-malt- sherry-cask-2013-suntory-jim-murrays-whisky-bible-2015/. [Originally published in The Telegraph]. 5 PROMOTING SINGAPORE-JAPAN TIES THROUGH THE SOFT CULTURAL… 81

Singaporean consumers. Sometimes, experienced native Japanese bar- tenders are invited to Singapore to serve the whiskey to a select audience in bar events organized by the whiskey makers and distributors. These events may be paired off with cuisines from Japanese restaurants to become Japanese food and whiskey tasting sessions. Non-alcoholic drinks have also made their way into the hearts of Singaporean consumers. Ayataka green tea, Pokka green tea (a localized Singaporean product, not available in its sweetened version in Japan), and canned Pokka oolong cha (tea) are just some common Japanese beverages that have a major presence in Singapore. The non-sugared Ayataka green tea option from Japan is suitable for Singaporeans seeking a healthier life- style and responding to national campaigns against diabetes. This accent on healthy lifestyles has endeared Singaporean consumers to turn to non-­ sugared options like Ayataka and canned oolong. Japanese-branded oolong cha drinks are made from premium fermented tea leaves from the well-known tea plantations of China’s Fujian province. In their native land in China, oolong tea is customarily consumed as a hot beverage, but Japanese lifestyle choices and slick marketing by F&B (Food and Beverage) companies have created a new demand for ice-cold pre-brewed oolong tea drinks consumed during summer. Due to Singapore’s hot tropical weather, cold pre-brewed oolong tea has also become popular amongst Singaporean consumers. The Tieguanyin variety is often brewed for the popular Teochew-style Bak Kut Teh dish in Singapore. The sweetened Pokka Green Tea is only available in Singapore and a good example of indigenized Japanese food culture. Jasmine fla- vouring is further added to enhance the fragrant taste of the tea for Singaporean consumers and it is a source of familiarity for Singaporeans who are used to drinking traditional Chinese xiangpian jasmine tea. Traditionally, xiangpian fragrant tea is consumed in an infusion cup or infused through the use of a Yixing or mud clay teapot. Japanese bever- ages have not only influenced Singaporean culinary habits, but also the vessels that hold the liquids have also influenced Singaporean lifestyles. For example, a leading Singaporean baking chain displayed traditional moon cakes during the Mid-Autumn Festival (also known as Moon cake or Lantern Festival) alongside Japanese-style stoneware pottery tea set. Also featured in the photo below is a Japanese popular beverage with a cult beverage making its way to Singapore at the time of writing. Photo taken by the author in 2017. 82 T. W. LIM

The Political Economy of Japanese Food in Southeast Asia. To make their products more affordable, Japanese manufacturers made use of their extensive production networking facilities in Southeast Asia to pro- duce Japanese products with lower labour costs and cheaper logistical costs due to geographical proximity. For example, Meiji dairy products (like milk and chocolates) are manufactured in Thai dairy farms and man- ufacturing sites, before they are shipped off to Singaporean and ASEAN consumers. Another example is the Glico snacks produced in the compa- ny’s factories in Thailand, and then exported to Singaporean and other Southeast Asian consumers. Thailand is a natural site for such manufactur- ing activities as it was the original location for Japanese production net- working in Southeast Asia, especially well known for manufacturing Japanese automobiles for the Southeast Asian market. Because of this, Thailand is sometimes nicknamed the “Detroit of Southeast Asia”. Besides production, sales and marketing are equally important compo- nents of the political economy of food diplomacy, business and culture. Enterprising Japanese entrepreneurs and/or their local partners have also thought of new innovative ways to attract more Singaporeans interested in consuming Japanese food. Because of the fact that Singapore is a multi-­ cultural society with Malay Muslim and Indian communities, some Japanese restaurants have gone halal to prepare dishes that are suitable for Muslim consumers. This includes training halal-licensed chefs in making Japanese cuisines and using the right halal ingredients for food preparations. In the halal izakaya visited by the author in Singapore, the beef bowl gyudon is re-configurated using halal chicken meat and served authentically with Japanese tama negi or spring onions. Similarly, halal chicken sausages, chicken meat, crab meat and non-pork halal ham are used to make grilled yakitori served in this local Japanese establishment located in a district fre- quently patronized by Muslim consumers. No alcoholic beverages were served even in this izakaya (a kind of traditional Japanese food pub) setting in the Japanese food establishment visited by the author. Traditional art-form in people-to-people cultural diplomacy. For a smaller niche community interested in traditional Japanese tea arts, Singaporeans have also visited and taken courses with the Urasenke Tea School in Singapore. The tea school is equipped with the authentic facili- ties to teach and perform Japanese tea ceremonies, complete with a Zen rock garden display and a traditional tatami-laid tearoom. The Zen rocks lead to a symbolic stone well, where a bamboo ladle is laid to rest. Behind the well is a stone lantern. Traditionally, tea practitioners and audiences 5 PROMOTING SINGAPORE-JAPAN TIES THROUGH THE SOFT CULTURAL… 83 wash their hands with the well water drawn using the ladle before entering the tea room. Tea enthusiasts enter the room in a ritualistic way and sit in seiza (kneeling down) and they are then served with sweet snacks (wagashi) on traditional Japanese paper, before the meticulously-prepared bowls of green tea are served. Before consuming the tea, the tea enthusiasts admire the bowl in a ritualistic fashion and then sip their tea with a couple of mouthfuls before wiping off the tea stains on the side of the bowl. The ritual was formulated by Japanese tea master, Sen no Rikkyu, who empha- sized the wabi and sabi (rusticity) elements. Due to the time factor and the tremendous strain placed on kneeling for an extended period of time, the tea school shortens and abbreviates the tea ceremony for local visitors without compromising the high standards of skills and traditional perfec- tion needed to brew the bowl of tea (Fig. 5.3). Local reception and local identity. Besides trying to recreate authen- ticity for some Japanese food served in Singapore, other Japanese dishes are often localized, hybridized and cross-pollinated with local culinary cul- tures. Sometimes, localization is deliberately carried out by local consum- ers to distinguish the hybrid from the original so that one can lay claim to the new product that arose from cultural cross-pollination between two or more sources of cultural influences. A good example in this area is the California maki, now widely recognized as an all-American Japanese-style food associated with California, its supposed place of origin. In Hong Kong, sushis with raw salmon meat rolled up in the shape of rose petals for serving to customers have also become a localized form of sushi presenta- tion. In Singapore, a major convenience chain came up with the nasi

Fig. 5.3 Photo on the right shows the actual tea bowl where matcha tea powder was whisked to make frothy and even distributed green tea drink. (Photos taken by the author in 2017) 84 T. W. LIM lemak and chilli shrimp onigiris, where locally popular coconut rice makes up the sushi base with egg, ikan bilis, chicken meat toppings. This food item hybridizes Japanese food cultural concept with elements of local Singaporean identity (eating is widely acknowledged as a national passion in Singapore) (Figs. 5.4 and 5.5). Cultural hybridization in food diplomacy. Besides authentic Japanese foods and hybridized cultural cross-pollinated varieties, the third source of Japanese influence on the Singaporean culinary cuisine is the fusion variety. There are foods in Singapore that have little to do with Japanese culinary

Fig. 5.4 (a) California Maki. (Photo taken by the author in 2018.) (b) Another example of Japanese American food, the Teriyaki Tofu dish for the health-conscious­ consumer. Tofu substitutes chicken meat. (Photo taken by the author in 2018)

Fig. 5.5 The unique fusion Hainanese chicken rice chicken rice sushi, served with French macrons. It was served at a leading six-star hotel in Singapore. (Photo taken by the author in 2017) 5 PROMOTING SINGAPORE-JAPAN TIES THROUGH THE SOFT CULTURAL… 85 culture but have borrowed some of their techniques or even namesake and Japanese terminologies for promoting their products. Omakase burger, for example, have little to do with Japanese burger-­making but, because they are a gourmet chain of burger makers, borrowing a Japanese word that means “hospitality” is a way to present their products as the output of perfectionist cooking. Other locally-based chefs used Japanese ingredients like soba noodles and mirin to create fusion dishes with ingredients tradi- tionally associated with Western-style cuisines (e.g. tuna loin meat). While such foods are generally associated with the fashionable “hipster” lifestyle movement in Singapore popularly enjoyed by the Generation Y-ers and the millennials, the East-West fusion theme reflects Singapore’s cosmopolitan makeup located as a crossroad between the two civilizations. It also reflects the uniquely Singaporean multi-­cultural identity in the Southeast Asian region with four major racial makeups (Fig. 5.6). Just as Japanese cuisines influenced Singaporean cooking, Singaporean culinary culture has influenced Japanese consumers and entrepreneurs alike. In other words, food diplomacy is a two-way flow. In an example, there is also a Japanese hawker family with storefronts in Clementi and Cantonment areas in Singapore whose ability to fuse Singaporean and Japanese food cultures have drawn local media attention. The Japanese father and daughter team cooked the quintessential Singaporean noodle dish (flat egg noodles that are yellow in colour) using Japanese noodle techniques, adding high value-added ingredients such as lobster tails to the . Japanese-style mee pok is therefore symbolic of attempts to fuse Singaporean foods with Japanese and Western influences. Mee pok is an iconic food product that is the subject matter of a Singaporean

Fig. 5.6 An example of hipster Japanese fusion foods found in Singapore. Grilled Tuna loin on soba noodles, flavoured by mirin and Japanese shoyu soya sauce. (Photo taken by the author in 2017) 86 T. W. LIM cult art film “Mee Pok Man”. Fusing the two iconic symbols of food cul- tures together (mee pok and ramen), this Japanese family created the ulti- mate hybridized fusion dish. The entrepreneurial family in question are the Kuribaris fronted by Ms. Reina Kuribara (18 years old) and her dad, Mr. Naoji Kuribara, who was schooled by an old school mee pok hawker and their stall is the now-famous Ah Hoe Mee Pok in Clementi (now expanded to a Cantonment branch). Reina Kuribara came to Singapore when she was three and was schooled in the Singapore Japanese primary school before attending secondary school in Japan.5 Naoji Kuribara, a Gunma native, decided to follow his passion for food-­ making and started a bento (Japanese takeaway lunch boxes) stall in Singapore resigning from his white-collar executive salary-man job in Japan, before picking up mee pok making skills from a hawker in 2013 and eventually took over his hawker stall.6 Reina picked up the same skills half a year after his father’s perfection: “I saw my father cooking mee pok and it looked very cool. A lot of customers like his food”, but the road to being a mee pok (wo)man was not easy as she recalled it can be “very hot and tiring” and she even fainted in the stall and was treated at a hospital.7 Reina has since learnt from her mistakes and dresses lightly in tank top and shorts and a wet/cool towel around her neck, shuttling between cashier duties and substitute cooking when her father is fatigued.8 The daily regime starts at 5 am in the morning for preparing the ingredients and the current rate of sales is 250–300 bowls of mee pok daily with constant improvements and experimentation (with Japanese char siew for example) to create better mee pok (a Japanese philosophy similar to kaizen or con- stant improvements).9

5 Lai, Linette, “Japanese teenager serves up ‘shiok’ mee pok in Clementi” dated 11 October 2015 in The Straits Times [downloaded on 11 October 2015], available at http:// www.straitstimes.com/singapore/japanese-teenager-serves-up-shiok-mee-pok-in-clementi. 6 Lai, Linette, “Japanese teenager serves up ‘shiok’ mee pok in Clementi” dated 11 October 2015 in The Straits Times [downloaded on 11 October 2015], available at http:// www.straitstimes.com/singapore/japanese-teenager-serves-up-shiok-mee-pok-in-clementi. 7 Lai, Linette, “Japanese teenager serves up ‘shiok’ mee pok in Clementi” dated 11 October 2015 in The Straits Times [downloaded on 11 October 2015], available at http:// www.straitstimes.com/singapore/japanese-teenager-serves-up-shiok-mee-pok-in-clementi. 8 Lai, Linette, “Japanese teenager serves up ‘shiok’ mee pok in Clementi” dated 11 October 2015 in The Straits Times [downloaded on 11 October 2015], available at http:// www.straitstimes.com/singapore/japanese-teenager-serves-up-shiok-mee-pok-in-clementi. 9 Lai, Linette, “Japanese teenager serves up ‘shiok’ mee pok in Clementi” dated 11 October 2015 in The Straits Times [downloaded on 11 October 2015], available at http:// www.straitstimes.com/singapore/japanese-teenager-serves-up-shiok-mee-pok-in-clementi. 5 PROMOTING SINGAPORE-JAPAN TIES THROUGH THE SOFT CULTURAL… 87

Cross-pollination in food diplomacy. Finally, besides local and Japanese chefs fusing Singaporean and Japanese food cultures together, food chain outlets from other locations have also made their way to Singaporean consumers. An example of a recent foodie fad at the time of writing this is the popularity of the Taiwanese castella in Singapore. The castella cake is originally a Portuguese sponge cake which has since become extinct in its native lands. The recipe and product of the castella travelled to Japan alongside Portuguese traders in the sixteenth century. During that era, Japan traded with the Portuguese arrivals in Portuguese products such as muskets, textiles and alcohol, but one food item that stood out was the castella and it became a premium processed food item in the Japanese culinary food map. The cakes continued to be consumed by Japan’s wealthy merchant, samurai and aristocratic classes. Its bottommost layer laden with sugar made the cake costly in the pre-modern era. Trade with the Portuguese continued until Japan entered into the policy of sakoku (isolationism) when the Tokugawa Shogunate cuts Japan off from the rest of the world, with the exception of a trickle of trade with the Dutch and Chinese through the artificial island of Deshima in Nagasaki. The original Portuguese castella recipe and product remained in Japan but gradually disappeared from Portugal itself. Today, Fukusaya, one of the ganso original pioneering brands for Japanese castella, continues to use a standardized Japanese packaging in the form of a long rectangular box that still features a Portuguese ship from Europe dating back to the sixteenth century. Interestingly, the Taiwanese version of the castella boomed in Singapore at the time of this writing. Long queues formed for the Ah Ma Homemade Castella Cake. The author has even met Singaporeans who made deliberate trips to Malaysia to buy this cake as the chain store originally proliferated to Singapore by way of Malaysia. It is an interesting example of multiple interpretations—namely, a Taiwanese interpretation of a Japanese cake that was derived from six- teenth century Portugal! Chocolate flavoured Taiwanese-style castella cake was innovated from the original recipe. Other multiple interpretations can be found in Japanese-style Italian and French foods. In a curious case of multiple hybridizations, Singaporeans have taken a liking to Japanese inter- pretations of Italian culinary culture like pizza, spaghetti and , enjoy- ing these cuisines as a form of East-West fusion dishes. Japanese-style Western foods have become popular in Singapore as well. Mentaiko spa- ghetti (Japanese spicy fish roe, a delicacy in the southern Japanese island of Kyushu) is a popular dish for Singaporean consumers. 88 T. W. LIM

In conclusion, the overseas migration of food cultures from the host country is not an unmitigated process. The audience and consumers in the destination society re-interprets the aesthetics, taste and symbolisms behind those foods and indigenizes them according to their own local traditions and cultural norms. Individuals also evaluate imported food culture through their own cognitive and emotive values. Cross-pollination in food cultural influences also takes place when local chefs add their personal touches and local traditional culinary influences to the imported food products. It is a two-way process when Singaporean culinary influences reach Japan via the same bilateral ties through people-to-people exchanges like tourism, expatri- ate communities and other interactional platforms and routes. Hybridization occurs with the mixing of cultural influences from the destination and the host societies. When indigenization or hybridization occurs to a certain intensity, a new form of hybridized culture is created, one that can stand on its own as a unique embodiment of multi-culturalism, sufficiently distin- guishable from its original constituents and components. All these processes exert soft cultural power in international relations. The next chapter is written in the same format, and will discuss the indigenization of Korean food in Singapore. It will present some compara- tive references for readers who are interested in the resonance of Korean food in Singapore, and perhaps, Southeast Asia.

Bibliography Barber, Elizabeth, “The World’s Best Whisky Has Been Named and Scotland is Displeased” dated 4 November 2014 in Time.com website [downloaded on 4 November 2014], available at http://time.com/3555773/worlds-best- whisky-yamazaki-single-malt-sherry-cask-2013-suntory-jim-murrays-whisky- bible-2015/. [Originally published in The Telegraph]. Lai, Linette, “Japanese teenager serves up ‘shiok’ mee pok in Clementi” dated 11 October 2015 in The Straits Times [downloaded on 11 October 2015], avail- able at http://www.straitstimes.com/singapore/japanese-teenager-serves-up- shiok-mee-pok-in-clementi. Lim, Tai Wei, The Merlion and Mt. Fuji (Singapore and New Jersey: WPSC), 2017. Michishita, Narushige, “BY INVITATION Japan, Singapore, and 70 years of post-war ties” dated 11 February 2015 in The Straits Times [downloaded on 1 January 2016], available at http://www.straitstimes.com/opinion/japan-sin- gapore-and-70-years-of-post-war-ties. Shah, Khushbu, “Exploring the Global Influences of Singapore’s Fast-Food Culture” dated 2 August 2013 in First We Feast website [downloaded on 1 January 2017], available at https://firstwefeast.com/eat/2013/08/singa- pore-fast-food-culture/. CHAPTER 6

The Korean Wave in Singapore’s Multi-­cultural Food Scene: Indigenization, Localization, Hybridization and Cross-Pollination

Abstract Food culture is a form of cultural soft power (if one utilizes a broader definition of the term) encompassing and propagated through non-military, economic and cultural means of influence. It is a form of persuasion without the need to resort to force. While food anthropolo- gists have made inroads into studying the subject matter, political scien- tists and international relations (IR) experts have hardly touched the topic at all. When food cultures are termed as authentic, cultural norms in terms of food consumption are reinforced within a community. At the same time, when this food product is exported to other countries, localization takes place for achieving greater resonance with local consumers. The original food product may even incorporate local features for more effec- tive marketing and sales. This writing examines the reception of Korean food culture in Singapore as a form of soft cultural diplomacy through multi-disciplinary historical surveys, observation case studies and area studies perspectives.

Keywords Diplomacy • Korean • Food culture • Soft power • Hybridization • People-to-people exchanges

© The Author(s) 2019 89 T. W. Lim, The Indigenization and Hybridization of Food Cultures in Singapore, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8695-4_6 90 T. W. LIM

Introduction. Food culture is a form of cultural soft power (if one utilizes a broader definition of the term) encompassing and propagated through non-military economic and cultural means of influence. It is a form of persuasion without the need to resort to force. While food anthropolo- gists have made inroads into studying the subject matter, political scien- tists and international relations (IR) experts have hardly touched the topic at all. Individual and collective choices/selection of food are by them- selves cognitive and emotional decisions driven by nationalistic impulses, ideas of identity and constructed notions of historical traditions mixed with individual preferences. At the national level, food cultures determine the health standards, cultural identities and productivity of a people. Ideas related to nationalism (e.g. self-reliance on food products) can also be used to mobilize people for achieving state goals. Therefore, food culture and its symbolisms can be both a unifying and divisive factor for a society. In terms of unifying factor, the idea of authen- ticity comes into play. When food cultures are termed as authentic, cul- tural norms in terms of food consumption are reinforced within a community. The idea of authenticity is often applied in culinary cultures to distinguish the original from the imitator. Yet, at the same time, when this food product is exported to other countries, localization takes place for achieving greater resonance with local consumers. The original food product may even incorporate local features for more effective marketing and sales. This writing looks at the reception of Korean food culture in Singapore as a form of soft cultural diplomacy through multi-disciplinary lens, observation case studies and area studies perspectives. It does not pretend to be comprehensive. Brief contemporary historical background: the political economy of Korean food consumption in Singapore. The rise of Korean popular culture has been one of the biggest global phenomena of the twenty-first century. Korean popular culture has penetrated and permeated into Southeast Asia and is embraced by Singaporean youngsters as well. Contemporary Korean popular cultural products are often appreciated for their high quality, creative designs and aesthetics display values. Good designs and quality merchandise have come to characterize Korean life- style products. In fact, since the 1990s, some Singaporeans have found Korean goods, services and lifestyle attractive, including Korean foods and cuisines. Over the years, besides the entry of mainstream foods into Singaporeans’ dietary habits, Korean culinary influence is also visible in Singapore’s fast food scene. Sometimes, these fast food dishes are also 6 THE KOREAN WAVE IN SINGAPORE’S MULTI-CULTURAL FOOD SCENE… 91 known as “comfort foods” or “B-grade” gourmet foods. In the twenty-­ first century, Korean cultural infusion is not restricted to food alone. In fact, bilateral exchanges in popular culture, including food, intensified in the 2000s, alongside the K-pop boom and the rise of South Korea as a middle power. In 1997, there were merely approximately 20 Korean eateries (mostly Korean BBQ and home-cooked food items) operating in Singapore, but this number has grown to more than 200 Korean restaurants, cafes and other consumption facilities (excluding hawker and food court outlets) by 2016.1 Expanding numbers of Korean restaurants in Singapore is also a testimony to Korean soft power and its rising importance as a ManNa on Telok Ayer Street may be the first still-running Korean restaurant in Singapore, operating since November 1999.2 K-drama (Korean popular drama culture) “Jewel in the Palace” (Dachangjin or Dae Jang Geum) broadcast in 2005 in Singapore piqued Singaporean interest in the Korean culinary and traditional culture and this expanded the culinary offerings to samgyetang (chicken with ginseng soup), chimak-fried chicken culture, K-pop hipster cafes, bingsu outlets. The expansion of Korean restaurant presence in Singapore also saw the transformation of the profiles of their owners. At the beginning, Korean restaurants were mainly operated by ex-­ employees of chaebols after they decided to stay on in Singapore, but Singaporean entrepreneurs are putting their funds into franchises of well-­ known Korean culinary establishments.3 In the contemporary food scene in Singapore, Korean foods in Singapore are no longer confined only to specialty restaurants and Korean-related occasions/events. Some aspects of this food culture have integrated into Singaporeans’ daily lives. For example, Korean kimchi is now widely available in Singapore, especially in Korean restaurants and beverage outlets as well as local supermarkets, and the usual brands are no longer exotic. In Korean restaurants and food

1 Kim, So-Hyun, “Korean restaurants boom in Singapore” dated 11 April 2016 in Today online website [downloaded on 12 October 2018], available at https://www.todayonline. com/singapore/korean-restaurants-boom-singapore. 2 Kim, So-Hyun, “Korean restaurants boom in Singapore” dated 11 April 2016 in Today online website [downloaded on 12 October 2018], available at https://www.todayonline. com/singapore/korean-restaurants-boom-singapore. 3 Kim, So-Hyun, “Korean restaurants boom in Singapore” dated 11 April 2016 in Today online website [downloaded on 12 October 2018], available at https://www.todayonline. com/singapore/korean-restaurants-boom-singapore. 92 T. W. LIM courts, they are often served in simple plastic dishes. Presentation is simple and yet attractive with kimchi stacked up in an elegant fashion. In ­deconstructing what is native and what is others, Singaporeans have proved to be adept in hybridizing non-local foods including Korean food items. Food is probably one of the most fundamental and basic cultural approach to Korean lifestyle products. As Singaporeans have their own unique tastes and spending habits, they sometimes indigenize Korean foods and culinary lifestyles without simply absorbing them in their unadulterated original forms. Indigenization can be carried out by Korean restaurants or/and its local partners, Singaporean restaurateurs selling and marketing Korean food or simply improvisations by the owners of food court or hawker stalls. With regard to chain stores and their tendency to veer towards standardization in practices, food court trends in Singapore means that improvisation at an individual store level tends to be replicated throughout the whole food court chain. This standardization and replica- tion process in the food court chains makes Korean food more affordable and accessible to the masses and introduces Korean foods right into the heartlands of Singapore and also becomes an integral part of local mall culture (Fig. 6.1).

Fig. 6.1 There is a cult following of Korean Celadon porcelains in Singapore. This small group of collectors display both decorative and kitchenware porcelain pieces. The glassy crackled appearance of Korean Celadons is sometimes visible in higher end restaurants in Singapore. (Photo taken by the author in September 2018) 6 THE KOREAN WAVE IN SINGAPORE’S MULTI-CULTURAL FOOD SCENE… 93

Indigenization or localization of aesthetics and tastes of Korean foods help to enhance the resonance factor of Koreans dishes with local Singaporean consumers. Newly introduced foods to a new market should not appear so foreign and exotic that local consumers find it difficult to accept or like eating them. Therefore, foods that are hybridized with local features act as a cultural bridge to introduce Korean dishes to Singaporeans sampling them for the first time. Sometimes, indigenization is prompted by economic factors, motivated by the need to procure local ingredients to drive down the cost of Korean food items. [The price of Korean food is one of the major complaints of Korean expatriates in Singapore.] In other cases, elements of Singaporean food cultures, practices and/or ingredients are integrated into the dish without compromising the positive elements of the original taste and the indigenized dish is sometimes unique enough to be conceptualized as a hybridized culinary cuisine. Besides local and Korean chefs fusing Singaporean and Korean food cultures together, the use of utensils, cutleries, kitchenware and even cooking spaces are improvised. The mainstream-ization and proliferation of Korean food culture to the masses in Singapore is by itself a kind of soft cultural power and helps to promote Singaporean understanding/aware- ness of Korean foods, the preparation and cooking techniques as well as lifestyle habits and philosophies behind Korean food culture. This is also one branch of Korean popular culture. Curiosity with foods may prompt Singaporean consumers to further explore and discover other kinds of Korean culture or maybe even take up the language (Figs. 6.2 and 6.3). The expanded presence of Korean eateries resulted in keener rivalry, weeding out the weaker and smaller scale players who are unable to brand their signature dishes or present high quality food items while rising costs, complexities in hiring foreign labour as well as rentals hurt the operators.4 For the Korean expats, prices of Korean dishes in Singapore are as high as 30% more expensive than back home in the Republic of Korea, but the popularity of Korean food persists, so more eateries open up in Singapore compared to those that closed down (the ratio is 3:1).5 To make their

4 Kim, So-Hyun, “Korean restaurants boom in Singapore” dated 11 April 2016 in Today online website [downloaded on 12 October 2018], available at https://www.todayonline. com/singapore/korean-restaurants-boom-singapore. 5 Kim, So-Hyun, “Korean restaurants boom in Singapore” dated 11 April 2016 in Today online website [downloaded on 12 October 2018], available at https://www.todayonline. com/singapore/korean-restaurants-boom-singapore. 94 T. W. LIM

Fig. 6.2 (a) Localized Korean beef rice is stir-fried with Sichuan dry pepper chilli and served with large thick slices of pickled ginger and a sunny side up fried egg. It is a good example of a Northern Chinese immigrant chef’s interpretation of Korean beef rice for Singaporean consumers. It was a hit with northern Chinese patrons of this eatery. The Korean beef rice is served in mass-manufactured Jingdezhen-made bowl with cobalt oxide sticker transfers and a hand-drawn blue-­ coloured cobalt oxide line fired at 1200 degrees Celsius. Made in the 1980s and 1990s, these bowls were popularly known as “changhuo” (mass-produced factory wares) by porcelain collectors. This is an interesting immigrant chef’s interpreta- tion of Korean food for Singaporean consumers served in Jiangnan porcelain cul- ture. (Photo taken in January 2016.) (b) Korean food served with Hoover plastic cutleries from Malaysia and served in a ubiquitous food court plastic tray. They are combined with Korean-made metal bowls and cast iron hotplate mounted on soft- wood. (Photo taken in February 2016) products more affordable, Korean food ingredients and packaged food manufacturers made use of their distribution chains in Southeast Asia to retail Korean products. Some Korean products have become so ubiquitous and affordable that they are now available at supermarket chains, convenience stores and pro- vision shops. Makkoli and soju are two examples of alcoholic beverages now widely available in Singapore. They are placed alongside Western wines, British whiskeys and French hard liquors in the majority of these stores. Another example is the Korean seaweed, now widely available in Singapore. They have inspired some entrepreneurs to think of the idea of selling Korean seaweed as snacks. The seaweed snack is grilled with salt and spicy chilli flavouring, making them ideal for Singaporean consumers. They are so popular that they have even spawned Thai versions. In Singapore, some of these wholesale distributors of Korean food products 6 THE KOREAN WAVE IN SINGAPORE’S MULTI-CULTURAL FOOD SCENE… 95

Fig. 6.3 Spam is highly enjoyed in both Singapore and the Republic of Korea. There is therefore resonance amongst Singapore for this canned meat, as they are sometimes a common sight amongst tzu char (ala carte rice sets) stalls in Singapore. This Korean restaurant switched from spam to using China-made luncheon meat, which is widely popular with local consumers. The established Ma Ling brand of luncheon meat is used here cluster together in a district or neighbourhood. Tanjong Pagar is often unofficially known as Little Korea with its clustering of Korean­ supermarket chains and restaurants. Another site is the Beauty World complex where a much smaller collection of Korean shops offer Korean fares. Right photo caption: the Korean seaweed, now widely available in Singapore. They have inspired some entrepreneurs to think of the idea of selling Korean seaweed as snacks. The seaweed snack is grilled with salt and spicy chilli flavouring, making them ideal for Singaporean consumers. They are so popular that they have even spawned Thai versions. Besides production, sales and marketing are equally important compo- nents of the political economy of food diplomacy, business and culture. Enterprising Korean entrepreneurs and/or their local partners have also thought of new innovative ways to attract more Singaporeans interested in consuming Japanese food. Because of the fact that Singapore is a multi-­ cultural society with Malay Muslim and Indian communities, some Korean restaurants have gone halal to prepare dishes that are suitable for Muslim consumers. This includes training halal-licensed chefs in making Korean 96 T. W. LIM cuisines and using the right halal ingredients for food preparations. In malls frequented by multi-cultural consumers, no alcoholic beverages were served in the Korean food court stalls. Other Korean restaurants have positioned themselves strategically in Singaporean local sites that were known as food streets for specific cuisines. For example, shop houses near Bugis junction used to be known for their Hong Kong-style desserts. Now the same area features a 24-hour bingsu joint Nunsongyee (Korean shaved ice place) that has become a hit with hipsters, clubbers, teenagers and shoppers (Figs. 6.4 and 6.5). In Singapore’s food industry, competition is keen and rentals are high. Within the author’s three-year project in studying the localization of Korean food items, one of his case studies closed down, even with this store selling Korean fare at highly affordable prices of S$5.90. In a store that the author visited, the Japanese karaage dish is marketed as a Korean dish. Sometimes, this kind of confusion helps the seller secure customers from both Korean/Japanese foodie crowds. The same stall also sold the ebi fry and omu rice, classifying all of them as “Korean food”. A case study of indigenization of Korean foods in Singapore may be helpful for discussion here. Bibimbap (also known as goldongban) appears to be a common uniting dish amongst all the food court Korean stalls. In Korea itself, it is a ubiquitous culinary item with many components mixed

Fig. 6.4 A favourite innovative gimmick with Singaporeans, some Korean res- taurants serve this towel that comes in the shape of a capsule but, when dipped into the water, it expands and becomes a towel. This capsule towel is served in a plastic Hoover dish made in Malaysia. Hoover products are very popular with restaurants, food stalls and hawker stalls in Singapore. (Photo taken in October 2017) 6 THE KOREAN WAVE IN SINGAPORE’S MULTI-CULTURAL FOOD SCENE… 97

Fig. 6.5 (a) Korean fried pancake is placed onto a brown wax paper that is famil- iar to Singaporeans and often found in hawker centres. It is biodegradable and commonly used throughout Malaysia and Singapore. (Photo taken in March 2016.) (b) An enterprising Korean entrepreneur beat high rents by operating a kimbab manufacturing facility in the first storey shop space of a Housing Development Board (HDB) block (public housing in Singapore) dating back to the 1960s. It made affordable kimbab rolls for delivery and retail. (Photo taken in March 2016) in a bowl (very often, stereotypically visualized as a hot stone bowl in pre- sentation) with rice and hot pepper sauce. The Korean tourism authorities consider bibimbap as one of the three most symbolic Korean cuisines along with bulgogi and kimchi and it originated from the historical practice amongst Korean forefathers of utilized food remaining from the New Year’s Eve celebration, mixing and cooking it without letting rice from the previous year last into the new year.6 The wide diversity of ingredients originated from ancestral worship and the need to prepare wide-ranging dishes for festivities such as the Lunar New Year and Chuseok.7 From a qualitative observation study, it is certainly the case that bibimbap is ubiq- uitous in the outlets that the author visited (Fig. 6.6). Traditional art appreciation in people-to-people cultural diplo- macy. For a smaller niche community interested in traditional Korean art

6 Seoul magazine, “Bibimbap A Dish Full on Taste and Nutrients” in the Visit Korea web- site [downloaded on 1 October 2018], available at http://english.visitkorea.or.kr/enu/ FO/FO_EN_6_5_2_3.jsp. 7 Seoul magazine, “Bibimbap A Dish Full on Taste and Nutrients” in the Visit Korea web- site [downloaded on 1 October 2018], available at http://english.visitkorea.or.kr/enu/ FO/FO_EN_6_5_2_3.jsp. 98 T. W. LIM

Fig. 6.6 (a) The Bibimbap Korean rice, usually served in hot stone, but in this case served in generic plastic bowls. Halal and also enjoyed by Hindu Singaporeans, this dish uses chicken meat instead of beef or pork. Beef is the most conventional meat used for the dish in its original carnation. Instead of raw eggs or sunny side up eggs, a pan-fried egg is used in this dish. Gochujang is already mixed with the long grain Thai fragrant rice instead of conventional presentation as an unmixed paste by the side. Kimchi and sesame seeds were absent from the main dish. Hardworking immigrant Chinese chefs working in the food court setting made this dish, catering to the Singaporean heartland mass consumers. (Photo taken in September 2018.) (b) A Bibimbap dish prepared by a Korean chef in a similar food court setting. Ingredients are arranged neatly, with a yolky-fried egg, thinly sliced vegetables, Korean grilled seaweed, sesame seed and other conventional ingredi- ents found in bibimbap. The short grain rice is served in a typical plastic-lidded container visible at all eateries in Singapore. (Photo taken in September 2018) forms, Singaporeans have also visited, viewed and taken courses associated with traditional Korean culture. Contemporary Korean foods piqued the curiosity of Singaporeans and they want to learn more about Korean tra- ditional culture. The opportunity came with a well-attended Joseon dynasty treasures at the Asian Civilization Museum (ACM), where visitors could learn more about pre-modern culinary equipment. Visitors were enchanted by both the aesthetic art forms and the high quality of the material artefacts on display. The exhibition featured a moon jar made in the late pre-modern era. The museum caption for the Moon jars read: “Moon jars were mostly produced from the mid-17th to mid-18th cen- tury, at kilns in Gwangju, Gyeonggi Province. Although they are now treasured as a quintessential expression of Joseon art and culture, in the Joseon era they were used as containers for liquor or food, as well as for display”. (Asian Civilization Museum, 2017). Beautiful blue and white 6 THE KOREAN WAVE IN SINGAPORE’S MULTI-CULTURAL FOOD SCENE… 99 wine jars were also on display. Museum caption read: “White porcelain jars with underglaze-blue dragon designs were an emblem of a Joseon king’s authority. Examples like this were used at the court as containers for wine …” (ACM, 2017). In the exhibition, a Joseon dynasty-era food wrapping hemp cloth was loaned from the National Palace Museum of Korea, Seoul to the Singapore Joseon dynasty treasures exhibition at the Asian Civilization Museum (ACM). The Asian Civilization Museum (ACM) caption for this display read: “Traditional wrapping cloths (bojagi) like this are used to cover gifts and food as a sign of respect. It was believed that they helped to retain good luck and happiness, qualities enhanced by the auspicious motifs they carry” (ACM, 2017). Even ceremonial rites food and drinks ritual con- tainers were featured in the exhibition. The Asian Civilization Museum (ACM) caption in this section of the exhibition read: “Throughout the Joseon dynasty, the court produced royal protocols, which are detailed, illustrated records of the procedures and accessories required for royal ceremonies. This one documents the 8-day visit by King Jeongjo and his mother to pay respects to his deceased father … Various parts of the trip are shown: a special banquet for the elders …” (ACM, 2017). Local reception and local identity. Besides trying to recreate authen- ticity for some Korean food served in Singapore, other Korean dishes are often localized, hybridized and cross-pollinated with local culinary cul- tures. Sometimes, localization is deliberately carried out by local consum- ers to distinguish the hybrid from the original so that one can lay claim to the new product that arose from cultural cross-pollination between two or more sources of cultural influences. Mackerel sets are one of the most popular dishes with Singaporean consumers, but they are often re-­ interpreted by either non-Korean migrant chefs or modified in accordance with local consumer preferences (refer to photos below). Some versions of the godeungeo-gui (grilled mackerel) are served with local Singaporean chillies (cut or in sauce form), while others are marinated in Japanese miso sauce (instead of salting in the Korean manner) (Figs. 6.7, 6.8, 6.9, 6.10 and 6.11). Cultural hybridization in food diplomacy. Besides authentic Korean foods and hybridized cultural cross-pollinated varieties, the third source of Korean culinary influence on the Singaporean culinary cuisine is the fusion variety. There are foods in Singapore that have little to do with Korean culinary culture, but have borrowed some of their techniques or even namesake and terminologies for promoting their products. Sometimes, 100 T. W. LIM

Fig. 6.7 (a) This is technically a Japanese dish: saba fish on hotplate, grilled in miso sauce and served with kimchi and sweet anchovies. It was marketed as Korean food in an eatery managed by Chinese migrants chefs, making this an interesting Chinese migrant chefs’ interpretation of Korean food based on Japanese culinary traditions for Singaporean consumers and served with seaweed soup, kimchi and anchovies for constructed authenticity. The Korean godeungeo-gui (grilled mack- erel) version is usually salted and coated with flour rather than with miso paste. (Photo taken in January 2015.) (b) Another example of the saba fish dish, this time served together with spicy Korean beef stir-fried with onions before hot-plating it. The meats are combined with the longer-grained fragrant Thai rice (which is con- sumed by the majority of Singaporeans) instead of Korean short grain rice. It is also served with kimchi and anchovies for authenticity. The meal is topped up with Japanese miso soup. (Photo taken on January 2018.) This version therefore com- bines Thai ingredients with Japanese and Korean fusion cultures. The Korean godeungeo-­gui (grilled mackerel) version is usually salted and coated with flour rather than with miso paste and not combined with beef on the same hotplate some of these products are even infused or confused with third party food cultures. They are Korean-ized in the Singaporean multi-cultural style. For example, some Japanese dishes are transformed into Korean ones in an Orientalist manner, experienced by the author when he was working and studying in the US. Other locally-based chefs used Korean ingredients to make Japanese foods like Korean-made soba noodles due to the high qual- ity and affordability of Korean ingredients. While such foods are generally associated with the fashionable “hipster” lifestyle movement in Singapore popularly enjoyed by the Generation Y-ers and the millennials, the East-­ West fusion theme reflects Singapore’s cosmopolitan makeup located as a crossroad between the two civilizations. It also reflects the uniquely Singaporean multi-cultural identity in the Southeast Asian region with four major racial makeup (Figs. 6.12 and 6.13). 6 THE KOREAN WAVE IN SINGAPORE’S MULTI-CULTURAL FOOD SCENE… 101

Fig. 6.8 (a) The author attended a private kitchen dining concept meal where the chef stir-fried toppogi rice cakes with green/red bell pepper strips, beef and strips of squash. This was another fusion dish that featured Korean culinary arts, stir-fried in a Chinese wok, integrated with Oceanic-inspired taste and veggies. (Photo taken in September 2018.) (b) The photo shows Chinese bak choy used as wraps for the stewed pork, served with a round of Thai fragrant rice for everyone. (Photo taken in September 2018)

Sometimes authenticity takes a back seat to stereotypes. Without dif- ferentiating Korean and Japanese cuisines, a Korean food outlet that the author visited served Japanese shisamo karaage bentos and labelled them as Korean food item. The assumption is most local consumers are unable to tell the differences between the two, except for the most discerning pal- ates. (Photo taken in October 2018). In another store, a Japanese saba fish dish was reclassified as a Korean food for local consumers. In the same outlet, the usual lemon or other Korean citrus fruit is replaced with a lime often found in local dishes (e.g. Hokkien mee, grilled chicken from hawker stalls, wentouxue desserts, etc.). These Southeast Asian or southern Chinese limes are often used to make lime juice, favoured by local con- sumers and often consumed with Southern Indian dishes. In this store, the menu picture of a grilled mackerel set also includes an image of the miso seaweed soup and Thai fragrant rice (with black sesame seeds) served in plastic versions of Jingdezhen porcelains. Jingdezhen por- celain bowls are familiar to generations of Singaporeans. They were mass-­ produced and exported to Singapore in large numbers from Jingdezhen. Coloured in red famille en rose glazes, these porcelain wares carried the 102 T. W. LIM

Fig. 6.9 Local instant noodles (instead of perennial favourites like Nong Shim brand noodles) were immersed in spicy soup with Chinese lettuce. The meal was served in Malaysian-made Hoover brand plastic bowl. (Photo taken in September 2018.) In another store that the author visited, the omelette rice served with fish fillet is neither Korean nor Japanese. Omelette rice is often known as omu rice in Japan (or Omuretto raisu in katakana), but it is not usually served with a battered fish fillet (resembling the English fish and chips dish). Yet this dish is classified as Korean by the shop owner. One may then conclude this is a fusion dish with Japanese and English influences, but packaged as a Korean dish. (Photo taken in October 2018)

Fig. 6.10 Home-cooked Jjigae and chap chae with a healthy smattering of Chinese spinach. Both were served in generic monochrome white porcelain (prob- ably made in China or Malaysia) and Malaysian-made stainless steel fork and spoon instead of the long-stem Korean cutlery. They are served with Korean seaweed for wrapping, an improvised and unconventional way of eating. (Photo taken in September 2018) 6 THE KOREAN WAVE IN SINGAPORE’S MULTI-CULTURAL FOOD SCENE… 103

Fig. 6.11 (a) Thinly sliced pork loins for Hindu Singaporeans who abstain from beef for religious reasons. They are wrapped in leafy Chinese bak choi veg- etables. (Photo taken in September 2018.) (b) Another dish served with Thai fragrant rice. The toppogi and tofu are used very sparingly in this spicy soup. An authentic Soondubu Jjigae soft tofu stew tends to have generous servings of both ingredients

Fig. 6.12 (a) Fusion food served at a Korean national event. Kimbap rolls (sometimes translated into Korean sushi rolls) done in North America wrap-style with western salad ingredients, done with an external layer of Vietnamese pho (rice paper) skin and Southeast Asian coconut shavings. (Photo taken in 2015.) This fusion dish incorporates Korean, Vietnamese/Southeast Asian and North American elements into its presentation. (b) Korean sashimi-style tuna wrapped in Chinese steamed mantou plain bun. (Photo taken in 2015) 104 T. W. LIM

Fig. 6.13 The chilli on the right is a typical local Singaporean chilli that are sold in large industrial grade gasoline bottles. It is now served with Korean food. Similarly, the chilli on the left is a local Teochew (also written as Chaozhou or Chiu Chow) inspired cut chilli mixture with garlic and Thai chilli padis. This chilli is sometimes served with Teochew stewed duck. Both chilli items were served with Korean foods in this particular eatery. (Photo taken in October 2018) words wanshou wujiang, paying homage to longevity and indicating that age has no boundaries. The same store’s menu also featured a picture of the karaage chicken from the same store. This is another Japanese food item listed in the menu as “Korean food”. Conclusion. In conclusion, just as Korean cuisines influenced Singaporean cooking, Singaporean culinary culture has shaped Korean food consumers and entrepreneurs in Singapore. For this project, the author has visited stalls run by Singaporeans, Koreans, mainland (migrant) Chinese and other nationalities making Korean food for all to enjoy. They all come with their cultural interpretations of what makes up Korean foods. The overseas migration of food cultures from the host country is not an absolutely unmitigated process. The audience and consumers in the destination society re-interprets the aesthetics, taste and symbolisms behind those foods and indigenize them according to their own local ­traditions and cultural norms. Individuals also evaluate imported food cul- ture through their own cognitive, cultural and emotive values. Cross-pollination in food cultural influences also takes place when local chefs add their personal touches and local traditional culinary influences to the imported food products. It is a two-way process when Singaporean culinary influences reaches Korea via the same bilateral ties through 6 THE KOREAN WAVE IN SINGAPORE’S MULTI-CULTURAL FOOD SCENE… 105 people-­to-people exchanges like tourism, expatriate communities and other interactional platforms and routes. Hybridization occurs with the inter-mixing of cultural influences by the migrants (Korean expats and entrepreneurs) and their host societies. When indigenization or hybridiza- tion occurs to a certain intensity, a new form of hybridized culture is cre- ated, one that can stand on its own as a unique embodiment of multi-culturalism, sufficiently distinguishable from its original constitu- ents and components. All these processes exert soft cultural power in international relations.

Bibliography Kim, So-Hyun, “Korean restaurants boom in Singapore” dated 11 April 2016 in Today online website [downloaded on 12 October 2018], available at https:// www.todayonline.com/singapore/korean-restaurants-boom-singapore. Seoul magazine, “Bibimbap A Dish Full on Taste and Nutrients” in the Visit Korea website [downloaded on 1 October 2018], available at http://english. visitkorea.or.kr/enu/FO/FO_EN_6_5_2_3.jsp. PART III CHAPTER 7

Conclusion

Abstract Part I of this volume looked at how successive waves of Chinese migration changed the eating habits, food vessels and reception of foreign foods in Singapore. Through the study of porcelains on which food was served in hawker centres and coffee shops, it was possible to understand the consumption habits of Singaporeans in the past and present. While Part I focused on material culture, Part II looks closely at indigenization and hybridization of foreign originated food coming in Singapore. The overseas migration of food cultures from the host country is not an unmit- igated process. The audience and consumers in the destination society re-interprets the aesthetics, taste and symbolisms behind those foods and indigenize them according to their own local traditions and cultural norms.

Keywords Hawker • Food • China • Singaporeans • Indigenous • Hybridization

Part I of this volume looked at how successive waves of Chinese migration changed the eating habits, food vessels and reception of foreign foods in Singapore. Through the study of porcelains on which food was served in hawker centres and coffee shops, it was possible to understand the con- sumption habits of Singaporeans in the past and present. While porcelain food vessels traditionally came from China, they evolved and changed over

© The Author(s) 2019 109 T. W. Lim, The Indigenization and Hybridization of Food Cultures in Singapore, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-8695-4_7 110 T. W. LIM the years to adapt to local cultures and modernized with new mass-­ manufacturing techniques. Abundance also meant that family clans could sit together and enjoy communal eating and thus, food was served on larger and more specialized vessels. When special occasions arose, ban- quets were organized and this reinforced the importance of aesthetics and festive colours/designs. There were other traditional indigenous Southeast Asian material like banana leaves which were environmentally friendly and biodegradable. Aesthetically, they were pleasing to the eye. Cast iron pot and plates as well as stainless steel serving trays are also alternatives to porcelain and pottery wares when serving food to the customers. They have the advantage of keeping the food hot and sizzling. Aesthetically, it presents a picture of the hot simmering meat and vegetables that make up the dish. These tradi- tional materials co-existed alongside porcelain kitchen ware and food ves- sels, but both found themselves competing with a new material. The plastic revolution of the 1960s and 1970s introduced plastic utensils and disposable clear plastic wares and Styrofoam wares to Singapore eateries. In the discontinuity of traditions (porcelain, leaves for serving food and cast iron) and modernity (plastic wares) lies a continuity of design fea- tures. Some of the designs found in Kitchen Qing can still be found in contemporary kitchen wares from China. A reason for their longevity is the sustained use of such designs due to their symbolic value. Chinese consumers valued the traditional or Taoist-inspired designs and symbols that connote prosperity, luck, good health, longevity and other positive symbolisms. An evergreen design that originated from the late Qing/ Republican period to contemporary eras is the wanshou wujiang (longev- ity in English, Ban Siew in Hokkien or Mun Shou in Cantonese) fencai enamel porcelain wares. The same applies to evergreen designs in Singapore and other communities serving Chinese food in Southeast Asia with the chicken bowl and chrysanthemum designs. While Part I focused on material culture, Part II looks closely at indi- genization and hybridization of foreign originated food coming in Singapore. The overseas migration of food cultures from the host country is not an unmitigated process. The audience and consumers in the destina- tion society re-interprets the aesthetics, taste and symbolisms behind those foods and indigenizes them according to their own local traditions and cultural norms. Individuals also evaluate imported food culture through their own cognitive and emotive values. Cross-pollination in food cultural 7 CONCLUSION 111 influences also takes place when local chefs add their personal touches and local traditional culinary influences to the imported food products. It is a two-way process when Singaporean culinary influences reach Japan via the same bilateral ties through people-to-people exchanges like tourism, expatriate communities and other interactional platforms and routes. Hybridization occurs with the mixing of cultural influences from the destination and the host societies. When indigenization or hybridiza- tion occurs to a certain intensity, a new form of hybridized culture is cre- ated, one that can stand on its own as a unique embodiment of multi-culturalism, sufficiently distinguishable from its original constituents and components. All these processes exert soft cultural power in interna- tional relations (IR). The last case study showed that, just as Korean cuisines influenced Singaporean cooking, Singaporean culinary culture has shaped Korean food consumers and entrepreneurs in Singapore. It is a two-way process. For this project, the author has visited stalls run by Singaporeans, Koreans, mainland (migrant) Chinese and other nationalities making Korean food for all to enjoy. They all come with their cultural interpretations of what makes up Korean foods. The overseas migration of food cultures from the host country is not an absolutely unmitigated process. The audience and consumers in the destination society re-interprets the aesthetics, taste and symbolisms behind those foods and indigenizes them according to their own local traditions and cultural norms. Individuals also evaluate imported food culture through their own cognitive, cultural and emotive values.