The Ukrainian Weekly 2014, No.19
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Russia's Hybrid Warfare
Research Paper Research Division – NATO Defense College, Rome – No. 105 – November 2014 Russia’s Hybrid Warfare Waging War below the Radar of Traditional Collective Defence by H. Reisinger and A. Golts1 “You can’t modernize a large country with a small war” Karl Schlögel The Research Division (RD) of the NATO De- fense College provides NATO’s senior leaders with “Ukraine is not even a state!” Putin reportedly advised former US President sound and timely analyses and recommendations on current issues of particular concern for the Al- George W. Bush during the 2008 NATO Summit in Bucharest. In 2014 this liance. Papers produced by the Research Division perception became reality. Russian behaviour during the current Ukraine convey NATO’s positions to the wider audience of the international strategic community and con- crisis was based on the traditional Russian idea of a “sphere of influence” and tribute to strengthening the Transatlantic Link. a special responsibility or, stated more bluntly, the “right to interfere” with The RD’s civil and military researchers come from countries in its “near abroad”. This perspective is also implied by the equally a variety of disciplines and interests covering a 2 broad spectrum of security-related issues. They misleading term “post-Soviet space.” The successor states of the Soviet conduct research on topics which are of interest to Union are sovereign countries that have developed differently and therefore the political and military decision-making bodies of the Alliance and its member states. no longer have much in common. Some of them are members of the European Union and NATO, while others are desperately trying to achieve The opinions expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of the this goal. -
Citizens and the State in the Government-Controlled Territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk Regions Problems, Challenges and Visions of the Future
Citizens and the state in the government-controlled territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions Problems, challenges and visions of the future Funded by: This document has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union through International Alert. The contents of this document are the sole responsibility of International Alert and UCIPR and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union. Layout: Nick Wilmot Creative Front cover image: A mother and daughter living in temporary accommodation for those displaced by the violence in Donetsk, 2014. © Andrew McConnell/Panos © International Alert/Ukrainian Center for Independent Political Research 2017 Citizens and the state in the government-controlled territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions Problems, challenges and visions of the future October 2017 2 CONTENTS 1. Introduction 3 2. Methodology 6 3. Findings 7 4. Statements from interviewees 22 5. Conclusions and recommendations 30 Citizens and the state in the government-controlled territories of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions 3 1. INTRODUCTION The demarcation line (the line of contact)1 and the ‘grey zone’ between the government-controlled2 and uncontrolled territories3 of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions separates the parties to the conflict in the east of Ukraine. The areas controlled by the Ukrainian authorities and bordering the ‘grey zone’ are very politically sensitive, highly militarised, and fall under a special governance regime that is different from the rest of the country. In the absence of a comprehensive political settlement and amid uncertain prospects, it is unclear how long this situation will remain. It is highly likely that over the next few years, Ukrainians in areas adjacent to the contact line will live under very particular and unusual governance structures, and in varying degrees of danger. -
Crimea and the Kremlin: from Plan “A” to Plan “B”
Crimea and the Kremlin: From Plan “A” to Plan “B” Translated by Arch Tait March 2015 This article is published in English by The Henry Jackson Society by arrangement with Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty. CRIMEA AND THE KREMLIN: FROM PLAN “A” TO PLAN “B” 1 Reconstructing events in east Ukraine and the rationale behind them. On 15 March, Crimea marked the first anniversary of the referendum on whether it wanted to be incorporated as Part of Russia. Shortly before,Vladimir Putin signed a decree instituting a new national holiday: SPecial OPerations Forces Day. This is to be celebrated on 27 February, the day in 2014 when the “little green men” embarked on their oPeration to seize key facilities in Crimea. The day before the announcement, Russian television aired a film titled “Crimea: the Path Back to the Homeland”, in which Putin describes taking the decision to begin the oPeration to annex the Peninsula. For all that, certain details about the oPeration and the Russian president’s motives remain obscure. We could do worse than get the answer to the question of why Putin decided to seize Crimea from the horse’s mouth, from Putin’s own sPeeches. He had listed his grievances at some length in a sPeech in the Kremlin on 18 March 2014. Not for the first time, he blamed the United States for “destroying the world order” and, in his view, stage-managing a whole succession of “coloured” revolutions. His main comPlaint was about NATO’s eastward expansion, “moving uP military infrastructure to our borders.” Because of this, he argued, “we have every reason to believe that the notorious Policy of containment of Russia, Pursued in the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries, continues to this day. -
The Kremlin's Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle
THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULARY ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE | FRANKLIN HOLCOMB | AUGUST 2017 Franklin Holcomb September 2017 RUSSIA AND UKRAINE SECURITY REPORT 3 THE KREMLIN’S IRREGULAR ARMY: UKRAINIAN SEPARATIST ORDER OF BATTLE WWW.UNDERSTANDINGWAR.ORG 1 Cover: A Pro-Russian separatist sits at his position at Savur-Mohyla, a hill east of the city of Donetsk, August 28, 2014. REUTERS/Maxim Shemetov. Reproduced with permission. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing or from the publisher. ©2017 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2017 in the United States of America by the Instittue for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 understandingwar.org 2 Franklin Holcomb The Kremlin’s Irregular Army: Ukrainian Separatist Order of Battle ABOUT THE AUTHOR Franklin Holcomb is a Russia and Ukraine Research Analyst at the Institute for the Study of War where he focuses on the war in Ukraine, Ukrainian politics, and Russian foreign policy in Eastern Europe. His current research focuses on studying the development of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and the Russian-backed separatist formations operating in Eastern Ukraine, as well as analyzing Russian political and military activity in Moldova, the Baltic, and the Balkans. Mr. Holcomb is the author of “The Order of Battle of the Ukrainian Armed Forces: A Key Component in European Security,” “Moldova Update: Kremlin Will Likely Seek to Realign Chisinau”, “Ukraine Update: Russia’s Aggressive Subversion of Ukraine,” as well as ISW’s other monthly updates on the political and military situation in Ukraine. -
Prokhorova L Hryshko S Nepsha O.Pdf
1 2 Innovative Approaches to Ensuring the Quality of Education, Scientific Research and Technological Processes Edited by Magdalena Gawron-Łapuszek Yana Suchukova Series of monographs Faculty of Architecture, Civil Engineering and Applied Arts Katowice School of Technology Monograph 43 Publishing House of University of Technology, Katowice, 2021 3 Editorial board : Michał Ekkert – PhD, Vice-Dean for Student Affairs, University of Technology, Katowice Magdalena Gawron-Łapuszek – PhD, University of Technology, Katowice Tetyana Nestorenko – Professor WST, PhD, Associate Professor, Berdyansk State Pedagogical University (Ukraine) Aleksander Ostenda – Professor WST, PhD, University of Technology, Katowice Yana Suchikova – DSc, Professor, Berdyansk State Pedagogical University (Ukraine) Magdalena Wierzbik-Strońska – mgr., University of Technology, Katowice Reviewers: Igor BOGDANOV – Head of Berdyansk State Pedagogical University, Doctor of Education, Professor; Gennady SHISHKIN – Professor of the Department of Physics and Methods of Teaching Physics at BSPU, Doctor of Pedagogical Sciences, associate professor Nadiya DUBROVINA – PhD, CSc., Associate Professor, School of Economics and Management in Public Administration in Bratislav Series of monographs Faculty of Architecture, Civil Engineering and Applied Arts University of Technology, Katowice Monograph · 43 The authors bear full responsible for the text, quotations and illustrations Copyright by University of Technology, Katowice, 2021 ISBN 978 – 83 – 957298 – 6 – 7 Editorial compilation Publishing -
Institutional Paths to Ending the Donbas Conflict by Serhiy Kudelia
KENNAN CABLE No. 35 l August 2018 Anti-tank obstacles in the “grey zone” near Mariupol, Ukraine (Source: https://www.svoboda.org/a/29091572.html) Institutional Paths to Ending the Donbas Conflict By Serhiy Kudelia Ever since the armed conflict in Donbas started military presence and restoring Kyiv’s control in 2014, Washington and Kyiv have seen its over the border. It rests on designing a new resolution through the prism of altering Russia’s institutional framework that can provide long-term behavior in the region. As Kurt Volker, the U.S. guarantees to civilians and separatist insurgents special representative on Ukraine, often notes, and prevent conflict recurrence. Responsibility for Moscow can quickly resolve the conflict by the adoption of new institutions lies primarily with withdrawing its troops from Donbas, ending arms the Ukrainian authorities. So far, they have avoided supplies to separatists, and allowing local elections publicly discussing the specifics of a long-term under international control.1 This explains why settlement. Moreover, the idea that resolving the Western sanctions have been tied to Russia’s conflict would require the adoption of a special set implementation of the Minsk Agreements.2 of rules for the region, as outlined in the Minsk However, the successful reintegration of Donbas Agreements, remains highly controversial among into Ukraine requires more than ending Russian Ukrainian political elites.3 However, lack of credible KENNAN CABLE No. 35 l August 2018 Ukraine’s current constitutional design control over issues of most concern to the communities. Following the end of the Cold War, is particularly ill-equipped for resolving power-sharing provisions have been included in over the type of armed conflict that has two-thirds of the settlements of intrastate conflicts.4 been raging in Donbas. -
Putin's Next Objectives in the Ukraine Crisis
HUGO SPAULDING BACKGROUNDER FEBRUARY 3, 2015 PUTIN’S NEXT OBJECTIVES IN THE UKRAINE CRISIS Russia’s campaign in eastern Ukraine has reached an inflection point. Five months after signing a ceasefire agreement, Russian and separatist forces have moved from a preparation phase to a maneuver offensive launched by the separatist victory at the Donetsk airport on January 21, 2015. This new phase of the conflict presents a fresh set of operational decision points for the governments in Moscow and Kyiv. Will Russian- backed forces stop at the boundaries of Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts [Provinces] and consolidate their gains? Will they seize Mariupol and then drive west to build a land-corridor to Crimea? Or will they prepare for much larger battles to take the pivotal cities of Kharkiv, Dnipropetrovsk, and Zaporizhia, whose capture would put the survival of the Ukrainian state in grave doubt? Will the Kyiv government commit reserves to defend against any of these contingencies? These decisions, much like the decision to seize the airport, will shed light on Moscow’s strategic objectives in Ukraine and Kyiv’s capacity to withstand them. They will also shape the evolution and quite possibly the outcome of this war. RUSSIAN OBJECTIVES IN KYIV Russia’s strategic interest in controlling Ukrainian political may well be reluctant to undertake it. Unless he can either affairs reflects Russian President Vladimir Putin’s belief in achieve his goals by means short of conquest or be persuaded the need to maintain a buffer between NATO, the European to accept lesser objectives, he is likely to be planning for and Union, and Russia. -
Downloaded License
The Soviet and Post-Soviet Review 48 (2021) 135–163 brill.com/spsr How the War Began: Conceptualizing Conflict Escalation in Ukraine’s Donbas Jakob Hauter PhD Student, School of Slavonic and East European Studies, Faculty of Social & Historical Sciences, University College London, London, UK [email protected] Abstract This article proposes a new theoretical framework based on conflict escalation theory and the concept of critical junctures to facilitate a more transparent analysis of the war in Ukraine’s Donbas. It argues that researchers have proposed a variety of causes of the outbreak of violence in the region. However, in the absence of an overarching theoreti- cal framework, it remains difficult to analyse the interplay of these causes and compare their explanatory power. In response, this article develops a theory-guided escalation sequence model. According to this model, the conflict’s formative phase consisted of an escalation sequence that lasted from April until August 2014 and comprised six critical junctures. This article argues that attempts to explain the conflict should be evaluated and compared in terms of their ability to explain these critical junctures. It concludes that similar escalation sequence models could improve research on armed conflict beyond the case of the Donbas. Keywords war – armed conflict – escalation – critical junctures – process tracing – Ukraine – Donbas © Jakob Hauter, 2021 | doi:10.30965/18763324-20201380 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the CC BY 4.0Downloaded license. from Brill.com09/26/2021 04:32:45AM via free access 136 Hauter 1 Introduction Scholars of armed conflict have identified a large number of potential causes of war.1 Existing studies, however, have not been able to paint a clear picture of the relative importance of these causes and the way in which they inter- act. -
Canales Libres Del Satélite Hot Bird 13º Actualización Septiembre 2013
Emitek Servicios Técnicos Canales libres del satélite Hot Bird 13º Actualización Septiembre 2013 www.emitek.es 14 Islam Channel Medidas para evitar interferencias Polonia (blindaje LNB, etc.). Canal religioso islámico suní con sede Cambiar orientación de antena de Hot en Londres. Bird a Eutelsat W3A Programación Programación rectificar polaco rectificar Reino Unido Temporalmente en abierto del 12/12/2012 al 10/04/2013 árabe tamil Truth TV Deepam TV 4fun.TV Truth TV Deepam TV 4 Fun TV Canal religioso islámico de Mohammed rectificar Canal polaco de vídeos musicales. Bin Rashid Alhashimi. rectificar rectificar Cese el 22/08/2013 Cese el 8/03/2010 Portugal tamil Thendral polaco Global Tamil Vision (GTV) PATIO TV portugués rectificar Patio TV rectificar Irak RTPi Cese el 2/09/2013 RTPi Canal internacional de la televisión kurdo polaco pública portuguesa. RODIN TV Programación rectificar Rodin TV rectificar Reino Unido Nueva frecuencia 7/12/2011. Cese el Zagros 14/05/2012 inglés Zagros TV o urdu casubio Canal del Kurdistán Iraquí, con sede en o polaco su capital, Erbil. Llamado así por la cordillera de los montes Zagros. CSB TV rectificar CSB TV (Cassubia TV) MTA INTL rectificar MTA International - Muslim Cese el 19/09/2013 Television Ahmadiyya Int. italiano Canal musulmán ahmadía en varios idiomas, siendo el principal el urdu RTB Virgilio (idioma de Paquistán), también en Frecuencia y polaridad inglés, francés. RTB International rectificar rectificar 10723 H Tasa de símbolos (SR), FEC y modulación Desde el 17/09/2013 Estados Unidos 29900 3/4 DVB-S QPSK Emiratos Árabes Unidos Satélite Hot Bird 13B darí farsi o pashto Reino Unido inglés Farsi1 Farsi 1 Canal a base de telenovelas sudamericanas y series americanas dobladas al farsi. -
The Ukrainian Weekly, 2019
INSIDE: l Canada set to recognize Tatar deportation as genocide – page 7 l Review: At The Ukrainian Museum’s film festival – page 9 l Ribbon-cutting highlights renovations at Bobriwka – page 17 THEPublished U by theKRAINIAN Ukrainian National Association, Inc., celebrating W its 125th anniversaryEEKLY Vol. LXXXVII No. 26-27 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JUNE 30 -JULY 7, 2019 $2.00 Ukrainian delegation bolts, Ukrainian Day advocacy event held in Washington Zelenskyy ‘disappointed’ as PACE reinstates Russia RFE/RL’s Ukrainian Service Ukraine’s delegation to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) has walked out in pro- test and President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has voiced his “disappointment” over Russia having its voting rights reinstalled at the body after a three-year hiatus. In a June 25 statement on his Facebook page, President Zelenskyy said he tried to convince French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Angela Merkel in separate meetings to not allow Russia back into Europe’s main human rights body until it meets PACE’s demands on adherence to princi- ples of rule of law and human rights. Ukrainian Day participants at the breakfast briefing session. “It’s a pity that our European partners didn’t hear us and acted differently,” Mr. Zelenskyy said of the lop- and a former co-chair of the Congressional Ukrainian sided vote from the Council of Europe’s 47 member On the agenda: Russia sanctions, Caucus, delivered observations from the perspective of states, where only 62 of the 190 delegates present energy security, occupation of Crimea, Congress. “Members of Congress highly value and appreci- ate the efforts of their constituents to visit Washington, opposed a report that made it possible for Russia to continued U.S. -
Gospel) Now It Happened, the Day After, That He Went Into a City Question: Called Nain; and Many of His Disciples Went with Him, and a Large Crowd
St Tikhon Con’t Metropolitan Tikhon Issues Statement on the Tragedy in Las Vegas himself a third time. His Beatitude Metropolitan Tikhon, Primate of the Ortho- Almost a million people came to say farewell to the Patri- dox Church in America, issued the following statement in arch. The large cathedral of the Donskoy Monastery in response to the tragic events in Las Vegas last night. The Moscow could not contain the crowd, which overflowed the statement reads: monastery property into the square and adjacent streets. Saint Tikhon, the eleventh Patriarch of Moscow, was pri- “On behalf of the hierarchs, clergy and faithful of the mate of the Russian Church for seven and a half years. Orthodox Church in America, we offer sincere condolences to the families and friends of the victims of the mass shoot- On September 26/October 9, 1989, the Council of Bishops ing in Las Vegas. It always brings great sorrow to hear of of the Russian Orthodox Church glorified Patriarch Tikhon such senseless killings in the supposedly civilized world. and numbered him among the saints. For nearly seventy Our hearts ache for the families and friends of the victims years, Saint Tikhon’s relics were believed lost, but in Febru- and we offer fervent prayers for the repose of the souls of ary 1992, they were discovered in a concealed place in the those whose lives were tragically cut short. We pray for the Donskoy Monastery. victims and the grieving families and ask that God send down upon them the spirit of peace and consolation. We It would be difficult to imagine the Russian Orthodox also offer thanksgiving for the timely and heroic actions of Church without Patriarch Tikhon during those years. -
St Tikhon, the Confessor, Patriarch of Moscow Saint Tikhon, Confessor and Patriarch of Moscow, Was Born Clergy Were Imprisoned Or Executed by the New Regime
St Tikhon, the Confessor, Patriarch of Moscow Saint Tikhon, Confessor and Patriarch of Moscow, was born clergy were imprisoned or executed by the new regime. Pa- Vasily Ivanovich Bellavin on January 31st (January 19th o.s.), triarch Tikhon openly condemned the killings of the tsar’s 1865. His father was Ioann Belavin, a rural priest of the To- family in 1918, and protested against violent attacks by the ropetz district of the Pskov diocese. From his early years Bolsheviks on the Church. During the famine in 1922 the he displayed a particular religious disposition, love for the Patriarch was accused of being a saboteur by the Commu- Church as well as rare meekness and humility. From 1878 to nist government, for which he was imprisoned from April 1883, Vasily studied at the Pskov Theological Seminary. His 1922 until June 1923 in Donskoy Monastery. Among acts fellow students liked and respected him for his piety, bril- incriminating him was his public protest against nationaliza- liant progress in studies, and constant readiness to help tion of the property of the Church. This caused international comrades, who often turned to him for explanations resonance and was a subject of several notes to the Soviet gov- of lessons, especially for help in drawing up and correct- ernment. ing numerous compositions. In 1888, at the age of 23, he Under pressure from the authorities, Patriarch Tikhon graduated from the Saint Petersburg Theological Academy issued several messages to the believers in which he stated in as a layman. He then returned to the Pskov Seminary and part that he was “no longer an enemy to the Soviet power”.