What Does It Mean to Visit a Place Like Rocky Mountain National Park? Visitors Tell Their Stories in Colorado
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WHAT DOES IT MEAN TO VISIT A PLACE LIKE ROCKY MOUNTAIN NATIONAL PARK? VISITORS TELL THEIR STORIES IN COLORADO Jeffrey J. Brooks John P. Titre George N. Wallace Colorado State University College of Natural Resources Department of Natural Resource Recreation & Tourism “It has become evident to me from my own and others’ experiences in a variety of studies, that stories are a recurrent and prominent feature of respondents’ accounts in all types of interviews.” Elliot G. Mishler, 1986a, p. 235 ABSTRACT Human experience can be rich and filled with meaning in special places that are protected for natural resource and outdoor recreation value. Within a hermeneutic and meaning-based framework, we interviewed both day and overnight visitors in both developed and backcountry settings at Rocky Mountain National Park, Colorado, United States. The objective was to describe and interpret the relationship between park visitors and the resource setting. Interviews were in depth, semi-structured, and audio recorded to capture subjective meanings of the experience. Questions and probes regarding important characteristics of the setting, special places, feelings and emotions, and pros and cons of protecting wilderness guided informants’ responses. Interview transcripts for two sample individuals were interpreted as personal narratives about the experience of the setting. These idiographic (i.e., within individual) analyses were organized around two broad themes: (1) claimed identity expressed through the interview and (2) current personal project(s) in which the individual was engaged. Recurrent sub themes and dimensions of identity and current project for each individual are explored (e.g., object- centered and subject-centered experience and spirituality). We present these rich accounts to better understand and define emergent concepts of recreation wilderness experience and meaning for future research and park visitor management. INTRODUCTION Researchers who study people who visit forests, parks, and other protected areas in the United States have documented changes in values, attitudes, economic uses, and recreation behaviors (Bengston, 1994; Bengston & Xu, 1995; Cordell & Tarrant, 2002). Given the diversity among visitors, conflicts are sometimes created by differences in the way people value, or construct protected areas in their minds. Symbolic and intangible aspects of wilderness experiences are often mistakenly overlooked as sources of conflict (Williams & Patterson, 1999, p. 154-155). Managers and social scientists must acknowledge and understand that for visitors, the communities and natural resources that they encounter at these places exist in a meaning-filled context, which includes both space and time (Williams & Patterson, 1996, p. 509). Accordingly, landscapes and ecosystems are beginning to be understood as symbolic places with which people form strong emotional attachments (Williams, Patterson, Roggenbuck, & Watson, 1992; Williams & Carr, 1993). Special places and their associated symbolic attachments and meanings Brooks, J. J., Titre, J. P., & Wallace, G. N. (2004). What does it mean to visit Rocky Mountain Park? Visitors tell their stories in Colorado. In I. Camarda, M. J. Manfredo, T. L. Teel, & F. Mulas (Eds.), Global challenges of Parks and Protected Areas Management: Proceedings of the Ninth International Symposium on Society and Resource Management (pp. 87-109). Sassari, Italy: Carlo Delfino Editore. have explicitly entered into the discourse about ecosystem and public lands management (Eisenhauer, Krannich, & Blahna, 2000; Mitchell, Force, Carroll, & McLaughlin, 1993; Schroeder, 2002; Williams & Patterson, 1996,1999; Williams & Stewart, 1998). Social science research on the attachment to special places requires expanded and alternative philosophical orientations and methodologies. Williams and Patterson (1996, p. 518) concluded that effective management at the ecosystem level will be “guided by contextually rich understandings of social and natural history,” while a primarily abstract and reductionistic perspective will not succeed. Furthermore, research is needed on other elusive (i.e., hard-to-define) phenomena such as nature- based spiritual experiences and benefits (Driver & Ajzen, 1996; McDonald & Schreyer, 1991). According to Taylor (2001) earth and nature-based spirituality and environmental religious orientations are proliferating globally. In addition, spiritual inspiration has been linked to positive social interaction in national park and wilderness settings (Fredrickson & Anderson, 1999). More applied and basic social science research is needed to identify the physical and social attributes that contribute to spiritual experiences at special places (Stokols, 1990, p. 644). These emergent, complex human dimensions of special places are important for research and have implications for managers. The challenges, of course, are how to study and apply symbolic meanings and place attachments to policymaking and recreation management. Rocky Mountain National Park (RMNP) is a special place for many people. We suggest that many visitor experiences at RMNP are rich and meaning filled, and a more complete understanding of these meanings can inform future research and management at the park. Studying these experiences can provide information that is typically lost in large-sample, structured visitor surveys and at the same time improve the format and content of such surveys. Most parks will benefit from conducting both types of studies; one yielding stand-alone information that is concrete and less abstract about visitor experiences, and the other providing generalizable information about a wide range of visitor characteristics and perceptions. This study was primarily concerned with socio-cultural meanings, which can be symbolic, expressive, and spiritual in nature (Williams & Carr, 1993: Williams & Patterson, 1999). When park visitors are interviewed about how their lives relate to special places, these types of meaning emerge in narrative, or story form. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate an idiographic analysis of the socially constructed (Greider & Garkovich, 1994; Williams, 2002) relationship between park visitors and the places they visit for two individuals. Specifically, we employed hermeneutics, which is the interpretation of texts (Packer & Addison, 1989; Kvale, 1996) and narrative analysis (Mishler, 1986b; Sarbin, 1986) in a qualitative study of place meanings. This type of inquiry and similar paradigms share a philosophical orientation that is grounded by several key assumptions about the nature of reality and human experience. Patterson (1993) and Patterson and Williams (2002) outlined these guiding assumptions for this type of research on leisure and recreation experience and setting. 1. Meaning is lost when wholes are reduced to parts. This study takes a holistic approach by exploring the entire human experience of place. 2. Leisure phenomena are context dependent. This is naturalistic and site specific research, which highlights context over generalizations. 2 3. Multiple realities exist in leisure settings. “Each person sees the world differently to a substantial degree, and human phenomenon must be studied as they are subjectively lived and experienced.” (Mick & Buhl, 1992, p. 318). 4. People are engaged in practical activity (i.e., current personal projects) while visiting leisure settings. People continually and actively take part in constructing a life and an identity (McCracken, 1987). 5. Free will and constraints of the setting interact to determine human experience (Valle, King, & Halling, 1989). “People are seen as having the capacity to behave in distinctively individual ways within the boundaries of their social, cultural, and environmental backgrounds.” (Patterson, Williams, & Scherl, 1993, p. 242). 6. In outdoor recreation settings, the person and the setting mutually define human experience. Meaning is thought to be an emergent property that is realized through an interactive relationship between person and setting (Mick & Buhl, 1992). Figure 1 represents an a priori, non-linear conceptualization for a meaning-based hermeneutic investigation. Human experience is thought of as a mass of components with highly fluid boundaries between the components (Hirschman, 1986; Malm, 1993). Individual life components cannot be studied in the absence of other life components that may be relative to the research problem. For example, an investigation of park visitors’ self identities would be incomplete without considering social and emotional ties to place, construction of place, and engagement in personal project(s) (Patterson, 1993). ______________________________________________________________________________ Family Place Self Project Community ____________________________________________________________________________ Figure 1. Non-linear a priori conceptualization of the ‘fluid mass’ of human experience (adapted from Hirschman, 1986; Malm, 1993; Patterson, 1993). 3 Consumer researchers have developed and applied meaning-based models of human experience to study consumer behavior (Fournier, 1991; McCracken, 1987; Mick & Buhl, 1992). Leisure researchers have applied productive hermeneutics to describe and interpret the leisure experience (Patterson, 1993; Patterson & Williams, 2002; Patterson, Watson, Williams, & Roggenbuck, 1998). We drew from these paradigms to explore emergent human experience at RMNP to advance understanding of place attachment and to prompt future research. Simultaneously,