The Kings of State Procurement
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Testimony: the Russian Economy: More Than Just Energy?
The Russian Economy: More than Just Energy? Anders Åslund, Peterson Institute for International Economics Testimony for the Committee on Foreign Affairs of the European Parliament April 2009 1 Introduction Russia has enjoyed a decade of high economic growth because of the eventually successful market reforms of the 1990s as well as an oil boom. For the last six years, however, the Russian economy has become increasingly dysfunctional because the authorities have done nothing to impede corruption. The energy sector has been a generator of corrupt revenues, and its renationalization has concentrated these corrupt incomes in the hands of the security police elite. Russia depends on the European Union for most of its exports and imports, but no free trade agreement is even on the horizon. Investments, by contrast, are relatively well secured through international conventions. In global governance, Russia has changed its attitude from being a joiner to becoming a spoiler. The disruption of supplies of Russian gas to Europe in January 2009 displayed all the shortfalls both of the Russian and Ukrainian gas sectors and of EU policy. The European Union needs to play a more active role. It should monitor gas supplies, production, and storage. It should demand the exclusion of corrupt intermediaries in its gas trade. It should demand that Russia and Ukraine conclude a long- term transit and supply agreement. The European Union should form a proper energy policy, with energy conservation, diversification, unbundling, and increased storage. This is a good time to persuade Russia to ratify the Energy Charter. The European Union should also demand that Ukraine undertake a market-oriented and transparent energy-sector reform. -
Privatization in Russia: Catalyst for the Elite
PRIVATIZATION IN RUSSIA: CATALYST FOR THE ELITE VIRGINIE COULLOUDON During the fall of 1997, the Russian press exposed a corruption scandal in- volving First Deputy Prime Minister Anatoli Chubais, and several other high- ranking officials of the Russian government.' In a familiar scenario, news organizations run by several bankers involved in the privatization process published compromising material that prompted the dismissal of the politi- 2 cians on bribery charges. The main significance of the so-called "Chubais affair" is not that it pro- vides further evidence of corruption in Russia. Rather, it underscores the im- portance of the scandal's timing in light of the prevailing economic environment and privatization policy. It shows how deliberate this political campaign was in removing a rival on the eve of the privatization of Rosneft, Russia's only remaining state-owned oil and gas company. The history of privatization in Russia is riddled with scandals, revealing the critical nature of the struggle for state funding in Russia today. At stake is influence over defining the rules of the political game. The aim of this article is to demonstrate how privatization in Russia gave birth to an oligarchic re- gime and how, paradoxically, it would eventually destroy that very oligar- chy. This article intends to study how privatization influenced the creation of the present elite structure and how it may further transform Russian decision making in the foreseeable future. Privatization is generally seen as a prerequisite to a market economy, which in turn is considered a sine qua non to establishing a democratic regime. But some Russian analysts and political leaders disagree with this approach. -
Sanctions Intelligence Update
July 17, 2014 SANCTIONS INTELLIGENCE UPDATE GENNADY TIMCHENKO & VOLGA GROUP adapting BUSINESS FOLLOWING U.S. & Canadian sanctions Overview In March and April, the US government sanctioned Russian businessman Gennady Timchenko, his Luxembourg-registered holding company Volga Group, and ten related subsidiaries. Timchenko was identified as a “member of the Russian leadership’s inner circle,” whose involvement in the energy sector was “directly linked to [President] Putin.” To date, Canada has sanctioned Timchenko, Volga Group, and nine Volga Group subsidiaries. The European Union has not acted against Timchenko or Volga Group. Since the announcement of US and Canadian sanctions, Timchenko and Volga Group- controlled firms have announced new projects in Asia, Europe, and Syria with reported financing from Chinese and Russian banks, including institutions sanctioned by the US on July 16. Financial institutions engaged in global business should consider the implications for AML and sanctions risk management. Timchenko’s post-sanctionS business ventures in China In late April 2014, President Putin appointed Gennady Timchenko to lead the Russia-China Business Council (RCBC), a body created in 2004 to expand partnerships between the two countries. Timchenko told reporters after President Putin’s RCBC announcement: “You know what Putin said? He introduced me by As head of RCBC, Timchenko is advancing Volga Group interests in saying Mr. Timchenko is the head of our business council. In other China. words – it is my words here – he is our main man for China.” • In late May 2014, Volga Group is constructing a terminal for announced a joint-venture with coal and iron ore shipments in the state-owned China Harbour Russia’s Far East. -
Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia
Boris Nemtsov 27 February 2015 Moscow, Russia the fight against corruption, embezzlement and fraud, claiming that the whole system built by Putin was akin to a mafia. In 2009, he discovered that one of Putin’s allies, Mayor of Moscow City Yury Luzhkov, BORIS and his wife, Yelena Baturina, were engaged in fraudulent business practices. According to the results of his investigation, Baturina had become a billionaire with the help of her husband’s connections. Her real-estate devel- opment company, Inteco, had invested in the construction of dozens of housing complexes in Moscow. Other investors were keen to part- ner with Baturina because she was able to use NEMTSOV her networks to secure permission from the Moscow government to build apartment build- ings, which were the most problematic and It was nearing midnight on 27 February 2015, and the expensive construction projects for developers. stars atop the Kremlin towers shone with their charac- Nemtsov’s report revealed the success of teristic bright-red light. Boris Nemtsov and his partner, Baturina’s business empire to be related to the Anna Duritskaya, were walking along Bolshoy Moskovo- tax benefits she received directly from Moscow retsky Bridge. It was a cold night, and the view from the City government and from lucrative govern- bridge would have been breathtaking. ment tenders won by Inteco. A snowplough passed slowly by the couple, obscuring the scene and probably muffling the sound of the gunshots fired from a side stairway to the bridge. The 55-year-old Nemtsov, a well-known Russian politician, anti-corrup- tion activist and a fierce critic of Vladimir Putin, fell to the ground with four bullets in his back. -
How Hydrocarbon Resources and Vladimir Putin's Acquaintances Are Linked to Russia's Foreign Policy Decisions
Union College Union | Digital Works Honors Theses Student Work 6-2020 How Hydrocarbon Resources and Vladimir Putin's Acquaintances are Linked to Russia's Foreign Policy Decisions Anttoni Asikainen Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Asikainen, Anttoni, "How Hydrocarbon Resources and Vladimir Putin's Acquaintances are Linked to Russia's Foreign Policy Decisions" (2020). Honors Theses. 2380. https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses/2380 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at Union | Digital Works. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Union | Digital Works. For more information, please contact [email protected]. How Hydrocarbon Resources and Vladimir Putin's Acquaintances are Linked to Russia's Foreign Policy Decisions By Anttoni Asikainen ********** Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Honors in the Department of Russian and East European Studies UNION COLLEGE June 2020 i ABSTRACT ASIKAINEN, ANTTONI How Hydrocarbon Resources and Vladimir Putin's Acquaintances are Linked to Russia's Foreign Policy Decisions. Departments of Political Science and Russian and East European Studies, June 2020 ADVISOR: Kristin Bidoshi & David Siegel This thesis examines how Russia uses its hydrocarbon resources as a foreign policy tool. As one of the most significant gas and oil producers in the world, Russia has gained enormous political power in many nations. In short, for many years, Russia has been building asymmetrical economic relationships with multiple countries, including countries in the European Union. Many of these countries have become partially or entirely dependent on Russian energy. -
Russian Analytical Digest No 72
No. 72 9 February 2010 russian analytical digest www.res.ethz.ch www.laender-analysen.de HISTORY WRITING AND NATIONAL MYTH-MAKING IN RUSSIA ■ The Politics of the Past in Russia 2 By Alexey Miller, Moscow ■■OpiniOn Poll Russian Opinions on History Textbooks 5 ■ The Victory Myth and Russia’s Identity 6 By Ivo Mijnssen, Basel ■■OpiniOn Poll Russian Attitudes towards Stalin 10 Russians on the Disintegration of the USSR 15 ■ Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems 16 By Galina Mikhaleva, Moscow German Association for Research Centre for East Center for Security Institute of History DGO East European Studies European Studies, Bremen Studies, ETH Zurich University of Basel russian analytical russian analytical digest 72/10 digest The■politics■of■the■past■in■Russia* By Alexey Miller, Moscow Abstract Active political intervention in the politics of memory and the professional historian’s sphere began no later than in 2006 in Russia. Today all the basic elements of the politics of the past are present: attempts to in- culcate in school a single, centrally-defined, politicized history textbook; the creation of special, politically- committed structures, which combine the tasks of organizing historical research and controlling the activ- ities of archives and publishers; attempts to legislatively regulate historical interpretations; and, as is typical in such cases, efforts to legitimize and ideologically justify all of these practices. The■Origin■of■History■politics■in■the■post- In a society claiming to be democratic, all these Communist■Space mechanisms evolve. In contrast to the previous In 2004 a group of Polish historians announced that Communist party-state system, the group or party Poland needed to develop and propagate its own politics which holds power at a given time is no longer the of the past or history politics. -
Russia Intelligence
N°70 - January 31 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS SPOTLIGHT P. 1-3 Politics & Government c Medvedev’s Last Battle Before Kremlin Debut SPOTLIGHT c Medvedev’s Last Battle The arrest of Semyon Mogilevich in Moscow on Jan. 23 is a considerable development on Russia’s cur- Before Kremlin Debut rent political landscape. His profile is altogether singular: linked to a crime gang known as “solntsevo” and PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS sought in the United States for money-laundering and fraud, Mogilevich lived an apparently peaceful exis- c Final Stretch for tence in Moscow in the renowned Rublyovka road residential neighborhood in which government figures « Operation Succession » and businessmen rub shoulders. In truth, however, he was involved in at least two types of business. One c Kirillov, Shestakov, was the sale of perfume and cosmetic goods through the firm Arbat Prestige, whose manager and leading Potekhin: the New St. “official” shareholder is Vladimir Nekrasov who was arrested at the same time as Mogilevich as the two left Petersburg Crew in Moscow a restaurant at which they had lunched. The charge that led to their incarceration was evading taxes worth DIPLOMACY around 1.5 million euros and involving companies linked to Arbat Prestige. c Balkans : Putin’s Gets His Revenge The other business to which Mogilevich’s name has been linked since at least 2003 concerns trading in P. 4-7 Business & Networks gas. As Russia Intelligence regularly reported in previous issues, Mogilevich was reportedly the driving force behind the creation of two commercial entities that played a leading role in gas relations between Russia, BEHIND THE SCENE Turkmenistan and Ukraine: EuralTransGaz first and then RosUkrEnergo later. -
The Politics of Memory in Russia
Thomas Sherlock Confronting the Stalinist Past: The Politics of Memory in Russia Attempting to reverse the decline of the Russian state, economy, and society, President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin have paid increasing attention over the past two years to the modernization of Russia’s socioeconomic system. Aware of the importance of cultural and ideological supports for reform, both leaders are developing a ‘‘useable’’ past that promotes anti-Stalinism, challenging the anti-liberal historical narratives of Putin’s presidency from 2000—2008. This important political development was abrupt and unexpected in Russia and the West. In mid—2009, a respected journal noted in its introduction to a special issue on Russian history and politics: ‘‘turning a blind eye to the crimes of the communist regime, Russia’s political leadership is restoring, if only in part, the legacy of Soviet totalitarianism....’’1 In December 2009, Time magazine ran a story entitled ‘‘Rehabilitating Joseph Stalin.’’2 Although the conflicting interests of the regime and the opposition of conservatives are powerful obstacles to a sustained examination of Russia’s controversial Soviet past, the Kremlin has now reined in its recent efforts to burnish the historical image of Josef Stalin, one of the most brutal dictators in history. For now, Medvedev and Putin are bringing the Kremlin more in line with dominant Western assessments of Stalinism. If this initiative continues, it could help liberalize Russia’s official political culture and perhaps its political system. Yet Thomas Sherlock is Professor of Political Science at the United States Military Academy at West Point and the author of Historical Narratives in the Soviet Union and Post-Soviet Russia (Palgrave Macmillan, 2007). -
Is the Mafia Taking Over Cybercrime?*
Is the Mafia Taking Over Cybercrime?* Jonathan Lusthaus Director of the Human Cybercriminal Project Department of Sociology University of Oxford * This paper is adapted from Jonathan Lusthaus, Industry of Anonymity: Inside the Business of Cybercrime (Cambridge, Mass. & London: Harvard University Press, 2018). 1. Introduction Claims abound that the Mafia is not only getting involved in cybercrime, but taking a leading role in the enterprise. One can find such arguments regularly in media articles and on blogs, with a number of broad quotes on this subject, including that: the “Mafia, which has been using the internet as a communication vehicle for some time, is using it increasingly as a resource for carrying out mass identity theft and financial fraud”.1 Others prescribe a central role to the Russian mafia in particular: “The Russian Mafia are the most prolific cybercriminals in the world”.2 Discussions and interviews with members of the information security industry suggest such views are commonly held. But strong empirical evidence is rarely provided on these points. Unfortunately, the issue is not dealt with in a much better fashion by the academic literature with a distinct lack of data.3 In some sense, the view that mafias and organised crime groups (OCGs) play an important role in cybercrime has become a relatively mainstream position. But what evidence actually exists to support such claims? Drawing on a broader 7-year study into the organisation of cybercrime, this paper evaluates whether the Mafia is in fact taking over cybercrime, or whether the structure of the cybercriminal underground is something new. It brings serious empirical rigor to a question where such evidence is often lacking. -
Economic Sanctions Peter A
04 2019 Winter Vol. 20 SPECIALS SPOTLIGHT TRENDS Giving Away Wealth? The Asylum, Statistic Update Trade Effects of the Migration, and Yuan Devaluation Integration Fund of Martin T. Braml and the EU Marina Steininger Chang Woon Nam The ifo Export Climate – A Leading Indicator to Forecast German Export Growth Christian Grimme and Robert Lehmann FOCUS Economic Sanctions Peter A. G. van Bergeijk, Gerald Schneider and Patrick M. Weber, Anders Åslund, Iikka Korhonen, John J. Forrer and Kathleen Harrington, Christian von Soest CESifo Forum ISSN 1615-245X (print version) ISSN 2190-717X (electronic version) A quarterly journal on European economic issues Publisher and distributor: ifo Institute, Poschingerstr. 5, 81679 Munich, Germany Telephone +49 89 9224-0, telefax +49 89 9224-98 53 69, email [email protected] Annual subscription rate: €50.00 Single subscription rate: €15.00 Shipping not included Editor: Chang Woon Nam ([email protected]) Indexed in EconLit Reproduction permitted only if source is stated and copy is sent to the ifo Institute. www.cesifo.org VOLUME 20, NUMBER 4, Winter 2019 FOCUS Economic Sanctions Can the Sanction Debate Be Resolved? 3 Peter A. G. van Bergeijk Biased, But Surprisingly Effective: Economic Coercion after the Cold War 9 Gerald Schneider and Patrick M. Weber Western Economic Sanctions on Russia over Ukraine, 2014-2019 14 Anders Åslund Economic Sanctions on Russia and Their Effects 19 Iikka Korhonen The Trump Administration’s Use of Trade Tariffs as Economic Sanctions 23 John J. Forrer and Kathleen Harrington Individual Sanctions: Toward a New Research Agenda 28 Christian von Soest SPECIALS Giving Away Wealth? Trade Effects of the Yuan Devaluation 32 Martin T. -
Organized Crime – Definition, Players and Global Threat
Transnational Crime MSCR 640 Regis University Week 2 Post-Soviet “Russian” Organized Crime – Definition, Players and Global Threat John Giduck © By John Giduck, all rights reserved, 1995, 2017 1 The Need of Define ROC. One of the greatest difficulties facing those individuals and organizations which must deal with the impact of Russian Organized Crime (ROC) is answering the question, exactly what is Russian organized crime? This difficulty derives in part from the extreme secrecy with which ROC members have always functioned; and has been exacerbated by both news media and law enforcement agencies, whose own particular ends are better served by sensationalized and exaggerated accounts of ROC membership, rising numbers of groups, types and frequency of various crimes. What remains missing is a clear understanding of what exactly Russian organized crime and ROC groups are. Certainly, the media of the 1990s, in reporting incidents of street crime and overall rising crime rates in Russia, utilized a liberal construction of this term, it then being in vogue to blame much on the mafiya. In reality, it will be seen that there are actually many layers of crime in Russia, a number of which are not, and have never been, mafiya controlled.1 Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in late 1991, news media accounts of an increasing crime rate paralleled rising estimates of the number of actual ROC groups and numbers. Rarely a month went by in the three years after the USSR’s collapse that some newspaper, magazine or television show did not proffer a statistic on the number of ROC groups operating across Russia that was not substantially greater than those previously reported. -
Journalistic Investigations Into Cases of Transborder Corruption
Working Group on Fighting Transborder Corruption Journalistic investigations into cases of transborder corruption Сollection of case studies 2018 Journalistic investigations into cases of transborder corruption Collection of case studies Working Group on Fighting Transborder Corruption of the EU-Russia Civil Society Forum Editorial board: Andrei Kalikh, Anastasia Kirilenko, Harry Hummel This collection of articles covers several types of anticorruption journalistic investigation. Each of the authors – journalists, experts and public activists – analyzes their preferred type of investigation. The collection includes the descriptions of the following methods: data based investigation (big data journalism, state and commercial registers, open source research), undercover investigation, interview based investigation, search in DarkWeb. The goal of the publication is to show different methods of doing transborder corruption investigations. It is designed for a wide range of readers – novice authors, researchers, civil society activists, journalists interested in cooperation in international anti-corruption investigations, etc. All rights reserved © EU-Russia Civil Society Forum © Expert Group “Fighting Transborder Corruption”, 2018 © Authors, 2018 Contact: [email protected] 2 Table of contents: Foreword 4 Part one. Investigations based on data analysis Using real estate registers and databases: The case of Karlovy Vary 8 Mikhail Maglov Working with Big Data: The Investigative Dashboard – A Swiss Knife 14 for Global Reporting on Corruption and Organized Crime Atanas Tchobanov “Bringing together new investigative tools and traditional journalistic work” 18 Working with open sources. Interview with Aric Toler Part two. Other types of investigation From Russia with Cash: An Experience of Undercover Investigation 23 Roman Borisovich Interview based investigations. “Confessions”. 33 Anastasia Kirilenko Look under the iceberg: hidden opportunities on the Internet 43 for investigative journalists Maksim Ishmatov Conclusion.