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IS DEMOCRACY in TROUBLE? According to Many Scholars, Modern Liberal Democracy Has Advanced in Waves
IS DEMOCRACY IN TROUBLE? According to many scholars, modern liberal democracy has advanced in waves. But liberal democracy has also had its set- backs. Some argue that it is in trouble in the world today, and that the young millennial generation is losing faith in it. FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2017 Source: Freedom in the World 2017 This map was prepared by Freedom House, an independent organization that monitors and advocates for democratic government around the globe. According to this map, how free is your country? Which areas of the world appear to be the most free? Which appear to be the least free? (Freedom House) Since the American and French revolutions, there authoritarian leaders like Russia’s Vladimir Putin. have been three major waves of liberal democracies. Freedom House has rated countries “free,” “partly After each of the first two waves, authoritarian regimes free,” and “not free” for more than 70 years. Its Free- like those of Mussolini and Hitler arose. dom in the World report for 2016 identified 67 coun- A third wave of democracy began in the world in the tries with net declines in democratic rights and civil mid-1970s. It speeded up when the Soviet Union and the liberties. Only 36 countries had made gains. This nations it controlled in Eastern Europe collapsed. Liberal marked the 11th straight year that declines outnum- democracies were 25 percent of the world’s countries in bered gains in this category. 1975 but surged to 45 percent in 2000. The big news in the Freedom House report was that Many believed liberal democracy was on a perma- “free” countries (i.e., liberal democracies) dominated the nent upward trend. -
The Two Faces of Populism: Between Authoritarian and Democratic Populism
German Law Journal (2019), 20, pp. 390–400 doi:10.1017/glj.2019.20 ARTICLE The two faces of populism: Between authoritarian and democratic populism Bojan Bugaric* (Received 18 February 2019; accepted 20 February 2019) Abstract Populism is Janus-faced; simultaneously facing different directions. There is not a single form of populism, but rather a variety of different forms, each with profoundly different political consequences. Despite the current hegemony of authoritarian populism, a much different sort of populism is also possible: Democratic and anti-establishment populism, which combines elements of liberal and democratic convic- tions. Without understanding the political economy of the populist revolt, it is difficult to understand the true roots of populism, and consequently, to devise an appropriate democratic alternative to populism. Keywords: authoritarian populism; democratic populism; Karl Polanyi; political economy of populism A. Introduction There is a tendency in current constitutional thinking to reduce populism to a single set of universal elements. These theories juxtapose populism with constitutionalism and argue that pop- ulism is by definition antithetical to constitutionalism.1 Populism, according to this view, under- mines the very substance of constitutional (liberal) democracy. By attacking the core elements of constitutional democracy, such as independent courts, free media, civil rights and fair electoral rules, populism by necessity degenerates into one or another form of non-democratic and authori- tarian order. In this article, I argue that such an approach is not only historically inaccurate but also norma- tively flawed. There are historical examples of different forms of populism, like the New Deal in the US, which did not degenerate into authoritarianism and which actually helped the American democracy to survive the Big Depression of the 1930s. -
Technological Revolution, Democratic Recession and Climate Change: the Limits of Law in a Changing World
TECHNOLOGICAL REVOLUTION, DEMOCRATIC RECESSION AND CLIMATE CHANGE: THE LIMITS OF LAW IN A CHANGING WORLD Luís Roberto Barroso Senior Fellow, Carr Center for Human Rights Policy Justice, Brazilian Supreme Court CARR CENTER DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES Discussion Paper 2019-009 For Academic Citation: Luís Roberto Barroso. Technological Revolution, Democratic Recession and Climate Change: The Limits of Law in a Changing World. CCDP 2019-009. September 2019. The views expressed in Carr Center Discussion Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the Harvard Kennedy School or of Harvard University. Discussion Papers have not undergone formal review and approval. Such papers are included in this series to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy challenges. Copyright belongs to the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Technological Revolution, Democratic Recession and Climate Change: The Limits of Law in a Changing World About the Author Luís Roberto Barroso is a Senior Fellow at the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy. He is a Justice at the Brazilian Supreme Court and a Law Professor at Rio de Janeiro State University. He holds a Master’s degree in Law from Yale Law School (LLM), and a Doctor’s degree (SJD) from the Rio de Janeiro State University. He was a Visiting Scholar at Harvard Law School in 2011 and has been Visiting Professor at different universities in Brazil and other countries. Carr Center for Human Rights Policy Harvard Kennedy School 79 JFK Street Cambridge, MA 02138 www.carrcenter.hks.harvard.edu Copyright 2019 Discussion Paper September 2019 Table of Contents TECHNOLOGICAL REVOLUTION, DEMOCRATIC RECESSION AND CLIMATE CHANGE: THE LIMITS OF LAW IN A CHANGING WORLD ..................................................................................................................................... -
Martill, University of Oxford
Centre of Attention: Liberalism and the Politics of Cold War Strategy Benjamin Martill, University of Oxford Abstract Common to existing work on ideology and foreign policy is the use of the left-right model to structure underlying partisan differences. An exclusive reliance on this model is problematic, however, because it precludes the possibility of operationalizing the distinct values of the political centre ground. Understanding the centre is important because on many foreign policy issues the most salient partisan divides are between the centre and competitors on the left and the right, rather than between the left and right themselves. In this article I offer an alternative conceptualisation of ideology based around the ‘horseshoe model’ commonly used in European studies and Comparative Politics. This allows us to distinguish the values of the political centre from those shared by both left and right. The five distinguishing elements of the centre’s approach to foreign policy, I argue, are: (1) interdependence, (2) supranationalism, (3) particularism, (4) deterrence, and (5) free trade. I test the argument by examining the changing Cold War strategies of Euratlantic states vis-à-vis both superpowers. Paper presented at the PSA annual conference, Sheffield, April 2015 Draft version – please do not cite 1 Introduction Existing works on ideology and International Relations (IR) have highlighted a number of linkages between the partisan orientation of governments and their foreign policy behaviour, in issue-areas as diverse as security, human rights, economics and international organization. These works share a common reliance on the standard model of political ideology that posits variation along a single dimension from left to right. -
Living Our Democratic Values
Living Our Democratic Values Protecting human rights and upholding democratic values has been a perennial goal for presidents of both major political parties in the United States. Yet the current administration has abandoned our democratic allies and values by embracing authoritarian leaders, enabling corruption, and engaging in a transactional foreign policy. The next administration must take immediate steps to reverse harmful policies and halt human rights violations in U.S. domestic and foreign policy, demonstrating through words and deeds a renewed commitment to living our values. ›› 31 Center for American Progress | The First 100 Days: Living Our Democratic Values Over successive administrations, the United States has strived—however imperfectly— to uphold democratic values. Yet the current administration has actively undermined those values, damaging America’s democratic institutions and attacking the very idea of universal human rights.1 President Donald Trump has coddled dictators and repudi- ated America’s most reliable treaty allies.2 In the process, his administration has hobbled America’s ability to pursue its founding principles at home and abroad. Rebuilding America’s support for democracy and respect for human rights will take serious time and energy, and the next administration must get started immediately in January 2021. The damage that the next administration will need to repair is immense. It is hard to overestimate the harm that the current administration has inflicted. From daily attacks on the free press3 to intervening in Justice Department investigations4 to using the Oval Office to promote private business interests,5 the Trump administration has assaulted fundamental norms that American presidents and leaders have long upheld. -
Pitchfork Politics Elections
failed to gain traction in national THE AME Pitchfork Politics elections. On the left, the countercultural protest movements of the 1960s and The Populist Threat to 1970s challenged the status quo but didn’t secure institutional representa- R I Liberal Democracy tion until their radicalism had subsided. C As the political scientists Seymour AN DISTEMPER Yascha Mounk Martin Lipset and Stein Rokkan famously observed, during the postwar years, the party structures of North America and ince Roman times, virtually every western Europe were “frozen” to an type of government that holds unprecedented degree. Between 1960 Scompetitive elections has experi- and 1990, the parties represented in the enced some form of populism—some parliaments of Amsterdam, Copenhagen, attempt by ambitious politicians to Ottawa, Paris, Rome, Stockholm, Vienna, mobilize the masses in opposition to an and Washington barely changed. For a establishment they depict as corrupt or few decades, Western political establish- self-serving. From Tiberius Gracchus and ments held such a firm grip on power the populares of the Roman Senate, to the that most observers stopped noticing champions of the popolo in Machiavelli’s just how remarkable that stability was sixteenth-century Florence, to the Jacobins compared to the historical norm. in Paris in the late eighteenth century, Yet beginning in the 1990s, a new to the Jacksonian Democrats who stormed crop of populists began a steady rise. nineteenth-century Washington—all Over the past two decades, populist based their attempts at mass mobilization movements in Europe and the United on appeals to the simplicity and goodness States have uprooted traditional party of ordinary people. -
2016-2017 Report
The Society of Fellows in the Humanities Annual Report 2016–2017 Society of Fellows Mail Code 5700 Columbia University 2960 Broadway New York, NY 10027 Phone: (212) 854-8443 Fax: (212) 662-7289 [email protected] www.societyoffellows.columbia.edu By FedEx or UPS: Society of Fellows 74 Morningside Drive Heyman Center, First Floor East Campus Residential Center Columbia University New York, NY 10027 Posters courtesy of designers Amelia Saul and Sean Boggs 2 Contents Report From The Chair 5 Special Events 31 Members of the 2016–2017 Governing Board 8 Heyman Center Events 35 • Event Highlights 36 Forty-Second Annual Fellowship Competition 9 • Public Humanities Initiative 47 Fellows in Residence 2016–2017 11 • Heyman Center Series and Workshops 50 • Benjamin Breen 12 Nietzsche 13/13 Seminar 50 • Christopher M. Florio 13 New Books in the Arts & Sciences 50 • David Gutkin 14 New Books in the Society of Fellows 54 • Heidi Hausse 15 The Program in World Philology 56 • Arden Hegele 16 • Full List of Heyman Center Events • Whitney Laemmli 17 2016–2017 57 • Max Mishler 18 • María González Pendás 19 Heyman Center Fellows 2016–2017 65 • Carmel Raz 20 Alumni Fellows News 71 Thursday Lectures Series 21 Alumni Fellows Directory 74 • Fall 2016: Fellows’ Talks 23 • Spring 2017: Shock and Reverberation 26 2016–2017 Fellows at the annual year-end Spring gathering (from left): María González Pendás (2016–2019), Arden Hegele (2016–2019), David Gutkin (2015–2017), Whitney Laemmli (2016–2019), Christopher Florio (2016–2019) Heidi Hausse (2016–2018), Max Mishler (2016–2017), and Carmel Raz (2015–2018). -
The Future of the German-Jewish Past: Memory and the Question of Antisemitism
Purdue University Purdue e-Pubs Purdue University Press Books Purdue University Press Fall 12-15-2020 The Future of the German-Jewish Past: Memory and the Question of Antisemitism Gideon Reuveni University of Sussex Diana University Franklin University of Sussex Follow this and additional works at: https://docs.lib.purdue.edu/purduepress_ebooks Part of the Jewish Studies Commons Recommended Citation Reuveni, Gideon, and Diana Franklin, The Future of the German-Jewish Past: Memory and the Question of Antisemitism. (2021). Purdue University Press. (Knowledge Unlatched Open Access Edition.) This document has been made available through Purdue e-Pubs, a service of the Purdue University Libraries. Please contact [email protected] for additional information. THE FUTURE OF THE GERMAN-JEWISH PAST THE FUTURE OF THE GERMAN-JEWISH PAST Memory and the Question of Antisemitism Edited by IDEON EUVENI AND G R DIANA FRANKLIN PURDUE UNIVERSITY PRESS | WEST LAFAYETTE, INDIANA Copyright 2021 by Purdue University. Printed in the United States of America. Cataloging-in-Publication data is on file at the Library of Congress. Paperback ISBN: 978-1-55753-711-9 An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of librar- ies working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high-quality books Open Access for the public good. The Open Access ISBN for this book is 978-1-61249-703-7. Cover artwork: Painting by Arnold Daghani from What a Nice World, vol. 1, 185. The work is held in the University of Sussex Special Collections at The Keep, Arnold Daghani Collection, SxMs113/2/90. -
A Critique of Disney's EPCOT and Creating a Futuristic Curriculum
Georgia Southern University Digital Commons@Georgia Southern Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies, Jack N. Averitt College of Spring 2019 FUTURE WORLD(S): A Critique of Disney's EPCOT and Creating a Futuristic Curriculum Alan Bowers Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/etd Part of the Curriculum and Instruction Commons, and the Curriculum and Social Inquiry Commons Recommended Citation Bowers, Alan, "FUTURE WORLD(S): A Critique of Disney's EPCOT and Creating a Futuristic Curriculum" (2019). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 1921. https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/etd/1921 This dissertation (open access) is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies, Jack N. Averitt College of at Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FUTURE WORLD(S): A Critique of Disney's EPCOT and Creating a Futuristic Curriculum by ALAN BOWERS (Under the Direction of Daniel Chapman) ABSTRACT In my dissertation inquiry, I explore the need for utopian based curriculum which was inspired by Walt Disney’s EPCOT Center. Theoretically building upon such works regarding utopian visons (Bregman, 2017, e.g., Claeys 2011;) and Disney studies (Garlen and Sandlin, 2016; Fjellman, 1992), this work combines historiography and speculative essays as its methodologies. In addition, this project explores how schools must do the hard work of working toward building a better future (Chomsky and Foucault, 1971). Through tracing the evolution of EPCOT as an idea for a community that would “always be in the state of becoming” to EPCOT Center as an inspirational theme park, this work contends that those ideas contain possibilities for how to interject utopian thought in schooling. -
Our Common Purpose: Reinventing American Democracy for the 21St Century (Cambridge, Mass.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 2020)
OUR COMMON REINVENTING AMERICAN PURPOSEDEMOCRACY FOR THE 21ST CENTURY COMMISSION ON THE PRACTICE OF DEMOCRATIC CITIZENSHIP Thus I consent, Sir, to this Constitution because I expect no better, and because I am not sure that it is not the best. The opinions I have had of its errors, I sacrifice to the public good. I have never whispered a syllable of them abroad. Within these walls they were born, and here they shall die. If every one of us in returning to our Constituents were to report the objections he has had to it, and endeavor to gain partizans in support of them, we might prevent its being generally received, and thereby lose all the salutary effects and great advantages resulting naturally in our favor among foreign Nations as well as among ourselves, from our real or apparent unanimity. —BENJAMIN FRANKLIN FINAL REPORT AND RECOMMENDATIONS FROM THE COMMISSION ON THE PRACTICE OF DEMOCRATIC CITIZENSHIP OUR COMMON REINVENTING AMERICAN PURPOSEDEMOCRACY FOR THE 21ST CENTURY american academy of arts & sciences Cambridge, Massachusetts © 2020 by the American Academy of Arts & Sciences All rights reserved. ISBN: 0-87724-133-3 This publication is available online at www.amacad.org/ourcommonpurpose. Suggested citation: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, Our Common Purpose: Reinventing American Democracy for the 21st Century (Cambridge, Mass.: American Academy of Arts and Sciences, 2020). PHOTO CREDITS iStock.com/ad_krikorian: cover; iStock.com/carterdayne: page 1; Martha Stewart Photography: pages 13, 19, 21, 24, 28, 34, 36, 42, 45, 52, -
The German Center Party and the League of Nations: International Relations in a Moral Dimension
InSight: RIVIER ACADEMIC JOURNAL, VOLUME 4, NUMBER 2, FALL 2008 THE GERMAN CENTER PARTY AND THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS: INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN A MORAL DIMENSION Martin Menke, Ph.D.* Associate Professor, Department of History, Law, and Political Science, Rivier College During the past two decades, scholarly interest in German political Catholicism, specifically in the history of the German Center Party has revived.1 As a spate of recent publication such as Stathis Kalyvas’s The Rise of Christian Democracy in Europe and the collection of essays, Political Catholicism in Europe, 1918-1965, 2 show, this renewed interest in German political Catholicism is part of a larger trend. All of these works, however, show how much work remains to be done in this field. While most research on German political Catholicism has focused on the period before 1918, the German Center Party’s history during the Weimar period remains incompletely explored. One of the least understood areas of Center Party history is its influence on the Weimar government’s foreign policy. After all, the Center led nine of the republic’s twenty cabinets. Karsten Ruppert, for example, relies almost exclusively on Peter Krüger’s Die Außenpolitik der Republik von Weimar,3 which emphasizes the role of Foreign Minister Gustav Stresemann almost to the exclusion of all other domestic decision-makers. Weimar’s foreign policy largely consisted of a series of responses to crises caused by political and economic demands made by the victors of the First World War. These responses in turn were determined by the imperatives of German domestic politics. -
The Victory of PSOE and Interesting Readings in Between Rallies The
The victory of PSOE and interesting readings in between rallies The success of the Socialist Party (PSOE) in the Spanish general election is without a doubt very good news for European social democrats, who have been in recent times in an almost chronic state of discouragement due to the poor electoral results of the last years. Proof of this is the uncontained joy with which its adherents have welcomed the results of Sunday’s election, starting with their candidate to lead the European Commission, Frans Timmermans. It may be true that a victory in one single country doesn’t necessarily mean a change of trend in the broader European Union, especially if it isn’t met with other countries that back the hypothesis that the winds are changing in various places at the same time. However, the reality is that since last September we have started to observe signs that support the existence of this trend, among which it is worth highlighting the victory – albeit by a small margin – of the Swedish Social Democratic Party, corroborated later by their capacity to converge with part of the centre-right in order to stop the extremists from reaching a government-enabling majority, as well as the first-place (again by a small margin) obtained by the Social Democratic Party of Finland which will lead a coalition government, to which we may add the positive results expected in Denmark and Portugal, who will hold elections over the course of this year. In this particular case, the social democrats have won clearly, by a large margin, and they have done so in one of the ‘big four’ countries of the Eurozone.