DOCSLIB.ORG

Aspekter På Den Italienska Fascismen Texter Och Tolkningar

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Aspekter På Den Italienska Fascismen Texter Och Tolkningar Aspekter på den italienska fascismen Texter och tolkningar AKADEMISK AVHANDLING som med tillstånd av Rektor vid Umeå universitet för avläggande av filosofie doktorsexamen kommer att offentligen försvaras i Humanisthuset, hörsal E, lördagen den 3 oktober 1998, kl. 10.15 av Giuseppe Nencioni Giuseppe Nencioni: Aspekter på den italienska fascismen. Texter och tolkningar. Swedish text with a summary in English. Department of History, Umeå University. Umeå 1998, 317 pp. Monograph. ISSN 0280-5529 ISBN 91-7191-504-4 Publisher: Rapporter från institutionen för historia, nr 11. Institutionen för historia, Umeå universitet, SE-901 87 Umeå. ABSTRACT Initially an attempt is made to present an overview of the interpretations of the meaning of Fascism. In a presentation of the views of Renzo De Felice and Zeev Sternhell the opinions of the latter are highlighted. It appears that Stemhell's conclusions better explain Italian Fascism, as well as Nazism, although Sternhell has not extensively described Nazism. His conclusions can also be used to illustrate the fact that most characteristics of Nazism and Fascism were identical, something which De Felice denies. This also applies to anti-Semitism. Then follows an analysis of the origin of the Fascist ideology, and it is stated that this ideology, both in Germany and in Italy originated in the "frn-de-siècle crisis", the anti-positive climate which existed at the end of the 19th century. This climate included a reaction against what was regarded as "decadence". It is maintained that amongst a number of Italian and German intellectuals there existed a number of similar ideas, such as for instance contempt for monetary economy, pacifism, intellectualism, the calm bourgeois life, liberalism, democracy and socialism. In the same environments violence and youth started to be glorified, and finally the modern world was accused of being egotistical and without ideals. It is in this environment that the core of Nazi- Fascism is to be found, a core to which other elements were later added. In later chapters Fascist agricultural policy is discussed in relation to earlier Italian cultural tendencies which had placed great importance on agricultural society. It is pointed out that agricultural policy was an important part of the Fascist ideology. Finally Mussolini's ideas on this subject are described, and it is maintained that the myth of the citizen/small scale farmer/soldier in ancient Rome became, in all important aspects, a part of the agricultural ideology of Fascism. It is shown here that this idea is in harmony with the general philosophy of Fascism. Subsequently, an overview of corporativism and its predecessors in Italian history are presented. Here it is stated that corporativism was a corner-stone of Fascist ideology. Thereafter the basic principals of corporativism are described as well as its tangible contents, and some important suggestions for interpretation are presented. The role of corporativism during the short period that the Italian Socialist Republic existed, is also a subject for discussion. Although this republic was scarcely of any military, economic or political importance, it was not without interest from an ideological point of view, taking into consideration the ideas it presented concerning working life. Finally, in a chapter describing the International University of Perugia, the manner in which Fascist ideology was implemented in concrete situations within the educational sector is investigated. The public support for Fascism appears to have been almost unanimous, but at the same time mostly of a formal nature. If a general conclusion can be drawn from this study, it is that Fascism and its ideology were in reality only of minor importance to education at the university level. In the conclusion it is stated that, despite the obvious contradictions, Fascism had a relatively complete; ideology, which was quite closely related to Nazism. Key words: Fascism, Nazism, ideology, anti-Semitism, decadence, agricultural policy, right-wing radicalism, corporativism Aspekter på den italienska fascismen Texter och tolkningar Giuseppe Nencioni Umeå 1998 Giuseppe Nencioni: Aspekter på den italienska fascismen. Texter och tolkningar. Historiska institutionen, Umeå universitet Umeå 1998 ISBN 91-7191-504-^- ISSN 0280-5529 ABSTRACT Initially an attempt is made to present an overview of the interpretations of the meaning of Fascism. In a presentation of the views of Renzo De Felice and Zee v Sternhell the opinions of the latter are highlighted. It appears that Sternhell's conclusions better explain Italian Fascism, as well as Nazism, although Stern- hell has not extensively described Nazism. His conclusions can also be used to illustrate the fact that most characteristics of Nazism and Fascism were identical, something which De Felice denies. This also applies to anti-Semitism. Then follows an analysis of the origin of the Fascist ideology, and it is stated that this ideology, both in Germany and in Italy originated in the "fin-de-siècle crisis", the anti-positive climate which existed at the end of the 19th century. This climate included a reaction against what was regarded as "decadence". It is maintained that amongst a number of Italian and German intellectuals there existed a number of similar ideas, such as for instance contempt for monetary economy, pacifism, intellectualism, the calm bour­ geois life, liberalism, democracy and socialism. In the same environments violence and youth started to be glorified, and finally the modern world was accused of being egotistical and without ideals. It is in this environment that the core of Nazi-Fascism is to be found, a core to which other elements were later ad­ ded. In later chapters Fascist agricultural policy is discussed in relation to earlier Italian cultural tendencies which had placed great importance on agricultural society. It is pointed out that agricultural policy was an important part of the Fascist ideology. Finally Mussolini' s ideas on this subject are described, and it is maintained that the myth of the citizen/small scale farmer/soldier in ancient Rome became, in all impor­ tant aspects, a part of the agricultural ideology of Fascism. It is shown here that this idea is in harmony with the general philosophy of Fascism. Subsequently, an overview of corporativism and its predecessors in Italian history are presented. Here it is stated that corporativism was a corner-stone of Fascist ideology. Thereafter the basic principals of cor­ porativism are described as well as its tangible contents, and some important suggestions for interpreta­ tion are presented. The role of corporativism during the short period that the Italian Socialist Republic existed, is also a subject for discussion. Although this republic was scarcely of any military, economic or political importance, it was not without interest from an ideological point of view, taking into considera­ tion the ideas it presented concerning working life. Finally, in a chapter describing the International University of Perugia, the manner in which Fascist ideo­ logy was implemented in concrete situations within the educational sector is investigated. The public support for Fascism appears to have been almost unanimous, but at the same time mostly of a formal na­ ture. If a general conclusion can be drawn from this study, it is that Fascism and its ideology were in reali­ ty only of minor importance to education at the university level. In the conclusion it is stated that, despite the obvious contradictions, Fascism had a relatively complete ideology, which was quite closely related to Nazism. Key words: Fascism, Nazism, ideology, anti-Semitism, decadence, agricultural policy, right-wing radi­ calism, corporativism Aspekter på den italienska fascismen Texter och tolkningar Giuseppe Nencioni Forskningsrapporter från Historiska institutionen vid Umeå universitet nr 11. I serien har tidigare utgivits: 1. Kontroll och kontrollerade. Formell och informell kontroll i ett historiskt per­ spektiv. Redaktör: Jan Sundin. 1982. 2. Ericsson, Tom: Den andra fackföreningsrörelsen. Tjänstemän och tjänste­ mannaorganisationer i Sverige före första världskriget. 1983. 3. Folket i försvaret. Krigsmakten i ett socialhistoriskt perspektiv. Redaktör: Tom Ericsson. 1983. 4. Historia Nu. 18 Umeåforskare om det förflutna. Redaktion: Anders Bränd­ ström, Tom Ericsson, Agneta Guillemot och Lennart Lundmark. 1988. 5. Kvist, Roger: Rennomadismens dilemma. Det rennomadiska samhällets för­ ändring i Tuorpon och Sirkas 1760-1860. 1989. 6. Strömberg-Back, Kerstin: Kalmare stadgar 1587. 1989. 7. Icke skriftliga källor. Huvudtema I vid XXI Nordiska Historikermötet i Umeå 1991. Redaktörer: Anders Brändström och Sune Åkerman. 1991. 8. Människan och miljön. Huvudtema II vid XXI Nordiska Historikermötet i Umeå 1991. Redaktör: Lars J Lundgren. 1991. 9. Föredrag vid Nordiska Samehistoriska Symposiet i Lövånger 13-14 februari 1995. Redaktör: Roger Kvist. 1995. 10. Individ och struktur i historisk belysning. Festskrift till Sune Åkerman. Redaktörer: Tom Ericsson och Agneta Guillemot. 1997. © Institutionen för historia och författaren. Distribution: Institutionen förhistoria, Umeå universitet, SE-901 87 Umeå. Översättning: Kristina Holmström Omslagsbild: Åsa Törnkvist Sättning: Berit Eriksson, Demografiska databasen, Umeå universitet. Tryckt hos Solflädern Offset AB ISBN 91-7191-504-4 ISSN 0280-5529 Till min brorson Niccolò FÖRORD Här skriver man alltid samma saker: "Tack till den och tack till den, alla misstag är mina",
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Italian Fascism Between Ideology and Spectacle
    Fast Capitalism ISSN 1930-014X Volume 1 • Issue 2 • 2005 doi:10.32855/fcapital.200502.014 Italian Fascism between Ideology and Spectacle Federico Caprotti In April 1945, a disturbing scene was played out at a petrol station in Piazzale Loreto, in central Milan. Mussolini’s body was displayed for all to see, hanging upside down, together with those of other fascists and of Claretta Petacci, his mistress. Directly, the scene showed the triumph of the partisans, whose efforts against the Nazis had greatly accelerated the liberation of the North of Italy. The Piazzale Loreto scene was both a victory sign and a reprisal. Nazis and fascists had executed various partisans and displayed their bodies in the same place earlier in the war. Indirectly, the scene was a symbolic reversal of what had until then been branded as historical certainty. Piazzale Loreto was a public urban spectacle aimed at showing the Italian people that fascism had ended. The Duce was now displayed as a gruesome symbol of defeat in the city where fascism had first developed. More than two decades of fascism were symbolically overcome through a barbaric catharsis. The concept of spectacle has been applied to Italian fascism (Falasca-Zamponi 2000) in an attempt to conceptualize and understand the relationship between fascist ideology and its external manifestations in the public, symbolic, aesthetic, and urban spheres. This paper aims to further develop the concept of fascism as a society of spectacle by elaborating a geographical understanding of Italian fascism as a material phenomenon within modernity. Fascism is understood as an ideological construct (on which the political movement was based) which was expressed in the symbolic and aesthetic realm; its symbolism and art however are seen as having been rooted in material, historical specificity.
    [Show full text]
  • Sarfatti and Venturi, Two Italian Art Critics in the Threads of Modern Argentinian Art
    MODERNIDADE LATINA Os Italianos e os Centros do Modernismo Latino-americano Sarfatti and Venturi, Two Italian Art Critics in the Threads of Modern Argentinian Art Cristina Rossi Introduction Margherita Sarfatti and Lionello Venturi were two Italian critics who had an important role in the Argentinian art context by mid-20th Century. Venturi was only two years younger than Sarfatti and both died in 1961. In Italy, both of them promoted groups of modern artists, even though their aesthetic poetics were divergent, such as their opinions towards the official Mussolini´s politics. Our job will seek to redraw their action within the tension of the artistic field regarding the notion proposed by Pierre Bourdieu, i.e., taking into consider- ation the complex structure as a system of relations in a permanent state of dispute1. However, this paper will not review the performance of Sarfatti and Venturi towards the cultural policies in Italy, but its proposal is to reintegrate their figures – and their aesthetical and political positions – within the interplay of forces in the Argentinian rich cultural fabric, bearing in mind the strategies that were implemented by the local agents with those who they interacted with. Sarfatti and Venturi in Mussolini´s political environment Born into a Jewish Venetian family in 1883, Margherita Grassini got married to the lawyer Cesare Sarfatti and in 1909 moved to Milan, where she started her career as an art critic. Convinced that Milan could achieve a central role in the Italian culture – together with the Jewish gallerist Lino Pesaro – in 1922 Sarfatti promoted the group Novecento.
    [Show full text]
  • Racial Exclusion and Italian Identity Construction Through Citizenship Law
    L’Altro in Italia: Racial Exclusion and Italian Identity Construction through Citizenship Law Ariel Gizzi An Honors Thesis for the Department of International Relations Tufts University, 2018 ii Acknowledgements Over the course of this thesis, I received academic and personal support from various professors and scholars, including but not limited to: Cristina Pausini, Kristina Aikens, Anne Moore, Consuelo Cruz, Medhin Paolos, Lorgia García Peña, David Art, Richard Eichenberg, and Lisa Lowe. I also want to mention the friends and fellow thesis writers with whom I passed many hours in the library: Joseph Tsuboi, Henry Jani, Jack Ronan, Ian James, Francesca Kamio, and Tashi Wangchuk. Most importantly, this thesis could not have happened without the wisdom and encouragement of Deirdre Judge. Deirdre and I met in October of my senior year, when I was struggling to make sense of what I was even trying to write about. With her guidance, I set deadlines for myself, studied critical theory, and made substantial revisions to each draft I produced. She is truly a remarkable scholar and mentor who I know will accomplish great things in her life. And lastly, thank you to my parents, who have always supported me in every academic and personal endeavor, most of which are related in some way or another to Italy. Grazie. iii Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction………………………………………………………….1 Chapter 2: Theoretical Frameworks …………………………………………….6 Chapter 3: Liberal Italy………………………………………………………….21 Chapter 4: Colonial and Fascist Italy……………………………………………44 Chapter 5: Postwar Italy…………………………………………………………60 Chapter 6: Contemporary Italy…………………………………………………..77 Chapter 7: Conclusion…………………………………………………………...104 Chapter 8: Bibliography…………………………………………………………112 1 Chapter 1: Introduction My maternal grandfather, Giuseppe Gizzi, was born and raised in Ariano Irpino, Italy.
    [Show full text]
  • Mussolini, Benito
    Mussolini, Benito (1883-1945), Italian dictator from 1922 until the end of World War II. Before World War I, Mussolini was a radical Socialist, and during the war he was anti-German. After the war, he founded the Fascist movement, based on a platform of Italian nationalism and anti-Communism. In October 1922 Mussolini and his followers took control of the Italian government, and by 1925, Mussolini became Italy’s dictator, calling himself Il Duce---the Leader. Mussolini was not strongly antisemitic. He had close ties to Italian Jews, including several early founders and members of the Fascist movement. He was also strongly affected by two Jewish women: Angelica Balabanoff, from Russia, and Margherita Sarfatti, an Italian. After Mussolini rose to national power, he reassured Italian Jewry of their safety in an interview with the Chief Rabbi of Rome. From 1922 to 1936, Mussolini summed up his policy towards the Jews in his country with the statement: "The Jewish problem does not exist in Italy." However, off the record, Mussolini verbally attacked Jews and Zionism. During Italy's war against Ethiopia in 1935-1936, Mussolini ranted against "international Jewry." Finally, when Germany and Italy started getting friendly in 1936, Mussolini began rethinking his Jewish policy. At first, he tried to deal with the Jews by forcing them into becoming Fascists; in 1938 he decided to issue racial laws in an attempt to remove Jews from public life in Italy. However, he refused to implement the brutal anti-Jewish measures used by the Germans, and even allowed Jews a safe haven in areas of Europe controlled by Italy.
    [Show full text]
  • Robert O. Paxton-The Anatomy of Fascism -Knopf
    Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page b also by robert o. paxton French Peasant Fascism Europe in the Twentieth Century Vichy France: Old Guard and New Order, 1940–1944 Parades and Politics at Vichy Vichy France and the Jews (with Michael R. Marrus) Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page i THE ANATOMY OF FASCISM Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page ii Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page iii THE ANATOMY OF FASCISM ROBERT O. PAXTON Alfred A. Knopf New York 2004 Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page iv this is a borzoi book published by alfred a. knopf Copyright © 2004 by Robert O. Paxton All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. Published in the United States by Alfred A. Knopf, a division of Random House, Inc., New York, and simultaneously in Canada by Random House of Canada Limited, Toronto. Distributed by Random House, Inc., New York. www.aaknopf.com Knopf, Borzoi Books, and the colophon are registered trademarks of Random House, Inc. isbn: 1-4000-4094-9 lc: 2004100489 Manufactured in the United States of America First Edition Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page v To Sarah Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page vi Paxt_1400040949_8p_all_r1.qxd 1/30/04 4:38 PM Page vii contents Preface xi chapter 1 Introduction 3 The Invention of Fascism 3 Images of Fascism 9 Strategies 15 Where Do We Go from Here? 20 chapter 2 Creating Fascist Movements 24 The Immediate Background 28 Intellectual, Cultural, and Emotional
    [Show full text]
  • The Power of Images in the Age of Mussolini
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2013 The Power of Images in the Age of Mussolini Valentina Follo University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the History Commons, and the History of Art, Architecture, and Archaeology Commons Recommended Citation Follo, Valentina, "The Power of Images in the Age of Mussolini" (2013). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 858. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/858 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/858 For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Power of Images in the Age of Mussolini Abstract The year 1937 marked the bimillenary of the birth of Augustus. With characteristic pomp and vigor, Benito Mussolini undertook numerous initiatives keyed to the occasion, including the opening of the Mostra Augustea della Romanità , the restoration of the Ara Pacis , and the reconstruction of Piazza Augusto Imperatore. New excavation campaigns were inaugurated at Augustan sites throughout the peninsula, while the state issued a series of commemorative stamps and medallions focused on ancient Rome. In the same year, Mussolini inaugurated an impressive square named Forum Imperii, situated within the Foro Mussolini - known today as the Foro Italico, in celebration of the first anniversary of his Ethiopian conquest. The Forum Imperii's decorative program included large-scale black and white figural mosaics flanked by rows of marble blocks; each of these featured inscriptions boasting about key events in the regime's history. This work examines the iconography of the Forum Imperii's mosaic decorative program and situates these visual statements into a broader discourse that encompasses the panorama of images that circulated in abundance throughout Italy and its colonies.
    [Show full text]
  • Nieuw Europa Versus Nieuwe Orde De Tweespalt Tussen Mussert En Hitler Over Het Nieuwe Fascistische Europa
    Nieuw Europa versus Nieuwe Orde De tweespalt tussen Mussert en Hitler over het nieuwe fascistische Europa Masterscriptie Europese Studies Studiepad Geschiedenis van de Europese Eenheid Faculteit der Geesteswetenschappen Universiteit van Amsterdam Auteur: Ramses Andreas Oomen Studentnummer: 10088849 E-mail: [email protected] Begeleider: dr. M.J.M. Rensen Tweede lezer: dr. R.J. de Bruin Datum van voltooiing: 01-07-2015 2 Inhoudsopgave Inleiding…………………………………………………………………………………... 6 Hoofdstuk 1. Het fascisme als derde weg……………………………………………….. 12 Erfenissen uit het fin de siècle: Europa in crisis………………………………….. 12 Tussen het verouderde liberalisme en het opkomende marxisme………………... 14 ‘Het Germaansche zwaard en de Romeinsche dolk’……………………………... 16 De NSB en het nieuwe Europa………………………………………………….... 18 Mussolini en Hitler als ‘goede Europeanen’?.......................................................... 23 Hoofdstuk 2. De ordening van Europa………………………………………………….. 26 Tussen nationalisme en internationalisme: de zoektocht naar een statenbond…… 26 Ideevorming rondom de Germaanse statenbond…………………………………. 27 Germaanse statenbond tegenover Germaans rijk………………………………… 31 Groot-Nederland en het Dietse ideaal…………………………………………….. 33 Hitler en de ‘volksen’ tegen de Dietse staat……………………………………… 38 Hoofdstuk 3. Europese economische eenheid…………………………………………... 41 Het corporatisme als economische derde weg……………………………………. 41 ‘De deur in het Westen’…………………………………………………………... 44 Nazi-Duitsland en Europese economische samenwerking: discrepantie tussen theorie en praktijk...................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Rozprawy I Artykuły
    Nr 13 ROCZNIK INTEGRACJI EUROPEJSKIEJ 2019 ROZPRAWY I ARTYKUŁY DOI : 10.14746/rie.2019.13.1 MAREK ŻYROMSKI Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8397-8730 Some European roots of the personality cult phenomenon – the attempt of comparative approach I. The most visible examples of modern cult of personality had been connected with the three totalitarian political systems that emerged in Europe after the first world war, namely Soviet communism (Lenin and Stalin), Italian fascism (Mussolini) and German Nazism (Hitler). Certainly, every political regime tries to preserve its power as long as it is possibly. Nevertheless, in case of democratic political systems the best way is simply to win the next elections (parliamentary or presidential or even both at the best). On the other hand, authoritarian political systems can use even force (or so- called “naked power” in B. Russel terminology) to achieve this goal. Moreover, totali- tarian political systems not only aim to stay at power at all cost but also try to change whole economic – social – political situation in the country and sometimes even try to create “new man” for a new society. Certainly, especially in case of totalitarian politi- cal systems (and quite often also in case of authoritarian political systems), the posi- tion of strong leader – quite often representing also some charismatic virtues (in terms of Weberian ideal type) – is of upmost importance. Moreover, on the base of such strong leadership the personality cult phenomenon can be developed. The personality cult not only can strengthen the position of such the totalitarian political leader but also can create very useful base for the legitimation of power (Beetham, 1991, 2005).
    [Show full text]
  • For the Defense of the Race: the Italian Racial Laws and the Persecution of the Jews Under Fascism
    For the Defense of the Race: The Italian Racial Laws and the Persecution of the Jews under Fascism Edward Grodin 1746-7995 Table of Contents Introduction……………………………………………………………………………….1 A Brief Historiography…………………………………………………………………...3 Act I: Ab initio (In the Beginning) The Situation before 1938……………………………………………………………..….6 Informazione Diplomatica n. 14………………………………………………………....10 The “Manifesto of Racial Scientists”…………………………………………………….11 Act II: Le leggi razziali (The Racial Laws) Institutionalized Racism………………………………………………………………….15 Measures against Jews in Schools and Foreign Jews……………………………….…...17 Declaration on Race………………………………………………………………….......20 Measures for the Defense of the Italian Race....................................................................23 Expanding Persecution: 1939-1943……………………………………………………...28 Act III: Götterdämmerung (The Twilight of the Gods) Salò and “I campi di sterminio”.........................................................................................37 The Persecuted…………………………….……………………………………….…….41 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………….…50 Appendix: Chronological List of Major Fascist Legislation Bibliography “I have been a racist since 1921. I do not know how they can think that I imitate Hitler, he was not born yet. They make me laugh. The race must be defended…We need to give a sense of the race to Italians, so that they do not create mixed races, so that they do not spoil that which is good in us.”1 - Benito Mussolini to his mistress, Clara Petacci, on August 4, 1938 Introduction The story of the Jews in Fascist Italy can be best understood as a tragedy in three acts. In the first act (ab initio), the Jews found themselves as equal participants in the emergence of a new political phenomenon, Fascism, whereby Benito Mussolini (Il Duce) ruled as the face of a triumphant return to the grandeur of the Roman Empire. Since the birth of the Italian nation-state, Jews had enjoyed a political atmosphere that emphasized patriotism over all other considerations.
    [Show full text]
  • Nazi Party from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
    Create account Log in Article Talk Read View source View history Nazi Party From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia This article is about the German Nazi Party that existed from 1920–1945. For the ideology, see Nazism. For other Nazi Parties, see Nazi Navigation Party (disambiguation). Main page The National Socialist German Workers' Party (German: Contents National Socialist German Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (help·info), abbreviated NSDAP), commonly known Featured content Workers' Party in English as the Nazi Party, was a political party in Germany between 1920 and 1945. Its Current events Nationalsozialistische Deutsche predecessor, the German Workers' Party (DAP), existed from 1919 to 1920. The term Nazi is Random article Arbeiterpartei German and stems from Nationalsozialist,[6] due to the pronunciation of Latin -tion- as -tsion- in Donate to Wikipedia German (rather than -shon- as it is in English), with German Z being pronounced as 'ts'. Interaction Help About Wikipedia Community portal Recent changes Leader Karl Harrer Contact page 1919–1920 Anton Drexler 1920–1921 Toolbox Adolf Hitler What links here 1921–1945 Related changes Martin Bormann 1945 Upload file Special pages Founded 1920 Permanent link Dissolved 1945 Page information Preceded by German Workers' Party (DAP) Data item Succeeded by None (banned) Cite this page Ideologies continued with neo-Nazism Print/export Headquarters Munich, Germany[1] Newspaper Völkischer Beobachter Create a book Youth wing Hitler Youth Download as PDF Paramilitary Sturmabteilung
    [Show full text]
  • The Duce, Or the Romance of Undemocratic Governing
    PART THREE The Duce, or the Romance of Undemocratic Governing 7 Promoting a Romantic Biography The public man is born “public”—he bears the stigma from his birth. [. .] He can never escape it. [. .] I am perfectly resigned to my lot as a public man. In fact, I am enthusiastic about it. Mussolini, 19251 The rise of Benito Mussolini on the world stage is conventionally associated with the March on Rome of late October 1922, which forced the Italian king to appoint the Fascist leader to the post of prime minister. The American media coverage of the events was extensive: interest in his striking rise to power, original personality, and leadership pervaded daily reports and editorials. Soon periodicals devoted commentary and illustrations to the iconic Fascist leader, and within a few short years newsreels began to feature him as an alluring celebrity. Economic and geo- political factors explain the interest that American financial and political centers had in his anti-Communist leadership but do not clarify his status as an iconic public personality, which resulted from a host of public relations efforts informing an intense media coverage. In truth, Mussolini had already attracted the attention of a very limited but not inconsequential group of individuals years before the March on Rome. After the United States joined the hostilities, American officials found themselves ben- efitting from this pro-war socialist’s remarkable ability of stirring public opinion to accept Italy’s participation in the conflict and alliance with the United States. In the late 1910s and early 1920s, he positioned himself as an invaluable anti-Bolshevik interlocutor and a loyal ally to financial centers seeking to invest in a strike-free nation.
    [Show full text]
  • The Silicon Ideology
    The Silicon Ideology Josephine Armistead May 18, 2016 Abstract Out of the technological cenes of the world has come a new, strange variant of fascism– namely, neo-reaion, or “NRx”. I shall here proⅵde a critique of this ideology and an aempt at understanding of its origins, its taics, and how it may be defeated. Content Warnings This article contains discussions of fascism, Nazism, white supremacy, and the Holocaust among other topics. Keywords 1 Introduction A king? You want a king? Boy, nobody wants a king! Ignatius, are you sure you’re OK? A Confederacy of Dunces John Kennedy Toole When one learns I am studying a new emergence of fascism in Europe and North America, one might be tempted to believe I am referring to the larger end of the rise of right-wing populist parties and candidacies that may be considered “fascist”, such as the candidacy of Donald Trump and the rise of the United Kingdom Independence Par (UKIP), Le Pen’s Front national (FN), Alternatⅳe für Deutschland (AfD), and Golden Dawn among others. However, in this essay, I discuss a more narrow group: specifically, an ideology that has emerged in the past decade or so inside the capitals of the tech world and which is growing at an alarming rate, often (but not always) allied with those parties and candidacies I have mentioned above: neo-reaionaries and what is known as the “alt- right”. Largely, this group has escaped serious criticism by radicals for its nature as a small, internet-based ideology–not enough people, it seems, take it seriously.
    [Show full text]