N O to Scapegoating Immigrants. N O to Islamophobia. YES to Diversity
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Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930S
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Ariel Mae Lambe All rights reserved ABSTRACT Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe This dissertation shows that during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) diverse Cubans organized to support the Spanish Second Republic, overcoming differences to coalesce around a movement they defined as antifascism. Hundreds of Cuban volunteers—more than from any other Latin American country—traveled to Spain to fight for the Republic in both the International Brigades and the regular Republican forces, to provide medical care, and to serve in other support roles; children, women, and men back home worked together to raise substantial monetary and material aid for Spanish children during the war; and longstanding groups on the island including black associations, Freemasons, anarchists, and the Communist Party leveraged organizational and publishing resources to raise awareness, garner support, fund, and otherwise assist the cause. The dissertation studies Cuban antifascist individuals, campaigns, organizations, and networks operating transnationally to help the Spanish Republic, contextualizing these efforts in Cuba’s internal struggles of the 1930s. It argues that both transnational solidarity and domestic concerns defined Cuban antifascism. First, Cubans confronting crises of democracy at home and in Spain believed fascism threatened them directly. Citing examples in Ethiopia, China, Europe, and Latin America, Cuban antifascists—like many others—feared a worldwide menace posed by fascism’s spread. -
Islamophobia: with Or Without Islam?
religions Article Islamophobia: With or without Islam? Thomas Sealy School of Sociology, Politics and International Studies, University of Bristol, Bristol BS8 1TU, UK; [email protected] Abstract: Islamophobia has been a controversial concept ever since it first gained popular currency. One of the main sticking points over the term is whether or not it refers to religion. For both detractors and advocates of the term alike, religion should be or is removed from the meaning of Islamophobia, which is conceived as a form of anti-Muslim racism. Islam, we might say, is thereby removed from Islamophobia. Yet, in doing so, it falls short on two of its key objectives, i.e., identifying the particular forms of discrimination that Muslims face in society and subsequently providing a positive basis from which to address this discrimination. In this article, the question asked is if we should put Islam back into Islamophobia and, if so, on what basis? According to the existing literature as well as a study of converts to Islam, it is suggested that Islam as a religion is both an important feature of Islamophobia as well as central to the identities of many Muslims, and then it is suggested why and how we should think about including religion into the scope of thinking on Islamophobia and how it is addressed. Keywords: Islamophobia; religious identity; religious hatred; ethno-religious; converts to Islam 1. Introduction Islamophobia has been a controversial concept ever since it first gained popular Citation: Sealy, Thomas. 2021. currency following the Runnymede Trust report Islamophobia: A Challenge for us All in Islamophobia: With or without 1997. -
Samuel Maharero Portrait
SAMUEL MAHARERO (1856-1923) e id Fig noc hter against ge Considered the first genocide of the 20th century, forerunner to the Holocaust, between 1904-08 the German army committed acts of genocide against groups of blackHEROIC people RESISTANCE in German TO South THE . NATIONAL HERO West Africa. Samuel Maharero’s by the German army has made him a MASSACRE First they came for the Gustav Schiefer communists, and I did not speak out—because I was not a Esther Brunstein Anti Nazi Trade Unionist communist; Primo Levi Survivor and Witness (b. 1876) Then they came for the socialists, han Noor k Chronicler of Holocaust (1928- ) Gustav Schiefer, Munich Chairman and I did not speak out—because Anne Frank Courageous Fighter (1919-1987) Esther Brunstein was born in of the German Trade Union I was not a socialist; Lodz, Poland. When the Nazis Association, was arrested, Leon Greenman Diarist (1929-1945) (1914-1944) Primo Levi was born in Turin, beaten and imprisoned in Dachau Then they came for the trade eil Italy. He was sent to Auschwitz invaded in 1939 she was forced to Simone v Witness to a new Born in Frankfurt-am-Maim in Born to an Indian father and concentration camp. Members unionists, and I did not speak in 1944. Managing to survive wear a yellow star identifying her Germany, Anne Frank’s family American mother in Moscow, of trade unions and the Social out—because I was not a trade Holocaust survivor and generation (1910-2008) he later penned the poignant as a Jew. In 1940 she had to live went to Holland to escape Nazi Noor Khan was an outstandingly If this be a Democratic Party were targeted by politician (1927- ) Born in London and taken and moving book in the Lodz ghetto. -
The Muslim Woman Activist’: Solidarity Across Difference in the Movement Against the ‘War on Terror’
ORE Open Research Exeter TITLE ‘The Muslim woman activist’: solidarity across difference in the movement against the ‘War on Terror’ AUTHORS Massoumi, N JOURNAL Ethnicities DEPOSITED IN ORE 13 March 2019 This version available at http://hdl.handle.net/10871/36451 COPYRIGHT AND REUSE Open Research Exeter makes this work available in accordance with publisher policies. A NOTE ON VERSIONS The version presented here may differ from the published version. If citing, you are advised to consult the published version for pagination, volume/issue and date of publication ‘The Muslim woman activist’: solidarity across difference in the movement against the ‘War on Terror’ Abstract Feminist scholars have widely noted the centrality of gendered discourses to the ‘War on Terror’. This article shows how gendered narratives also shaped the collective identities of those opposing the ‘War on Terror’. Using interview data and analysis of newspaper editorials from movement leaders alongside focus groups with grassroots Muslim women activists, this article demonstrates how, in responding to the cynical use of women’s rights to justify war, participants in the anti- ‘War on Terror’ movement offered an alternative story. Movement activists deployed representations of Muslim women’s agency to challenge the trope of the ‘oppressed Muslim woman’. I argue that these representations went beyond strategic counter-narratives and offered an emotional basis for solidarity. Yet, respondents in the focus groups illustrated the challenges of seeking agency through an ascribed identity; in that they simultaneously refused and relied upon dominant terms of the debate about Muslim women. Keywords Muslim women, social movements, war on terror, collective identity, symbol Introduction Something horrible flits across the background in scenes from Afghanistan, scuttling out of sight. -
Spectre of Hate An Explanatory Guide to the Far Right in the UK
SPECTRE OF HATE An Explanatory Guide to the Far Right in the UK Part of the Cordoba Manuals Series March 2015. ISSN 2048-7711 The Cordoba Foundation is an independent strategic think tank aimed at promoting intercultural dialogue and positive coexistence, through a range of activities including research and publications, training and capacity building, policy briefings and dialogues. The Foundation takes its name from the city of Cordoba. The European metropolis was once a symbol of human excellence and intellectual ingenuity, where cultures, civilisations and ideas thrived. Embodying this spirit, TCF today facilitates the meeting of minds, to advance understanding and respect for one another. Our activities include: Structured consultation and advisory services. Face-to-face interaction with decision-makers and figures of authority. In-house research. Workshops, seminars and debates on pertinent issues. Training and capacity-building. Periodicals and journals. Resourceful website. www.thecordobafoundation.com [email protected] The Cordoba Foundation @CordobaFoundati ISSN 2048-7711 © The Cordoba Foundation 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any way or by any means, without the express permission of The Cordoba Foundation. Date of publication: March 2015. Printed in England. Disclaimer Views and opinions expressed in this publication are those of the respective authors/ contributors and do not necessarily represent a corporate view of the publishers. Acknowledgements Special thanks to everyone who contributed material or agreed to be interviewed in this guide. Photo credits William Barylo, Salman Farsi, Rehan Jamil and F. Amin. Cover image: The mural on Cable Street, East End of London depicts the memorable events of 4 October 1936, when a march by Oswald Mosley’s British Union of Fascists was stopped by thousands of local people. -
Although Many European Radical Left Parties
Peace, T. (2013) All I'm asking, is for a little respect: assessing the performance of Britain's most successful radical left party. Parliamentary Affairs, 66(2), pp. 405-424. There may be differences between this version and the published version. You are advised to consult the publisher’s version if you wish to cite from it. http://eprints.gla.ac.uk/144518/ Deposited on: 21 July 2017 Enlighten – Research publications by members of the University of Glasgow http://eprints.gla.ac.uk 2 All I’m asking, is for a little Respect: assessing the performance of Britain’s most successful radical left party BY TIMOTHY PEACE1 ABSTRACT This article offers an overview of the genesis, development and decline of the Respect Party, a rare example of a radical left party which has achieved some degree of success in the UK. It analyses the party’s electoral fortunes and the reasons for its inability to expand on its early breakthroughs in East London and Birmingham. Respect received much of its support from Muslim voters, although the mere presence of Muslims in a given area was not enough for Respect candidates to get elected. Indeed, despite criticism of the party for courting only Muslims, it did not aim to draw its support from these voters alone. Moreover, its reliance on young people and investment in local campaigning on specific political issues was often in opposition to the traditional ethnic politics which have characterised the electoral process in some areas. When the British public awoke on the morning of Friday 6th May 2005 most would have been unsurprised to discover that the Labour Party had clung on to power but with a reduced majority, as had been widely predicted. -
Faith, Peace Building, and Intra-Community Dialogue in South Yorkshire, UK
Faith, Peace Building, and Intra-Community Dialogue in South Yorkshire, UK Richard Slade and Stephanie Steels This paper discusses the outcomes of action research with an interfaith community dialogue project. The project was established to encourage resilience to the divisive narratives of extreme or radical right-wing groups in South Yorkshire, UK. In communities where there is antipathy towards ‘outsiders’, contact theory encourages intergroup interaction as a way of improving relationships. However, this research found that where people could or would not take part in inter-group contact, an alternative approach was therefore required. This research identified an innovative process of facilitated ‘safe-space’ intra-community dialogue that involved groups whose ‘out-group’ antipathy could feed extremism. Participants could talk amongst themselves about why they felt as they did without the expectation they would interact with other groups. This research identified the role of faith in challenging extremism and a dialogue process that has potential for wider application in settings where identity-related hostility is present. Keywords: Cohesion, conflict resolution, faith, outsiders, dialogue Introduction This study explores findings that arose from action research with an interfaith community dialogue project established to challenge the divisive narratives of extreme and radical right-wing (ERW) support in South Yorkshire, UK. Given the 2015 general election, it may be timely to reflect on drivers behind ERW, and the extent to which support of such groups may change political focus over time. The 2010 UK general election was thought by some to have marked the beginning of the end for ERW momentum. Nick Griffin, then chair of the British National Party (BNP), had stood in a high-profile campaign in the London Borough of Dagenham and Barking. -
Defeating Racism Unions Working Together for a Racism-Free London, South East and East of England Contents
Defeating racism unions working together for a racism-free London, South East and East of England Contents SERTUC, with London at its heart, Foreword 3 is the most diverse of the TUC’s Brendan Barber TUC General Secretary regions. Introduction 4 Liz Smith unionlearn Director This booklet is designed as a resource for reps and activists in Working against racism 6 Wilf Sullivan TUC Race Equality Officer the Southern & Eastern region to support their fight against racism Get the facts 10 and fascism in their workplaces Migrant workers 14 and communities. Arguments for trade unionists To educate, agitate and organise Black History Month 20 we have marshalled the facts, Lord Herman Ouseley, Jarvis Tyner outlined what help and activities Success at work 26 are available from SERTUC, and Case studies: Ford, NGSU, Epping shared the resources that Diversity works 29 already exist. The business case for equality and diversity Anti-racist education in SERTUC 33 Checklist 36 for reps fighting racism in the workplace Policies on racism 38 SERTUC, TUC, ECHR Contacts and resources 41 for a racism-free London, South East and East of England 1 2 SERTUC with unionlearn Foreword Brendan Barber TUC General Secretary when they are covered by collective bargaining, their wages on average are actually higher than they are for white workers. We recognise, however, that much more has to be done to address racism in the workplace – especially for young black workers who find that despite their qualifications they still tend to be regarded as second-class employees. The Southern & Eastern Region of the TUC has produced this booklet, as part of their anti-racist strategy, as a resource for assisting trade unionists to tackle race equality issues in the workplace. -
Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges Paul Jackson Senior Lecturer in History, University of Northampton Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH While many historians have devoted themselves to forms of anti-fascism: divisions within the left. The examining the dynamics of fascist movements and Italian Communist Party was also formed at this time, regimes, the topic of ‘anti-fascism’ has traditionally and while initially supportive of the Arditi del Popolo, been neglected. However, historians and other later it instructed its members to withdraw their academics are now starting to take greater interest in engagement. The Arditi del Popolo was shut down by the study of those who opposed nationalist and racist the Italian state by 1924, while the Italian Communist extremists, and are developing new approaches to Party was itself banned from 1926. Splits within the understanding these complex cultures. Some, such as left have often been a characteristic of anti-fascist Nigel Copsey, have been concerned with developing politics, and in Italy during the 1920s such anti- sober, empirical accounts, exploring left-wing, centre fascists were driven by competing ideas on how to and even right-wing forms of anti-fascism, presenting develop an anti-capitalist revolution. In this case, the it as a heterogeneous politicised identity. Others, such issue helped to foster discord between a more as Mark Bray, have been more concerned with eclectic and anarchist variant of anti-fascism and a developing unapologetically partisan readings of the more centralised Communist version. -
Stand up to Racism Unity Demonstration Flyer November 2018
Unity demonstration MARCH AGAINST RACISM &Saturday FASCISM 17 November Assemble 12 noon, Portland Place, London W1A Nearest tube: Oxford Circus • 2pm: Rally at Whitehall Oppose the far right Justice stamp out for the Islamophobia End the hostile Windrush & antisemitism environment generation Initiated by Stand Up To Racism Supported by Trades Union Congress unite Sponsored by Unite Against Fascism against fascism and Love Music Hate Racism he election of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil marks an extremely serious point in the rise of the global far-right. TIt came just a day after the shocking antisemitic attack on the Tree of Life Synagogue, Pittsburgh in the United States, where 11 people were killed. Bolsonaro is notorious for his attacks on women, black and LGBT+ people. He also declared that leftists The fascists are getting organised will have to “go overseas, or they go to jail,” and he described refugees as “the scum of the earth.” The alt right and the far right are increasingly linking up internationally, and offering each other support. Britain is not immune from this. A violent, far right street movement has recently emerged here, mobilising the biggest numbers in decades. It is receiving political and financial support from Donald Trump’s former chief of staff Steve Bannon and Over 250,000 protested against Trump in July far right figures from across Europe. The impact of neoliberalism and austerity on our communities has boosted the growth of the far right. Transport Racism and fascism are a threat to us all. Coaches are coming from But we are the majority and we can many towns around Britain. -
The Inner Workings of British Political Parties the Interaction of Organisational Structures and Their Impact on Political Behaviours
REPORT The Inner Workings of British Political Parties The Interaction of Organisational Structures and their Impact on Political Behaviours Ben Westerman About the Author Ben Westerman is a Research Fellow at the Constitution Society specialising in the internal anthropology of political parties. He also works as an adviser on the implications of Brexit for a number of large organisations and policy makers across sectors. He has previously worked for the Labour Party, on the Remain campaign and in Parliament. He holds degrees from Bristol University and King’s College, London. The Inner Workings of British Political Parties: The Interaction of Organisational Structures and their Impact on Political Behaviours Introduction Since June 2016, British politics has entered isn’t working’,3 ‘Bollocks to Brexit’,4 or ‘New Labour into an unprecedented period of volatility and New Danger’5 to get a sense of the tribalism this fragmentation as the decision to leave the European system has engendered. Moreover, for almost Union has ushered in a fundamental realignment a century, this antiquated system has enforced of the UK’s major political groupings. With the the domination of the Conservative and Labour nation bracing itself for its fourth major electoral Parties. Ninety-five years since Ramsay MacDonald event in five years, it remains to be seen how and to became the first Labour Prime Minister, no other what degree this realignment will take place under party has successfully formed a government the highly specific conditions of a majoritarian (national governments notwithstanding), and every electoral system. The general election of winter government since Attlee’s 1945 administration has 2019 may well come to be seen as a definitive point been formed by either the Conservative or Labour in British political history. -
Final Agenda
FINAL AGENDA ANNUAL CONGRESS 2009 WINTER GARDENS BLACKPOOL SUNDAY 14 JUNE 2009 to WEDNESDAY 17 JUNE 2009 9.30 am - 12.30 pm, 2.00 pm - 5.00 pm 1974 CONGRESS, BLACKPOOL MOTION 257 PRE-CONGRESS DELEGATE MEETINGS Congress agrees that in order to widen the area of debate, and to achieve a more democratic expression of Congress delegates, Pre-Congress meetings should determine their voting intentions, with regard to resolutions from within their own Region, and matters reflecting a point of principle. But should not determine an intractable attitude to resolutions from other Regions until the conclusion of the general debate. PERIVALE BRANCH (London Region) CONTENTS Representation Statement 2 Guidelines for Congress Business 14 Standing Orders Committee Report No. 1 20 Congress Index of Motions and Rule Amendments 24 General Motions: Union Organisation : Congress 30 Union Organisation : General 30 Union Organisation : Recruitment & Organisation 31 Union Organisation : Representation & Accountability 32 Union Organisation : Finance & Contributions 32 Employment Policy : Equality & Inclusion 34 Employment Policy : Health & Safety at Work 35 Employment Policy : Pensions & Retirement 36 Employment Policy : Rights at Work 38 Employment Policy : Migrant Workers 44 Industrial & Economic Policy : Commercial Services 44 Industrial & Economic Policy : Manufacturing 47 Industrial & Economic Policy : Public Services 50 Industrial & Economic Policy : The Economy 57 Industrial & Economic Policy : The Environment 61 Political : Labour Party 62 Political :