Robert Gabriel Mugabe, President of Zimbabwe
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V V TH E HU1 The President of Zimbabwe, Joshua Nkomo CONTENTS: SMIT- REINFO CED BY SOUT AFRICA - p.1 BIG BID FOR RECOGNITION - p.2 ZIM BABWE Printed and Published by The Publicity Bureau of The Zimbabwe African Peoples Union, P.O. Box 1657, Lusaka (tPhone 72700) Zambia, OcIEW Official Oragn of The Zimbabwe African Peoples Union Registered at the GPO as a newspaper. ZI11BB.BE PEVIEWT EDITORIAL MARCH 25, 1967 NEW TENDENCIES ON THE AFRICAN SCENE The last few. eeks have witnessed very interesting events on the African scene. These events have a bearing on Africa's course towards total political and economic independence as well as its eventual political unity. The French are known, throughout history,'for thei Ocntnental profession of the ideals of fraternity, equality and liberty. It is under thijsentiment that they devised the sophisticated but subtle method of a referendum in French Somaliland. To Africa in particular, and to the world in general, France wanted to present a facade of a French people towering above the filth of colonialist methods by leaving it to the people to choose their own direction by referendum. But deep down the Fiench were caught in the realities of their contradictory elements. French Somaliland is a springboard for their markets along the z East Coast of Africa and far afield across the Indian ocean. It is only convinient for them to keep French Somaliland under their firm control in the face of competition from other trading powers. This ensures a margin of French economic survival. Hence the blackmail of our African brothers in that color7. -
Yemen Crisis Student Officer: Albert
Forum: Joint Crisis Committee Issue: Yemen Crisis Student Officer: Albert Pan, Kay Zin, Nandar Khine Tun Introduction The humanitarian crisis in Yemen is a continuous crisis in which at least 8.4 million people on the brink of starvation, 22.2 million people require humanitarian assistance, and approximately 400,000 children under the age of five are in life-threatening situations due to acute malnutrition, according to the United Nations. The Yemen crisis began with an international coalition by Saudi Arabia that was interrupted. This was first ignited when the Yemenis protested against the then president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, who led the country to widespread poverty and unemployment. These rebellions were led by a politically Shia rebellion group called the Houthis. In 2012, the then Vice - President of Yemen, Hadi, became the new President after Ali Abdullah Saleh got overthrown. The intent of the political transition was to bring stability. However, President Hadi had difficulties addressing the issues of food insecurity, corruption, and militant attacks. Political unrest caused groups such as the Al Qaeda and Daesh to attempt to take over the country. At the same time, the Houthis were attempting to do the same, but was lacking military power. They somehow formed an alliance with Ali Abdullah Saleh, who they had kicked out of office. Saudi Arabia saw this alliance as a threat, because it meant that Iran was backing the Houthis. This could raise the risk of Iranian influence affecting Saudi Arabia. This caused Saudi Arabia to create a wall and bombed Yemen in 2015 to drive the Houthis out. -
2018.02. 010. URAL SHARIPOV. POLITICAL and INTRARELIGIOUS CRISIS in YEMEN and PROVOCATIVE ROLE of EXTERNAL FORCES//“Trudi Instituta Vostokovedeniya RAN
2018.02.010 88 2018.02.010. URAL SHARIPOV. POLITICAL AND INTRA- RELIGIOUS CRISIS IN YEMEN AND PROVOCATIVE ROLE OF EXTERNAL FORCES // “Trudi Instituta vostokovedeniya RAN. Vipusk. 4. Economicheskie, sotsialno-politicheskie, etnokonfessionalnie problemi afro-asiatskih stran,” Мoscow, 2017, P. 189–196. Keywords: Shiism, Sunnism, Zaydiyah, Houthis, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA), the U.S. Ural Sharipov, Dr.Sc.(Hist.) Institute of Oriental Studies, RAS The Yemen crisis, the researcher emphasizes, reflects not only internal contradictions between tribes, Sunnites and Shiites, but also interests of monarchic regimes of the Arabian Peninsula and also the U.S. In Yemen throughout centuries tribal entities belonging to two leading branches of Islam – Shiism and Sunnism coexist. Though there were ideological religious differences between them, their mutual contradictions didn't take severe forms. During the 20th century this country which was long time a feudal monarchy was involved in a whirl of political changes. In 1962 as a result of revolution Zaydiyah (a branch of Shiite Islam) monarchy was overthrown, and the country began to live within the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) under auspices of a Sunni ruling elite. The Shiite minority was represented as if playing supporting roles. There were changes in state system of Yemen in the last decades of 20th century: in 1967 the southern Yemen which was the British protectorate got independence, and the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY) adhering to pro-socialist orientation was formed; in 1990 YAR and PDRY united in one Republic of Yemen (RY). During this period on the political stage of the approaching Yemen penetration of Al-Qaeda into this country began. -
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power. -
Struggle for Citizenship.Indd
From the struggle for citizenship to the fragmentation of justice Yemen from 1990 to 2013 Erwin van Veen CRU Report From the struggle for citizenship to the fragmentation of justice FROM THE STRUGGLE FOR CITIZENSHIP TO THE FRAGMENTATION OF JUSTICE Yemen from 1990 to 2013 Erwin van Veen Conflict Research Unit, The Clingendael Institute February 2014 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright holders. Clingendael Institute P.O. Box 93080 2509 AB The Hague The Netherlands Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.clingendael.nl/ Table of Contents Executive summary 7 Acknowledgements 11 Abbreviations 13 1 Introduction 14 2 Selective centralisation of the state: Commerce and security through networked rule 16 Enablers: Tribes, remittances, oil and civil war 17 Tools: Violence, business and religion 21 The year 2011 and the National Dialogue Conference 26 The state of justice in 1990 and 2013 28 3 Trend 1: The ‘instrumentalisation’ of state-based justice 31 Key strategies in the instrumentalisation of justice 33 Consequences of politicisation and instrumentalisation 34 4 Trend 2: The weakening of tribal customary law 38 Functions and characteristics of tribal law 40 Key factors that have weakened tribal law 42 Consequences of weakened tribal law 44 Points of connection -
UC Santa Barbara Dissertation Template
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Santa Barbara Iron Mothers and Warrior Lovers: Intimacy, Power, and the State in the Nyiginya Kingdom, 1796-1913 A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in History by Sarah Elizabeth Watkins Committee in charge: Professor Stephan F. Miescher, Chair Professor Mhoze Chikowero Professor Erika Rappaport Professor Leila Rupp June 2014 The dissertation of Sarah E. Watkins is approved. _____________________________________________ Mhoze Chikowero _____________________________________________ Erika Rappaport ____________________________________________ Leila Rupp ____________________________________________ Stephan F. Miescher, Committee Chair May 2014 Iron Mothers and Warrior Lovers: Intimacy, Power, and the State in the Nyiginya Kingdom, 1796-1913 Copyright © 2014 by Sarah Elizabeth Watkins iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS While responsibility for the end result of this work rests with me, its creation would not have been possible without the support and dedication of many others. For their intellectual and moral support through the preparation and writing of this dissertation, I want to thank Stephan Miescher, my advisor, and Mhoze Chikowero, Erika Rappaport, and Leila Rupp, for agreeing to shepherd me through this process. Writing a dissertation can be excruciating, but having such a supportive and engaged committee makes all the difference. For their mentorship during my research and writing in Rwanda, I want to thank David Newbury, Catharine Newbury, Rose-Marie Mukarutabana, Bernard Rutikanga, and Jennie Burnet, as well as the Faculty of History at the National University of Rwanda. Their insights have sharpened my analysis, and consistently challenged me to engage more deeply with the sources, as well as to consider the broader context of the stories with which I am so fascinated. -
Flying Together - Volume 6 Yemen: the Happy Land M.M.Ninan
FLYING TOGETHER - VOLUME 6 YEMEN: THE HAPPY LAND M.M.NINAN San Jose, CA, 94123 2015 FLYING TOGETHER - VOLUME 6 YEMEN: THE HAPPY LAND M.M.NINAN CONTENTS I HISTORY OF YEMEN 1 II THOMAS CHRISTIANITY IN YEMEN AND NAJRAN MASSACRE 12 III THE LAND OF YEMEN 22 IV RELIGION IN YEMEN 35 V KHAT CHEWING IN YEMEN 41 VI THE UNIVERSITY OF SANA’A 45 VII INTERNATIONAL CHRISTIAN FELLOWSHIP OF YEMEN AND THE MALAYALEE HOUSE FELLOWSHIP 51 VIII MOTHER TERESA OF CALCUTTA 55 IX JIBLA HOSPITAL 58 X SANA'A ART FESTIVAL 60 XI INDIAN/MALAYALEE ASSOCIATION 62 Xii AT HOME 66 XIII KODAIKANAL INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL 75 XIV BANGALORE 81 XV THE FINAL CONFLICT 90 Bab al Yemen - The Door of Yemen FLYING TOGETHER - YEMEN: THE HAPPY LAND M.M.NINAN I HISTORY OF YEMEN This was the Arabia Felix ("happy land") of the classical geographers, a region, its inhabitants boasted, "the very dust of which was gold, and whose men were the healthiest, and whose women gave birth without pain." 1 FLYING TOGETHER - YEMEN: THE HAPPY LAND M.M.NINAN Yemen Origins Yemenies were not really Arabs in the sense that they are descendants of Ismael. They are Semites but not the children of Abraham. They descent from Jokthan another son of Shem.Sheba (Saba) was descended from Joktan (Qahtan). Adnan descended from Ismail (one of the twelve sons of Ismail, the son of Abraham) became the father of all the Arabs, . Adnan sired Maad, who had a son called Nizar, both of whose names have been found in the archaeological record as large tribes of central Arabia. -
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons Or Profiteers?
Political Leaders in Africa: Presidents, Patrons or Profiteers? By Jo-Ansie van Wyk Occasional Paper Series: Volume 2, Number 1, 2007 The Occasional Paper Series is published by The African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD). ACCORD is a non-governmental, non-aligned conflict resolution organisation based in Durban, South Africa. ACCORD is constituted as an education trust. Views expressed in this Occasional Paper are not necessarily those of ACCORD. While every attempt is made to ensure that the information published here is accurate, no responsibility is accepted for any loss or damage that may arise out of the reliance of any person upon any of the information this Occassional Paper contains. Copyright © ACCORD 2007 All rights reserved. Apart from any fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no part may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISSN 1608-3954 Unsolicited manuscripts may be submitted to: The Editor, Occasional Paper Series, c/o ACCORD, Private Bag X018, Umhlanga Rocks 4320, Durban, South Africa or email: [email protected] Manuscripts should be about 10 000 words in length. All references must be included. Abstract It is easy to experience a sense of déjà vu when analysing political lead- ership in Africa. The perception is that African leaders rule failed states that have acquired tags such as “corruptocracies”, “chaosocracies” or “terrorocracies”. Perspectives on political leadership in Africa vary from the “criminalisation” of the state to political leadership as “dispensing patrimony”, the “recycling” of elites and the use of state power and resources to consolidate political and economic power. -
Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) Emerged, but Then Disintegrated Rapidly
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 7, Issues 2 & 3 | Fall 2003 Opposition Politics in Independent Zimbabwe LIISA LAAKSO Abstract: Zimbabwe has implemented a multi-party system on a universal franchise for more than two decades. This era has witnessed consolidation of power into the hands of the ruling ZANU party and its leader Robert Mugabe, and a gradual evolution of political crises. All general elections have shown support for the opposition among the voters. However, the opposition has changed a lot. Between 1980 and 1987 there was a strong regional party, ZAPU, which transformed from a partner of the ruling party to repressed dissident. The second period after the unity between ZANU and ZAPU witnessed mobilisation in defence of multipartyism and against corruption, and the birth of a populist party ZUM. ZUM’s disintegration was followed by massive electoral apathy in 1995. The third period started with civic organization for constitutional reform in 1997 and led to the emergence of the MDC, a wide coalition of interest groups united by their aim to seize ZANU from power. State responses to opposition politics help to clarify its unstable nature. Introduction Consolidation of the authoritarian power of Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in independent Zimbabwe has not proceeded through the withering away of dissent. All general elections have witnessed support for other parties. But the parties and their support base have changed radically. On the one hand this reflects the government’s different strategies to silence its critics. On the other hand it tells about changes in Zimbabwean society itself. -
Zimbabwe Apr2001
ZIMBABWE ASSESSMENT April 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.4 III HISTORY 3.1 - 3.40 Foundations of Zimbabwe 3.1 - 3.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 3.6 - 3.8 Elections 1995 & 1996 3.9 - 3.10 Movement for Democratic Change 3.11 - 3.12 Constitutional Referendum, February 2000 3.13 - 3.14 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 3.15 - 3.23 - Background 3.15 - 3.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 3.17 - 3.18 - Election Results 3.19 - 3.23 Post-Election Violence & Intimidation 3.24 - 3.34 Bikita West By-election 3.35 - 3.36 Legal Challenges to Election Results 3.37 - 3.40 IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE 4.1 - 4.20 Political System: 4.1 - 4.14 - Administrative Structure 4.1 - 4.3 - ZANU-PF 4.4 - Movement for Democratic Change 4.5 - 4.7 - ZANU-Ndonga 4.8 - Liberty Party/Liberty Party of Zimbabwe 4.9 - 4.11 - Other Minor Parties 4.12 - 4.14 Legal Framework & Judiciary 4.15 - 4.20 V HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION HUMAN RIGHTS: INTRODUCTION 5.1 - 5.4 Introduction 5.1 - 5.2 Human Rights Organisations in Zimbabwe 5.3 - 5.4 HUMAN RIGHTS: SPECIFIC GROUPS 5.5 - 5.32 Women 5.5 - 5.10 Children 5.11 - 5.13 Ethnic Groups: 5.14 - 5.26 - Shona 5.14 - Ndebele 5.15 - 5.16 - Whites 5.17 - 5.23 - Asians 5.24 - Other Ethnic Minorities 5.25 - 5.26 Homosexuals 5.27 - 5.32 - Canaan Banana's trial 5.32 HUMAN RIGHTS: OTHER ISSUES 5.33 - 5.83 Freedom of Assembly & Political Association 5.33 Freedom of Speech & of the Press 5.34 - 5.49 Freedom of Religion 5.50 - 5.54 Witchcraft 5.55 - 5.57 Freedom of Travel 5.58 - 5.59 Military Service 5.60 - 5.65 Prison Conditions 5.66 - 5.69 Health Issues: 5.70 - 5.77 - General 5.70 - 5.72 - HIV/AIDS 5.73 - 5.77 Land Reform 5.78 - 5.83 ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: MAIN POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) BIBLIOGRAPHY I. -
Zimbabwe: the Transitional Government and Implications for US
Zimbabwe: The Transitional Government and Implications for U.S. Policy Lauren Ploch Analyst in African Affairs October 27, 2011 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34509 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Zimbabwe: The Transitional Government and Implications for U.S. Policy Summary The U.S. government, which has expressed concerns regarding the rule of law in Zimbabwe for over a decade and which has long been critical of President Robert Mugabe, has been cautious in its engagement with the country’s three-year-old power-sharing government. That government, which includes members of the former opposition, has improved economic and humanitarian conditions during its ongoing transitional rule. However, significant concerns about the country’s political future remain. Zimbabwe’s March 2008 elections resulted in the party of long-serving President Mugabe losing its parliamentary majority for the first time since independence. Opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai received more votes than Mugabe in the presidential race, but fell short of the needed margin for victory. Tsvangirai later withdrew his name from the ballot days before the required runoff, amid widespread political violence. Mugabe was thus declared the winner. In September 2008, after weeks of negotiations, Tsvangirai and Mugabe reached an agreement to form a unity government, with Mugabe remaining head of state. Tsvangirai became prime minister and cabinet and gubernatorial positions were divided among the parties. Disputes delayed implementation of the agreement until February 2009, when members of the opposition were sworn in alongside former rivals as ministers in a new government. The parties to the power-sharing agreement have faced significant challenges in working together to promote political reconciliation and in addressing serious economic and humanitarian needs. -
The Role of Elections in a Post-Conflict Yemen
The Role of Elections in a Post-Conflict Yemen April 2016 The Role of Elections in a Post-Conflict Yemen Copyright © 2016 International Foundation for Electoral Systems. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system without the written permission of IFES. Please send all requests for permission to: International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive, 10th Floor Arlington, VA 22202 Email: [email protected] Fax: 202.350.6701 About IFES The International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES) supports citizens’ right to participate in free and fair elections. Our independent expertise strengthens electoral systems and builds local capacity to deliver sustainable solutions. As the global leader in democracy promotion, we advance good governance and democratic rights by: Providing technical assistance to election officials Empowering the underrepresented to participate in the political process Applying field-based research to improve the electoral cycle Since 1987, IFES has worked in over 145 countries – from developing democracies, to mature democracies. For more information, visit www.IFES.org. Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................ 1 1. The Current Political Situation in Yemen .............................................................................................