The History of Building Elevation in New Orleans
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Lessons from the People Surrounding the Lafitte Greenway in New Orleans, Louisiana Philip Koske
Proceedings of the Fábos Conference on Landscape and Greenway Planning Volume 4 Article 34 Issue 1 Pathways to Sustainability 2013 Connecting the “Big Easy”: Lessons from the people surrounding the Lafitte Greenway in New Orleans, Louisiana Philip Koske Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/fabos Part of the Botany Commons, Environmental Design Commons, Geographic Information Sciences Commons, Horticulture Commons, Landscape Architecture Commons, Nature and Society Relations Commons, and the Urban, Community and Regional Planning Commons Recommended Citation Koske, Philip (2013) "Connecting the “Big Easy”: Lessons from the people surrounding the Lafitte Greenway in New Orleans, Louisiana," Proceedings of the Fábos Conference on Landscape and Greenway Planning: Vol. 4 : Iss. 1 , Article 34. Available at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/fabos/vol4/iss1/34 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Proceedings of the Fábos Conference on Landscape and Greenway Planning by an authorized editor of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Koske: Connecting the “Big Easy” Connecting the “Big Easy”: Lessons from the people surrounding the Lafitte Greenway in New Orleans, Louisiana Philip Koske Introduction The 3.1-mile (4.99-kilometer) linear Lafitte Greenway, one of the first revitalization projects since Hurricane Katrina (2005), is designed to become a vibrant bicycle and pedestrian transportation corridor linking users to the world-famous French Quarter and central business district. As an emerging city, New Orleans generally developed sections of swamp land starting near the French Quarter and growing outward in most directions. -
Navigating Jazz: Music, Place, and New Orleans by Sarah Ezekiel
Navigating Jazz: Music, Place, and New Orleans by Sarah Ezekiel Suhadolnik A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Musicology) in the University of Michigan 2016 Doctoral Committee: Associate Professor Charles Hiroshi Garrett, Chair Professor David Ake, University of Miami Associate Professor Stephen Berrey Associate Professor Christi-Anne Castro Associate Professor Mark Clague © Sarah Ezekiel Suhadolnik 2016 DEDICATION To Jarvis P. Chuckles, an amalgamation of all those who made this project possible. ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My dissertation was made possible by fellowship support conferred by the University of Michigan Rackham Graduate School and the University of Michigan Institute for the Humanities, as well as ample teaching opportunities provided by the Musicology Department and the Residential College. I am also grateful to my department, Rackham, the Institute, and the UM Sweetland Writing Center for supporting my work through various travel, research, and writing grants. This additional support financed much of the archival research for this project, provided for several national and international conference presentations, and allowed me to participate in the 2015 Rackham/Sweetland Writing Center Summer Dissertation Writing Institute. I also remain indebted to all those who helped me reach this point, including my supervisors at the Hatcher Graduate Library, the Music Library, the Children’s Center, and the Music of the United States of America Critical Edition Series. I thank them for their patience, assistance, and support at a critical moment in my graduate career. This project could not have been completed without the assistance of Bruce Boyd Raeburn and his staff at Tulane University’s William Ransom Hogan Jazz Archive of New Orleans Jazz, and the staff of the Historic New Orleans Collection. -
City of New Orleans Residential Parking Permit (Rpp) Zones
DELGADO CITY PARK COMMUNITY COLLEGE FAIR GROUNDS ZONE 17 RACE COURSE ZONE 12 CITY OF NEW ORLEANS RESIDENTIAL PARKING E L Y PERMIT (RPP) ZONES S 10 I ¨¦§ A ES N RPP Zones Boundary Descriptions: PL F A I N E Zone 1: Yellow (Coliseum Square) AD L E D St. Charles Avenue / Pontchartrain Expwy / S AV Mississippi River / Jackson Avenue A T V S Zone 2: Purple (French Quarter) D North Rampart Street / Esplanade Avenue / A Mississippi River / Iberville Street O R TU B LA Zone 3: Blue NE ZONE 11 South Claiborne Avenue / State Street / V AV Willow Street / Broadway Street A C N AN O AL Zone 4: Red (Upper Audubon) T S LL T St. Charles Avenue / Audubon Street / O Leake Avenue / Cherokee Street R R A 10 Zone 5: Orange (Garden District) C ¨¦§ . S St. Charles Avenue / Jackson Avenue / ZONE 2 Constance Street / Louisiana Avenue Zone 6: Pink (Newcomb Blvd/Maple Area) Willow Street / Tulane University / St. Charles Avenue / South Carrollton Avenue Zone 7: Brown (University) Willow Street / State Street / St. Charles Avenue / Calhoun Street / Loyola University ZONE 18 Zone 9: Gold (Touro Bouligny) ZONE 14 St. Charles Avenue / Louisiana Avenue / Magazine Street / Napoleon Avenue ZONE 3 AV Zone 10: Green (Nashville) NE St. Charles Avenue / Arabella Street / ZONE 6 OR Prytania Street / Exposition Blvd IB LA C Zone 11: Raspberry (Faubourg Marigny) S. TULANE St. Claude Avenue / Elysian Fields Avenue / UNIVERSITY ZONE 16 Mississippi River / Esplanade Avenue ZONE 15 Zone 12: White (Faubourg St. John) DeSaix Blvd / St. Bernard Avenue / LOYOLA N North Broad Street / Ursulines Avenue / R UNIVERSITY A Bell Street / Delgado Drive ZONE 7 P O E L Zone 13: Light Green (Elmwood) E AV ZONE 1 Westbank Expwy / Marr Avenue / O ES V General de Gaulle Drive / Florence Avenue / N L ZONE 4 R Donner Road A HA I V . -
A Confusion of Institutions: Spanish Law and Practice in a Francophone Colony, Louisiana, 1763-Circa 1798
THE TULANE EUROPEAN AND CIVIL LAW FORUM VOLUME 31/32 2017 A Confusion of Institutions: Spanish Law and Practice in a Francophone Colony, Louisiana, 1763-circa 1798 Paul E Hoffman* I. INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................... 1 II. THE ECONOMIC SYSTEM AND LOCAL LAW AND ORDER .................... 4 III. SLAVERY ............................................................................................. 13 IV. CONCLUSION ...................................................................................... 20 I. INTRODUCTION French Louisiana had been a thorn in the flank of Spain’s Atlantic Empire from its founding in 1699. Failure to remove that thorn in 1699 and again in 1716, when doing so would have been comparatively easy and Spanish naval forces were positioned to do so, meant that by 1762 the wound had festered, so that the colony had become what La Salle, Iberville, Bienville, and their royal masters had envisioned: a smuggling station through which French goods reached New Spain and Cuba and their goods—dye stuffs and silver mostly—reached France and helped to pay the costs of a colony that consumed more than it produced, at least so 1 far as the French crown’s finances were concerned. * © 2017 Paul E Hoffman. Professor Emeritus of History, Louisiana State University. 1. I have borrowed the “thorn” from ROBERT S. WEDDLE, THE FRENCH THORN: RIVAL EXPLORERS IN THE SPANISH SEA, 1682-1762 (1991); ROBERT S. WEDDLE, CHANGING TIDES: TWILIGHT AND DAWN IN THE SPANISH SEA, 1763-1803 (1995) (carries the story of explorations). The most detailed history of the French colony to 1731 is the five volumes of A History of French Louisiana: MARCEL GIRAUD, 1-4 HISTOIRE DE LA LOUISIANA FRANÇAISE (1953-74); 1 A HISTORY OF FRENCH LOUISIANA: THE REIGN OF LOUIS XIV, 1698-1715 (Joseph C. -
Pdf2019.04.08 Fontana V. City of New Orleans.Pdf
Case 2:19-cv-09120 Document 1 Filed 04/08/19 Page 1 of 16 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT EASTERN DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA LUKE FONTANA, Plaintiff, CIVIL ACTION NO.: v. JUDGE: The CITY OF NEW ORLEANS; MAYOR LATOYA CANTRELL, in her official capacity; MICHAEL HARRISON, FORMER MAGISTRATE JUDGE: SUPERINTENDENT OF THE NEW ORLEANS POLICE DEPARTMENT, in his official capacity; SHAUN FERGUSON, SUPERINTENDENT OF THE NEW ORLEANS POLICE DEPARTMENT, in his official capacity; and NEW ORLEANS POLICE OFFICERS BARRY SCHECHTER, SIDNEY JACKSON, JR. and ANTHONY BAKEWELL, in their official capacities, Defendants. COMPLAINT INTRODUCTION 1. For more than five years, the City of New Orleans (the “City”) has engaged in an effort to stymie free speech in public spaces termed “clean zones.” Beginning with the 2013 Super Bowl, the City has enacted zoning ordinances to temporarily create such “clean zones” in which permits, advertising, business transactions, and commercial activity are strictly prohibited. Clean zones have been enacted for various public events including the 1 Case 2:19-cv-09120 Document 1 Filed 04/08/19 Page 2 of 16 Superbowl, French Quarter Festival, Satchmo Festival and Essence Festival. These zones effectively outlaw the freedom of expression in an effort to protect certain private economic interests. The New Orleans Police Department (“NOPD”) enforces the City’s “clean zones” by arresting persons engaged in public speech perceived as inimical to those interests. 2. During the French Quarter Festival in April 2018, Plaintiff Luke Fontana was doing what he has done for several years: standing behind a display table on the Moonwalk near Jax Brewery by the Mississippi riverfront. -
The Old and the Neutral the Mile-Long Crescent Park in New Orleans Shows Ambitions Meeting Reality
THE OLD AND THE NEUTRAL THE MILE-LONG CRESCENT PARK IN NEW ORLEANS SHOWS AMBITIONS MEETING REALITY. BY JOHN KING, HONORARY ASLA MANDEVILLE WHARF An elliptical lawn marks the heart of Crescent Park, part of an ambitious project intended to revitalize a rough industrial edge of the Mississippi River in New Orleans. TIMOTHY HURSLEY TIMOTHY 80 / LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE MAGAZINE JULY 2018 LANDSCAPE ARCHITECTURE MAGAZINE JULY 2018 / 81 N A LANGUID FRIDAY floodwall roughly 10 feet high as well afternoon in New Orleans, as railbeds where freight cars might the sounds of the French Quar- sit for days between journeys. The Oter Festival spill downriver toward stylized promenade is promoted by Crescent Park. The music is loudest at some as New Orleans’s answer to Mil- the park’s Mandeville Wharf, but the lennium Park or the High Line, one dozen or so visitors seem to pay no with a photogenic bridge designed by notice as they lounge on a raised lawn the architect David Adjaye. Its impact next to remnants of a vast storage on the adjacent Bywater neighbor- shed, or ride scooters in the shade cast hood, where small colorful houses by the new corrugated roof, or lean line streets where the sidewalks come against galvanized steel guardrails and go, can be seen in the condo com- TOP to watch a barge plow through the plexes starting to rise along its edge. The industrial heritage dark waters. Nor can the distant din of the riverfront seen compete with the cries of the seagulls Viewed through a wider lens, Cres- in this 1950s photo is retained in the who have claimed a fenced-off stretch cent Park fits within the constellation forms and materials of the wharf as their own. -
Hurricane Katrina and New Orleans: Discursive Spaces of Safety and Resulting Environmental Injustice
HURRICANE KATRINA AND NEW ORLEANS: DISCURSIVE SPACES OF SAFETY AND RESULTING ENVIRONMENTAL INJUSTICE A dissertation submitted to Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Andrew B. Shears August, 2011 Dissertation written by Andrew B. Shears B.S., Ball State University, 2003 M.S., Ball State University, 2005 Ph.D., Kent State University, 2011 Approved by ____________________________________, Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Dr. James A. Tyner ____________________________________, Members, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Dr. Mandy Munro-Stasiuk ____________________________________ Dr. Robert M. SchwartZ ____________________________________ Dr. Scott C. Sheridan Accepted by ____________________________________, Chair, Department of Geography Dr. Mandy Munro-Stasiuk ____________________________________, Dean, College of Arts and Sciences Dr. Timothy Moerland ii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………..………………………………………………….iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS………………………………………………………………………………………vi DEDICATION……………………………………………………………………………………………………...vii CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………………………………………..1 A. DEFINING ENVIRONMENTAL JUSTICE………………………………………….3 B. THE GAME PLAN………………………………………………………………………..19 C. METHODOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK……………………………………………..20 II. ABOUT NEW ORLEANS……………………………………………………………………...29 A. THE HISTORY OF NEW ORLEANS……………………………………………….33 B. NEW ORLEANS IN 2005…………….……………………………………………….85 C. CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………………………...111 III. HURRICANE KATRINA……………………………………………………………………..113 -
Banquettes and Baguettes
NEW ORLEANS NOSTALGIA Remembering New Orleans History, Culture and Traditions By Ned Hémard Banquettes and Baguettes “In the city’s early days, city blocks were called islands, and they were islands with little banks around them. Logically, the French called the footpaths on the banks, banquettes; and sidewalks are still so called in New Orleans,” wrote John Chase in his immensely entertaining history, “Frenchmen, Desire Good Children…and Other Streets of New Orleans!” This was mostly true in 1949, when Chase’s book was first published, but the word is used less and less today. In A Creole Lexicon: Architecture, Landscape, People by Jay Dearborn Edwards and Nicolas Kariouk Pecquet du Bellay de Verton, one learns that, in New Orleans (instead of the French word trottoir for sidewalk), banquette is used. New Orleans’ historic “banquette cottage (or Creole cottage) is a small single-story house constructed flush with the sidewalk.” According to the authors, “In New Orleans the word banquette (Dim of banc, bench) ‘was applied to the benches that the Creoles of New Orleans placed along the sidewalks, and used in the evenings.’” This is a bit different from Chase’s explanation. Although most New Orleans natives today say sidewalks instead of banquettes, a 2010 article in the Time-Picayune posited that an insider’s knowledge of New Orleans’ time-honored jargon was an important “cultural connection to the city”. The article related how newly sworn-in New Orleans police superintendent, Ronal Serpas, “took pains to re-establish his Big Easy cred.” In his address, Serpas “showed that he's still got a handle on local vernacular, recalling how his grandparents often instructed him to ‘go play on the neutral ground or walk along the banquette.’” A French loan word, it comes to us from the Provençal banqueta, the diminutive of banca, meaning bench or counter, of Germanic origin. -
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Nourishing Networks: The Public Culture of Food in Nineteenth-Century America by Ashley Rose Young Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Laura Edwards, Supervisor ___________________________ Priscilla Wald ___________________________ Laurent Dubois ___________________________ Adriane Lentz-Smith Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2017 i v ABSTRACT Nourishing Networks: The Public Culture of Food in Nineteenth-Century America by Ashley Rose Young Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Laura Edwards, Supervisor ___________________________ Priscilla Wald ___________________________ Laurent Dubois ___________________________ Adriane Lentz-Smith An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2017 Copyright by Ashley Rose Young 2017 Abstract “Nourishing Networks: The Public Culture of Food in Nineteenth-Century America” examines how daily practices of food production and distribution shaped the development of New Orleans’ public culture in the long nineteenth century, from the colonial era through the mid-twentieth century. During this period, New Orleans’ vendors labored in the streets of diverse neighborhoods where they did more than sell a vital commodity. As “Nourishing Networks” demonstrates, the food economy provided the disenfranchised—people of color, women, and recent migrants—a means to connect themselves to the public culture of the city, despite legal prohibitions intended to keep them on the margins. Those who were legally marginalized exercised considerable influence over the city’s public culture, shaping both economic and social interactions among urban residents in the public sphere. -
If You Are Interested in Operating a Food Truck in Any of the Yellow Areas
If you are interested in operating a food truck in any of the yellow areas indicated on the City’s Food Truck Operating Areas map*, you must first obtain a City-issued food truck permit (mayoralty permit) and an occu- pational license. This guide will help you understand how to apply, and if you are approved, what general requirements you will need to abide by. *The referenced map is for guidance purposes only. The City shall provide an applicant the specific type of application (permit or franchise) for a specific area. PREREQUISITES FOR APPLICATION: The application process begins with the City’s One Stop for licenses and permits, which is located on the 7th floor of City Hall (1300 Perdido Street). Along with a completed application, on forms provided by the City, you must also have all of the documents, certifications and inspections listed below. No application shall be processed until all required documentation is received. No applicant is guaranteed a Permit. A copy of the mobile food truck’s valid registration with the Louisiana Department of Motor Vehicles. All trucks must be registered in the State of Louisiana. A copy of automobile insurance for the mobile food truck, providing insurance coverage for any automo- bile accident that may occur while driving on the road. A copy of your commercial general liability insurance coverage policy with liability coverage of at least $500,000, naming the City as an insured party, providing insurance coverage for any accident that may occur while selling your food and conducting your business on the public rights-of-ways. -
Hurricane & Tropical Storm
5.8 HURRICANE & TROPICAL STORM SECTION 5.8 HURRICANE AND TROPICAL STORM 5.8.1 HAZARD DESCRIPTION A tropical cyclone is a rotating, organized system of clouds and thunderstorms that originates over tropical or sub-tropical waters and has a closed low-level circulation. Tropical depressions, tropical storms, and hurricanes are all considered tropical cyclones. These storms rotate counterclockwise in the northern hemisphere around the center and are accompanied by heavy rain and strong winds (NOAA, 2013). Almost all tropical storms and hurricanes in the Atlantic basin (which includes the Gulf of Mexico and Caribbean Sea) form between June 1 and November 30 (hurricane season). August and September are peak months for hurricane development. The average wind speeds for tropical storms and hurricanes are listed below: . A tropical depression has a maximum sustained wind speeds of 38 miles per hour (mph) or less . A tropical storm has maximum sustained wind speeds of 39 to 73 mph . A hurricane has maximum sustained wind speeds of 74 mph or higher. In the western North Pacific, hurricanes are called typhoons; similar storms in the Indian Ocean and South Pacific Ocean are called cyclones. A major hurricane has maximum sustained wind speeds of 111 mph or higher (NOAA, 2013). Over a two-year period, the United States coastline is struck by an average of three hurricanes, one of which is classified as a major hurricane. Hurricanes, tropical storms, and tropical depressions may pose a threat to life and property. These storms bring heavy rain, storm surge and flooding (NOAA, 2013). The cooler waters off the coast of New Jersey can serve to diminish the energy of storms that have traveled up the eastern seaboard. -
Rhythm, Dance, and Resistance in the New Orleans Second Line
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles “We Made It Through That Water”: Rhythm, Dance, and Resistance in the New Orleans Second Line A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Ethnomusicology by Benjamin Grant Doleac 2018 © Copyright by Benjamin Grant Doleac 2018 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION “We Made It Through That Water”: Rhythm, Dance, and Resistance in the New Orleans Second Line by Benjamin Grant Doleac Doctor of Philosophy in Ethnomusicology University of California, Los Angeles, 2018 Professor Cheryl L. Keyes, Chair The black brass band parade known as the second line has been a staple of New Orleans culture for nearly 150 years. Through more than a century of social, political and demographic upheaval, the second line has persisted as an institution in the city’s black community, with its swinging march beats and emphasis on collective improvisation eventually giving rise to jazz, funk, and a multitude of other popular genres both locally and around the world. More than any other local custom, the second line served as a crucible in which the participatory, syncretic character of black music in New Orleans took shape. While the beat of the second line reverberates far beyond the city limits today, the neighborhoods that provide the parade’s sustenance face grave challenges to their existence. Ten years after Hurricane Katrina tore up the economic and cultural fabric of New Orleans, these largely poor communities are plagued on one side by underfunded schools and internecine violence, and on the other by the rising tide of post-disaster gentrification and the redlining-in- disguise of neoliberal urban policy.