Communist and Workers' Parties and Marxist-Leninist Groups Greet The
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~ the Soviet-East European Concept of People's Democracy
~ The Soviet - East European Concept of People's Democracy The Political Situation At the end of World \Var I I the leaders of the Communist Parties of Poland, Germany, I-lungary, l{ umania, and Bulgaria returned to their countries in the baggagetrain of the l{ ed Army and assumedcontrol of the " commanding heights" of society in dcpcndence on the Soviet occupation forces.) These Communist Parties were burdened with a dual weaknessthat limited their radicalism in the initial postwar period. All faced significant , organized opposition to the consolidation of their rule, resistance being strongest in Poland and weakest in Bulgaria. This internal situation dictated a policy of gradualism, generalized by Hugh Seton-\Vatson2 as encompassing three stages: ( 1) a genuine coalition with the surviving socialist and peasant parties resting on a short-tcrm program of mutually accepted " antifascist " and " democratic " reforms (lasting until early 1945 in Bulgaria and l{ umania and until early 1947 in l Iungary); (2) a bogus coalition with the same parties, thcmselvcs increasingly dominated by Communists, implemcnting more radical social reforms and more openly suppressing the non-Communist opposition (lasting until late 1947 or early 1948); at this stage, socialism was spoken of only as a distant goal; economic planning was introduced but remained limited in scope; collectivization of agriculture was not mentioned ; (3) a monolithic regime that , having liquidated its opposition , set out to emulate the Soviet Union in " building socialism" through forced industrialization and collectivization . Anothcr aspect of the weakness of the East Europcan Communist Partics was their great dependcnce on the Soviet Union and thus thcir subordination to the broader goals of Soviet foreign policy . -
Yugoslav "Self-Administration" a Capitalist Theory and Practice
The electronic version of the book is created by http://www.enverhoxha.ru WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES, UNITE! ENVER HOXHA YUGOSLAV "SELF-ADMINISTRATION" - A CAPITALIST THEORY AND PRACTICE (against E. Kardelj's anti- socialist views expressed in the book «Directions of the Deve• lopment of the Political System of Socialist Self-administra• tion») THE INSTITUTE OF MARXIST-LENINIST STUDIES AT THE CC OF THE PLA THE «8 NËNTORI» PUBLISHING HOUSE TIRANA, 1978 A great deal of publicity is being given to a book published in Yugoslavia last year under the title «Directions of the Development of the Politi• cal System of Socialist Self-administration», by the leading «theoretician» of Titoite revisionism, Eduard Kardelj. The anti-Marxist ideas of this book were the basis of the entire proceedings of the 11th Con• gress of the revisionist party of Yugoslavia, to which the Titoites, in an effort to disguise its bourgeois character, have given the name: «The League of Communists of Yugoslavia». As the 7th Congress of the PLA pointed out, the Titoites and international capitalism are pub• licizing the system of «self-administration» as «a ready-made and tested road to socialism», and are using it as a favourite weapon in their struggle against socialism, the revolution and li• beration struggles. In view of its danger, I think I must express some opinions about this book. As is known, capitalism has been fully estab• lished in Yugoslavia, but this capitalism is cun• ningly disguised. Yugoslavia poses as a socialist State, but one of a special kind, which the world has never seen before! Indeed, the Titoites even boast that their State has nothing in common with the first socialist State which emerged from the October Socialist Revolution and which was founded by Lenin and Stalin on the basis of the scientific theory of Marx and Engels. -
Chapter Five
CHAPTER FIVE PEOPLE’S DEMOCRACY The post-war people’s democracies that developed in Eastern Europe and China embodied the main features of the Popular Front government advocated at the Seventh Congress of the Communist International. Politically, they were based on a multi-party, parliamentary system that included all the anti-fascist elements of the wartime Fatherland Front movements. Economically, they nationalized the most vital monopolized industries and allowed smaller capitalist industries and agriculture to continue business as usual. The theoretical status of the people’s democracies, however, was obscured by uncertainty over the future relations between the USSR and the West. If the wartime alliance was to be preserved, the communists had no wish to offend anyone with loose talk of ‘dictatorship’, whether revolutionary democratic or proletarian. Consequently, until 1948 theoretical discussions of the people’s democracies were by and large phrased in ‘apolitical’ terms, and were not associated with earlier communist theses on the state. The communist theoretician Eugen Varga, for example, wrote in 1947 that the people’s democracies were “...something entirely new in the history of mankind...” (Cited in Kase, People’s Democracies, Sijthoff, Leyden, Netherlands, 1968, p.18). They allowed capitalism, and yet protected the interests of the people. In a few years, however, the theoreticians would discover that despite multi-party composition, parliamentarism and capitalism, the people’s democracies were indeed forms of “the dictatorship of the proletariat” after all. A. Eastern Europe As consideration for his outstanding theoretical contributions to the communist movement, Dimitrov was allowed to further develop the principles of the People’s Front from the vantage point of leader of the new Bulgarian state. -
The Success of the Nicaraguan Revolution: Why and How?
Ibero-Americana, Nordic Journal of Latin American Studies Vol. XI: 1-2, 1982, pp. 3-16 THE SUCCESS OF THE NICARAGUAN REVOLUTION: WHY AND HOW? VEGARD BYE In the following paper, I shall try to discuss some of the elements I see as being decisive for the revolutionary victory in Nicaragua. Where appropiate, I shall make comparisons to the Castro-movement in Cuba. A fundamental question will of course be why this strategy succeeded in Cuba and Nicaragua, while it failed in so many other countries. In this discussion, I shall not go into the characteristics and particularities of the imminent socio-economic and political crisis paving the way for the revolutionary situation. It is taken for granted that a profound crisis in this respect has been pre vailing in most countries where guerrilla strategies were attempted. What is dis cussed here, is how the FSLN (Sandinist Front of National Liberation), compared with other guerrilla movements, has answered this crisis and built its revolutionary strategies. This is not to propose that a complete analysis of the Nicaraguan revolu tion can exclude a detailed analysis of the character of the crisis of Somozist Nicara gua and the particularities of the Sandinist answer to this crisis, but such an analysis is beyond the scope of this article. 1 I. The Castroist guerrilla tradition In a study of guerrilla strategies in Latin America carried out at the German Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Robert F. Lamberg distinguishes among three steps in the ideological and strategic development of what he calls the Castroist guerrilla after 1 A good - though quite brief - analysis of the socio-economic crisis of Somozist Nica ragua is to be found in Herrera Zuniga, Rene, "Nicaragua: el desarrollo capitalista depen diente y la crisis de la dominaci6n burguesa, 1950-1980", in Centroamerica en crisis, Centro de Estudios Internacionales, El Colegio de Mexico, 1980, pp. -
The Popular Front: Roadblock to Revolution
Internationalist Group League for th,e Fourth International The Popular Front: Roadblock to Revolution Volunteers from the anarcho-syndicalist CNT and POUM militias head to the front against Franco's forces in Spanish Civil War, Barcelona, September 1936. The bourgeois Popular Front government defended capitalist property, dissolved workers' militias and blocked the road to revolution. Internationalist Group Class Readings May 2007 $2 ® <f$l~ 1162-M Introduction The question of the popular front is one of the defining issues in our epoch that sharply counterpose the revolution ary Marxism of Leon Trotsky to the opportunist maneuverings of the Stalinists and social democrats. Consequently, study of the popular front is indispensable for all those who seek to play a role in sweeping away capitalism - a system that has brought with it untold poverty, racial, ethnic, national and sexual oppression and endless war - and opening the road to a socialist future. "In sum, the People's Front is a bloc of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat," Trotsky wrote in December 1937 in re sponse to questions from the French magazine Marianne. Trotsky noted: "When two forces tend in opposite directions, the diagonal of the parallelogram approaches zero. This is exactly the graphic formula of a People's Front govern ment." As a bloc, a political coalition, the popular (or people's) front is not merely a matter of policy, but of organization. Opportunists regularly pursue class-collaborationist policies, tailing after one or another bourgeois or petty-bourgeois force. But it is in moments of crisis or acute struggle that they find it necessary to organizationally chain the working class and other oppressed groups to the class enemy (or a sector of it). -
The Ideas of Marxism-Leninism Will Triumph on the Revisionism
THE IDEAS OF MARXISM-LENINISM WILL TRIUMPH ON THE REVISIONISM W9 mo «853 19 6 2 (5x mm THE IDEAS OF MARXISM-LENINISM WILL TRIUMPH ON THE REVISIONISM 1962 >0 I .. THE DECLARATION OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE PARTY OF LABOUR OF ALBANIA At the 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union N. Khrushchev publically attacked the Party of Labour of Albania. N. Khrushchev’s anti-marxist slanders and attacks serve only the enemies of com¬ munism and of the People’s Republic of Albania — the various imperialists and Yugoslav revisionists. N. Khrush¬ chev, laying bare the disputes existing long since between the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Party of Labour of Albania openly in the face of the enemies, brutally violated the 1960 Moscow declaration which points out that the disputes arousing between the fraternal parties should be settled patiently, in the spirit of proletarian internationalism and on the basis of the principles of equality and consultations. Publically attacking the Party of Labour of Albania, N. Khrushchev effectively began the open attack on the unity of the international communist and workers’ move¬ ment, on the unity of the socialist camp. N. Khrushchev bears full responsibility for this anti-marxist act and for all the consequences following from it. The Party of Labour of Albania, guided by the in¬ terests of the unity of the world communist movement and the socialist camp, with great patience, ever since our disputes arose with the Soviet leadership, has striven to solve them in the correct marxist-leninist way, in the way outlined by the Moscow Declaration. -
Fall 2018 a CLASS O N CLASS DSA-LA’S Political Education Committee Is Proud to Present a Class on Class
democratic socialists of america political education committee los angeles fall 2018 A CLASS O N CLASS DSA-LA’s Political Education Committee is proud to present a Class on Class. CLASS This study series examines a selection of foundational concepts and inquiries, with the goal of more deeply grounding our collective struggle in rigorous UNDER socialist analysis. As organized socialists in the resurgence of a popular social- CAPITALISM ist movement in the United States, we have the responsibility to study and learn from the radical visionaries who have built and sustained the movement many of us have recently joined — we see this Class on Class as a way to undertake this important work together. A The Class on Class is comprised of four distinct modules which conceptually build on one another. Each module features a selection of readings and initial discussion questions (contained in this reader), as well as an in-person compo- nent where a short presentation is followed by ample opportunity to discuss, CLASS dissect, and debate these concepts in facilitated group conversations. SURPLUS The construction of the Class on Class was the product of five months of VALUE & collaborative work undertaken by new and long-time leftists in DSA-LA’s Politi- cal Education Committee. From the beginning, it was never our goal to assem- EXPLOITATION ble an authoritative or comprehensive reading list, but instead, to work togeth- er to curate a selection of readings from a range of classic and contemporary materialist thinkers that would bring key analyses and arguments into conver- sation with debates and organizing projects in our own chapter and beyond. -
Party Politics in the Western Balkans
Party Politics in the Western Balkans Edited by Věra Stojarová and Peter Emerson 2 Legacy of communist and socialist parties in the Western Balkans Věra Stojarová As Ishiyama and Bozóki note, the development of communist successor parties1 in post- communist politics has had an important effect upon the development of democracy (Bozóki and Ishiyama 2002: 393). In some countries the communist party was outlawed; in many cases it was transformed into a party of a socialist or social democratic character; elsewhere, the communist party began to take part in the democratic process, which led to varying results; in some cases, the party transformed itself into a classic socialist or social democratic party; while in other cases it retained a communist ideology. As the literature reveals, the type of the regime, the modus of transition, the manner of financing political parties, the organisation of the parties, as well as the whole political context, all matter. Ishiyama suggests that the patrimonial communist regime (as in Serbia) produced communist successor parties which had to distinguish themselves from the previous communist system and hence turned towards nationalism, while in a national- consensus regime (Slovenia, Croatia), the successor parties developed policies that divorced the party from the past, and led to the emergence of a social democratic identity (Ishiyama 1998: 81–2). Nevertheless, the application of the above- mentioned theory reveals the exceptionality of the Western Balkan countries. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the ethnic structure and the different goals of the three ethnicities had a great impact on the formation of political parties, which were mainly based on ethnic grounds, and left little space to the parties with a social democratic orientation. -
The Popular Fronts and the Civil War in Spain Tim Rees
10 The Popular Fronts and the Civil War in Spain tim rees Our desire is that all the organizations of the Popular Front be strengthened. Our desire is that all anti-fascist forces be consolidated, wherever they are to be found. Although I know that this can lead to criticism of our position, of our actions, never, never, can it be said that a single member, not a one, has been attracted to the party by the promise of advancement or the lure of personal 1 gain. These words were spoken as part of a rousing closing speech made by Jesús Hernández, a leading figure in the Spanish Communist Party (PCE), at a party plenum held in March 1937. At the time Spain was nine months into its brutal civil war which raged on until the final defeat of the republican side at the hands of General Franco’s Nationalists in April 1939.Theplenum was held partly to publicize the growing strength of the communist party but its central theme, echoed by all the speakers present, was to extol support for the Popular Front as an alliance of all the political parties and trade unions that supported the republic. In evoking the idea of the Popular Front, and the language of anti-fascism which accompanied it, the PCE was following policies common to the international communist movement. In the context of the war in Spain, Hernández hammered home the message that cooperation was the key to ultimate victory and that the PCE was providing a selfless example in working toward that common goal, all of which was reflected in the title of his speech: “Everything Within the Popular Front.” This plenum, and another held in November 1937, presented the PCE as not just at the heart of the conflict in Spain but as part of a worldwide struggle being led by the international communist movement against the threat of 1 Partido Comunista de España, Todo dentro del Frente Popular (Valencia: Ediciones del Partido Comunista de España, 1937). -
A Hidden History of the Cuban Revolution Written by Michael J
Review - A Hidden History of the Cuban Revolution Written by Michael J. Bustamante This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. Review - A Hidden History of the Cuban Revolution https://www.e-ir.info/2016/06/25/review-a-hidden-history-of-the-cuban-revolution/ MICHAEL J. BUSTAMANTE, JUN 25 2016 A Hidden History of the Cuban Revolution: How the Working Class Shaped the Guerrillas’ Victory By Steve Cushion New York: Monthly Review Press, 2016 At an academic symposium I attended a few years ago, a well-known scholar from Havana used his allotted twenty minutes to explore the link between labor activism and revolutionary politics in Cuban history. Complicating his task was the lack of available source material, particularly for the years prior to Fidel Castro’s triumph in 1959. For the Western Hemisphere’s preeminent workers’ revolution, my colleague asked cheekily, should not the tomes of its labor history already be written? Ironically, for a transformative political process “of the humble, by the humble, and for the humble,” as Castro famously intoned, the details of workers’ actions, conflicts, and contributions have long played second fiddle to more top-down guerrilla myths.[1] For the post-1959 era, the challenge of historicizing workers’ agency (or lack thereof) remains unresolved. After the island transitioned” to socialism between 1960 and 61, labor’s autonomy receded before a nationalizing revolutionary state. For the phase leading up to Fidel Castro’s victory, however, we now have Steve Cushion’s revealing study, the first to place working people at the center of a political project forged in their name. -
Codebook CPDS I 1960-2013
1 Codebook: Comparative Political Data Set, 1960-2013 Codebook: COMPARATIVE POLITICAL DATA SET 1960-2013 Klaus Armingeon, Christian Isler, Laura Knöpfel, David Weisstanner and Sarah Engler The Comparative Political Data Set 1960-2013 (CPDS) is a collection of political and institu- tional data which have been assembled in the context of the research projects “Die Hand- lungsspielräume des Nationalstaates” and “Critical junctures. An international comparison” directed by Klaus Armingeon and funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. This data set consists of (mostly) annual data for 36 democratic OECD and/or EU-member coun- tries for the period of 1960 to 2013. In all countries, political data were collected only for the democratic periods.1 The data set is suited for cross-national, longitudinal and pooled time- series analyses. The present data set combines and replaces the earlier versions “Comparative Political Data Set I” (data for 23 OECD countries from 1960 onwards) and the “Comparative Political Data Set III” (data for 36 OECD and/or EU member states from 1990 onwards). A variable has been added to identify former CPDS I countries. For additional detailed information on the composition of government in the 36 countries, please consult the “Supplement to the Comparative Political Data Set – Government Com- position 1960-2013”, available on the CPDS website. The Comparative Political Data Set contains some additional demographic, socio- and eco- nomic variables. However, these variables are not the major concern of the project and are thus limited in scope. For more in-depth sources of these data, see the online databases of the OECD, Eurostat or AMECO. -
The Cominform Fights Revisionism
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Bill Bland The Cominform Fights Revisionism First Published: A paper prepared for the Stalin Society in London by Bill Bland; ca 1998. Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba and Sam Richards Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. INTRODUCTION As we have seen, the Marxist-Leninists in the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the Communist International had no interest in saving a Communist International dominated by revisionists, but worked to create a new international, based on Marxist-Leninist principles and free of all revisionist trends. THE FIRST CONFERENCE OF THE COMINFORM (1947) The Founding of the Cominform (1947) In October 1947 it was announced that the Communist Parties of nine European countries — Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, France, Hungary, Italy. Poland, Romania, the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia — had set up, at a secret conference held in September at Szklarska Poreba in Polish Silesia during September, an ‘Information Bureau of the Communist Parties’ (Cominform), with its headquarters in Belgrade. Its purpose was to: “. organise the exchange of experiences”. (‘Keesing’s Contemporary Archives’, Volume 6; p. 8,864). and, ” . where necessary, to coordinate the activities of the Communist Parties on the basis of mutual agreement”. (‘Keesing’s Contemporary Archives’, Volume 6; p. 8,864).