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Communities of Code-Switching Connoisseurs Multilingualism in Islamic Sermons in Bangladesh

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Communities of Code-Switching Connoisseurs Multilingualism in Islamic Sermons in Bangladesh South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal Free-Standing Articles | 2018 Communities of Code-Switching Connoisseurs Multilingualism in Islamic Sermons in Bangladesh Max Stille Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/samaj/4485 DOI: 10.4000/samaj.4485 ISSN: 1960-6060 Publisher Association pour la recherche sur l'Asie du Sud (ARAS) Electronic reference Max Stille, « Communities of Code-Switching Connoisseurs », South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal [Online], Free-Standing Articles, Online since 01 March 2018, connection on 01 May 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/samaj/4485 ; DOI : 10.4000/samaj.4485 This text was automatically generated on 1 May 2019. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. Communities of Code-Switching Connoisseurs 1 Communities of Code-Switching Connoisseurs Multilingualism in Islamic Sermons in Bangladesh Max Stille EDITOR'S NOTE This paper received the Student Research Award by the European Association for South Asian Studies at the 2016 European Conference on South Asian Studies held in Warsaw. 1 This article1 considers the rhetoric effects of a co-presence of different linguistic codes in Islamic sermons in contemporary Bangladesh. The sermons are held in gatherings called waz mahfils,2 in brightly illuminated and often festive tents, which are typically erected on paddy fields after harvest in rural areas or at street corners and public grounds in cities. Inside the tents, several preachers speak one after the other. They are seated, together with guests of honor and their entourages, on a slightly elevated stage. The exclusively male audience assembles on the ground in front of the stage, which is covered with mats made out of bamboo, cotton, or rarely, on straw. The size of the audience varies a lot, from small gatherings to large mass meetings, but its members are generally involved in the performance by reciting along with the preacher, by uttering affirmative interjections, or by shedding tears. Audience presence, attention, and participation is ensured by frequent call-and-response interactions between the preacher and the audience. 2 Waz mahfils mostly start around sunset on any day of the week outside the rainy season, and continue until around midnight. The sermons are by no means confined to the instructions of ritual commands stressed in Friday sermons.3 Each sermon continues about as long as a motion picture, and preachers have the time to include all aspects of popular story-telling, such as long narratives on exemplary, but also every-day figures; citations and allusions from Islamic texts or contemporary TV series; humorous incidents South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal , Free-Standing Articles Communities of Code-Switching Connoisseurs 2 as well as political outrage. In short, participation in a waz mahfil promises salvation as well as fun and emotional upheaval. 3 This article describes an aspect of the performance and reception of the sermons that lies so close to their raison d’être that it is easily taken for granted: the contemporaneity of different languages within the sermon, and the manifold processes of translation and code-switching between these languages. The phenomenon of translation and code- switching between languages forms an integral part of Islamic discourse in South Asia and worldwide. It increases in importance with the worldwide migration and the creation of multilingual communities. These build, however, on a vast variety of linguistic histories and configurations that defy any uniform concept of Islamic code-switching such as between a universalized Arabic and localized languages. In South Asia, code- switching between languages is well-known from popular culture, most noticeably from poetry traditions and contemporary mass films, where reference to different linguistic formations is seen as emphasis as well as inclusion of associated communities.4 In Bangladesh, as I will briefly outline below, linguistic references are deeply entangled with language politics. 4 Methodologically, I focus on the message and its coding in performance rather than on empiric inquiry among recipients. However, these two poles are not oppositions. The performed texts themselves are, I argue with theories of aesthetic response and affective response, not separate from reception. The performances are the outcome of long- standing interactions of preachers and listeners and build on shared knowledge and expectations which enable joint, yet also individual, realizations of the performances.5 The preachers themselves learn much of their art by long-term listening experiences and are in constant interaction with listeners whose preferences are communicated to the preachers by organizers, co-travelers, or media agents. Furthermore, the performance itself includes concrete listener responses. Of course, more systematic empirical research on the discussions and perceptions of the participants would certainly be a valuable addition to the following observations that focus on the linguistic shifts in the performance. This nevertheless does not mean that audience research is the only way to access response. 5 I first clarify what I mean by codes and code-switching and make some introductory remarks on the linguistic history and presence informing the codes in the sermons. Secondly, on that basis, I turn to the performance of code-switching over the course of the sermons, first in the introduction and then in the main part. Thirdly, I reflect on poetic and rhetorical effects of this code-switching, to argue for the interdependence of argumentation and the aesthetic effect of the particular idiom of the waz mahfils. Before concluding, I fourthly venture into some aspects of the sonic dimension of code-switching as yet another crucial layer that influences code-switching in performance. 6 By this micro-example of contemporary public Islamic speech in one of the major Islamic languages I discuss the role of code-switching in configuring the relationship between religious and secular publics, in linguistic community formation and identity politics, and in the relationship between religious argumentation and poetic messages. More specifically, I argue that considering code-switching can shed new light on the argumentative role of Qurʾānic quotations and their translation into Islamic practice. The Qurʾān as the basis for argumentation is part of the multilingual relations and processes of translation, and therefore of the idiom relying on code-switching. From the perspective suggested here, the very productive role the Qurʾān has for the sermons lies South Asia Multidisciplinary Academic Journal , Free-Standing Articles Communities of Code-Switching Connoisseurs 3 not only or maybe even not primarily on a deductive-argumentative level, but more in adding to an aesthetic effect of translation and code-switching. In turn, the analyzed code-switching becomes indispensable to religious discourse, and religious and poetic competencies overlap. Preacher and audience form a competent community of connoisseurs of code-switching in religious discourse. Code-switching and multilingual codes in Bangladesh Multilingual code-switching 7 Semiotics perceives culture as communication processes relying on the transmission of signs. This transmission works via codes, which must be “fully, or at least partly, common to the addresser and addressee, (or in other words, to the encoder and decoder of the message)” (Jakobson 1960:353). Each act of communication involves a multitude of codes; the communication in the sermons for example involves visual, auditory, spatial, as well as linguistic codes. This article, however, mainly focuses on the sermons’ linguistic codes. 8 Analyzing these linguistic codes, insights from sociolinguistics are useful. Gumperz has defined code-switching “as the juxtaposition within the same speech exchange of passages of speech belonging to two different grammatical systems or subsystems” ( Gumperz 2002[1982]:59). Importantly, sociolinguistics investigates the reference ( indexicality6) of speech styles, such as bureaucratic jargon or a particular sociolect or dialect, to social situations or groups. This always includes a dialectical process: if a speech form is associated with a context of authority, it may come to be perceived as authoritative language. When a person then uses this language, he can project himself as an authority. 9 In this article, I only treat one of the multiple aspects of the linguistic codes employed in the sermons. While changes between dialectal forms of Bengali and the Bangladeshi standard Bengali are important, particularly in migrant communities, this article limits itself to what we might call multilinguistic codes: the inclusion of sentences or words from languages other than Bengali, in particular from Arabic, Persian and Urdu. There are two reasons for this focus. On the one hand, it is particularly relevant to the study of global Islam. Studies on Islamic sermons have described code-switching between variants of Arabic, emphasizing the importance of colloquial, i.e. spoken and regional, Arabic as indexing familiarity and informality as against formal Arabic. Patrick Gaffney, in his description of a sermon held in Egypt in 1978, notes a conflation of the preacher’s roles with the switching to Egyptian dialect as against standard Arabic, or fuṣḥa: “Since Friday sermons are supposed to be delivered in the standard language, Shaykh Uthman is
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