.. 0."E DOORS OF CULTURE WILL BE OPENED"

.. 0."E DOORS OF CULTURE WILL BE OPENED" REP 0 R T of the Conference THE CULTURAL VOICE OF THE RESISTANCE" DUTCH AND SOUTH AFRICAN ARTISTS AGAINST APARTHEID AMSTERDAM, DECEMBER 12-18, 1983 ,Organisatie: Anti-Apartheids Beweging Nederland, politiek kultureel centrum De Populier en de Nederlandse Organisatie voor Internationale lOntwikkelingssamenwerking - NOVIB Sekretariaat: AABN, Postbus 10500, Organised by the Dutch Anti-Apartheid Movement, 1001 EM Amsterdarn telefoon 020-237335 political-cultural centre De Populier and the Dutch Organisation for International Co~peration NOVIB. This report is published under auspices of the foundation CUU ?'AL ALTERNATIVE SOUTH AFRICA (CASA) in coperation with Dutch AAM, Populier and NOVIB. Adress: CASA, c/o Dutch AAM, P.O. Box 10500, 1001 EM Amsterdam, Netherlands. Tel: 020 - 237335 / 257952 ------,----.-----"I am delighted at initiative of Anti-Apartheid Movement and other Dutch organizations in conveningconference on cultural voice of resistance - Dutch and South African artists against apartheid. Apartheid like nazism is enemy of culture - stop but South African people have managed to develop their cultural creation despite all repression - stop - indeed struggle for freedom has given birth to resusgence of cultural activity - stop by boycotting apartheid and developing links with culture of freedom in South Africa artists of the world can make significant contribution to liberation and international cobperationo I wish your conference all success and may it encourage artists of other countries to emulate your example. Alhaji Yusuff Maitama-Sule, Chairman Special Committee against Apartheid, United Nations.

TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION Background of the conference "THE CULTURAL VOICE OF THE RESISTANCE" Speech of Conny Braam, Chairlady of Dutch AAM STATEMENT OF THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS, by Barbara Masekela, Secr. Cult. Dept. ANC. 9 ADRESSES Tuesday: Culture and resistance 15 Wednesday: Cultural imperialism and resistance Thursday: Solidarity andthe cultural boycott Friday: Alternative cultural agreement DISCUSSIONS Tuesday: Culture and resistance 23 Wednesday: Cultural imperialism and resistance Thursday: Culture and solidarity; the cultural boycott Friday: Alternative cultural agreement CONCLUSIONS 37 WORKSHOPS Literature: language as oppression, language as 41 liberation Fine arts Theatre Photography Film Music Women FINAL SESSION "The first white pages..." 49 FINAL DECLARATION A. The cultural boycott 51 B. Alternative cultural agreement List of South African participants 55 List of Dutch participants List of spectators Index of conference papers delivered 57 (incl. video's) A photographic report on the conference was publishedseperately under the title "THE DOORS OF CULTURE WILL BE OPENED", as a special section of the Dutch AAM's magazine 'Zuidelijk Afrika Nieuws'.

-i- In front of you is the report of the conference "THE CULTURAL VOICE OF 4E RESISTANCE - Dutch and South African Artists Aqainst Apartheid". The report covers the discussions and programmes of this onference, which took place from Decenber 13 to 18, 1982, in the theatre 'De Balie' in Amsterdam. It was organised by the Dutch Anti-Apartheid movemrent (AABN), the nolitical-culture centre'De Pomulier' and the Dutch Organization for International Co-operation As a result of continuous camaigning fram 1976 against cultural relations with the apartheid regime, the Dutch governaent in 1981 finally terminated the Cultural Agreenent with South Africa. AABN, Populier and NOVIB organised this conference together with a large nuTber of Dutch artists in order to give content and form to an alternative to the terminated Cultural Agreement as well as foster relations, contact and co-operation with South African artists in resistance. During the week duration, dozens of Dutch artists together with more than 50 South African artists-in-exile (from the Netherlands, Enhgland, East and Webst Germany, Botswana, Ziirbzbwe, Kenya, Angola, Sweden and Tanzania) discussed the cultural co-operatin, the boycott of South Africa, the role of language (especially Afrikaans), concrete forms of assistance to artists and the significance of art and culture in the strength of the resistance. Over 150 Dutch artists participated in the various workshops in which experiences were discussed and a start was made towards further co-operation between Dutch and South African artists. In the evening progranres more than 7000 people were granted the opportunity to learn about theatre, noetry, music, dance and fine arts fran South African artists-in-exileThe public at large saw how fruitful a possible cultural exchange with regard to South Africa could be in 5 public evenings in 'Da Balie', melkweg and Paradiso, and especially in th3 final nasse-partout prograre in 'De Balie'. Outside Amsterdam perfo-mnces took place at schools and manifestations in Groningen, Wageningern and Rotterdam. The cultural programes, the sorretirres heavy discussions, the quiet emotional workshops, the expositions and the information 'market' laid the basis for new cultural relations with South Africa. Cultural relations with and through the resistance movenent, the African National Congress. The opening of the conference by Elderman Walrave on behalf of the City of Amsterdam, the official reception at the City Hall, the presencs of high-ranking civil servants of the Ministry of Culture, the act-de-presence of Minister Brinkman of Cultural Affairs, the interest shown by thousands of visitors, the extensive redia presence and coverage -- all helned especially to inspire the South African artists to continue and intensify their resistance against the

- ii - apartheid regime and the further deva-lonmant of their culture. For the Dutch participants it mant an excerience which intensified enthusiasm to strengthen solidarity work in the Netherlands. The conference finally drew up a nuaber of conclusicns in the form of reccumendations on which new cultural relations should be based. In order to put these recommendations into practice a ccntinuation cannittee was formed - the Cultural Alternative Comittee South Africa (CASA) under whose auspices this report is oublished. The report of the conference contains the text (part verbatim, part summarised) of the various introductions and an overview of the discussions including their ccnclusions, one chanter deals with the workshops and the recomiendations which came out of them. The annexes contain the final declaration, the participants list and a list of all the conference papers. Apart frm this report, a photo-record was published as a special section of the Dutch AAM's magazine Zuidelijk Afrika Nieu.qs, and some video tapes of the conference were produced. All this material can be obtained through CASA, P.O.Box 10500, 1001 0M Amsterdam, telo (020)237335. This also applies to any other information on the confarence or its follow up. M

Sackground of the conference "THE CULTURAL VOICE OF THE RESISTANCE" Speech of Conny Braam, chairlady of Dutch AAM )n behalf of the Netherlands Anti-Apartheid Movement, the Populier and the NOVIB I wish to extend a hearty welcome to all of you. But before I explain why we have entitled this conference "The Cultural Voice of Resistance" I want to extend a special word of welcome to all the South African guests. They have come from a variety of places - open and secret- all over the world and travelled to Amsterdam to participate in this conference. Among them there are writers, poets, painters, singers, photographers and musicians. They all have something in common- they are all artists and fighters against apartheid. And this last is something that is shared by all of us here. This is the particular reason to you to participate in this conference, a conference about the role of art and culture as well as the role of artists in the struggle against the apartheid regime. A great deal has happened since the first initiative we organised in 1976, and I want to remind the meeting tonight about "Artists Against Apartheid". At that time we were-still campaigning for the severance of the cultural treaty between the Netherlands and the apartheid regime. Now, I'm happy to say, we have made a great deal of progress. After a period in which official cultural links were frozen they were finally ended altogether in 1981. Today, there is almost no cultural contact. But it is still necessary - as always in politics- to keep a close eye on developments. For was it not just last autumn that the propaganda of the apartheid regime reached the Netherlands in the cultural disguise of 'Ini Tombi'. It was gratifying to see then how many peonle, in many many places, from Groningen in the North to Sittard in the South took part in pickets and strongly rejected this product of Apartheid'. Hundreds of people called for a boycott of the show and the theatres in question became places of fervent political controversy as the discussion with the potential theatre goers began and grew. In Amsterdam, in the Meervaart, the. Ii Tombi programme was cancelled as a result of these anti-apartheid activities, and the show was a complete commercial disaster. But more important (for us) was the main point-.that the propaganda efforts of Pretoria had met energetic opposition. The campaign against Ini Tombi has several results. On the one hand the question was raised- "How can we orga- nise a consciousness raising follow up to this boycott campaign?" The importance of this question was underlined by the ending of the formal cultural agreement. At the same time many individuals and organisations felt the need for a better and closer acquaintance with real South African culture. Our dilemma was- on the one hand clarity about our disgust at and refection of the official lies about South African culture and the devious cultural exoorts of Pretoria, on the other hand great ignorance of and curiosity about the real culture of the people of South Africa. From this, the logical next step was to think the problems over, in a conference. We discussed this idea with South African and Dutch people and the reaction was very positive and enthusiastic. Many individual artists and a number of cultural organisations have been involved in the preparation of this conference. In consultation with, them an through their efforts we have been able to agree on the form of this conference. I am very glad to announce that there will be eleven workshons in which Dutch and South African artists can exchange experiences an'd work together on future links of solidarity. This way of solving the dilemma that I have just mentioned has also provided the basis on which we have together been able to decide on the themes for the conference. Namely, what is the role of art and culture in the resistance movement? And this is very closely related to another question that must receive attention in our conference: how has culture been used by the racists? How have they mutilated the culture of the population of their country by exterminating'the black people as a nation, by reducing their culture to a weak folklore and by caricaturing everything that is really alive among the black people? HISTORICAL LINKS An important theme for this conference will be- how should we go forward now that the treaty is officially broken? By the end of this conference we must have made progress on this question. Now I would like to take the opportunity to take a short look with you at the role of the Netherlands in South African history ans the circumstances that paved the way for the cultural treaty, but most of all at the effects of this cultural commitment and collaboration. In the history of the relationship between the Netherlands and South Africa the position And fate of the african people has never been taken seriously. Conversely, from the beginning, since Jan van Riebeeck, the activities of Dutch farmers, businessmen, investors and scientists have contributed to the oppression to the Africans in South Africa. The establishment of white power is a combination of land theft, oppression and destruction of the original inhabitants and their culture. Therelationship between the Netherlands and South Africa hasuntil the recent past- been part of the building up and expansion of the economic position and of the ideological view of the Afrikaanders. The majority of the inhabitants of South Africa, the Africans, have never been regarded as partners, not even in the Cultural Treaty of 1951. From theNetherlnnds the relationships were primarily viewed as an ode to the historical ties between the two countries. ,The intention was the maintenance and the extension of Dutch language andDutch culture. Trade intrests were never neglected. In the third quarter of the 19th century the prominent politician and orthodox Calvinist, A. Kuyper, was an exponent of this point of view. Kuyper was an advocate of the Boers and supported their policies. He advocated emigration and-further colonisation. In'his view the African population was the threat, not the colonisets. He saw them, the men of the Transvaal, and I quote: "as pioneers of Christian civilisation who are called on to play a very important role. From the coast and, even penetrating over the Vaal and past the Soutpansberg you will be required to carry the flag of honour".. Kuyper had a great task for the Boers: ?never let your sons and descendants succumb to the great struggle and may it be you andyour people who complete your calling for Africa in a way, that the nations that be buried under the curse of Cham may, 'through you Transvaalers, receive the blessing of their Lord". Close quote. In one andthe same breath Kuyper advocated the development of South Africa as a prime country for Dutch trading interests. With such ideas Kuyper was a perfect pioneer for a Dutch colonial role in a country full of mineral resources and rich in economic possibilities. But his ideas came to even more than this... he tried, together with others, to provide a theological foundation for racism. In one form or another this cluster of motives has played a very important role in the relationship between the Netherlands and South Africa, far :into the twentieth century. After this event we will be able to see that these contacts contributed to a consolidation of the position of the Afrikaanders andthat after 1948 they provided direct support to the white, racist system inpower. The "Christian Civilisation" that Kuyper had in mind degenerated into Christian Nationalism, a variant of Hitler naziism. Even worse, this evil came to power. And It is terrible, given the existance of that racist regime, to recall that the Government of the Netherlands decided'in 1951 to agree on a Cultural Treaty. It was quite clear at that time, as for a number of years before, that this_ ,as a racist minoroty government exploiting and oppressing -he majority in their country. It was crystal clear what policies the racists advocated. Culture was used by Pretoria as an instrument of repression; The racists provided their own version of African culture and at the same time they tried to diminish the possibilities of' advance and education for the majority.of the South African population. Knowledge can grow to power and culture can provoke resistance. And this is what the apartheid fanatics wanted to prevent. Sp infustice became legalised and oppression became the rule i1p South Africa. CULTURAL TREATY It was with this kind, of legalised terror that the Dutch Government of that day linked up, by means of the Cultural Treaty. Once again it was a lirk made without consultation with any African. According'to Ministers Rutten'and Stikker, the Treaty could "forma good basis for the maintenance and strengthening of the cultural and intellectual ties with-the Union of South Africa'% How the'Treaty would be implemented can be seen from, the following text: -,'In the spring of 1952 the Van Riebeeck commemoration will offer new opportunities for the strengthening of the relationship between the two countries',.bound with strong ties of friendship". From the very beginning the Treaty -was used to facilitate propaganda visits by the supporters of apartheid. The Treaty did not even mention the existance of the Black population. Clearly, the Treaty was deeply insulting to the African people by legitimising'apartheid. The first blow against this historical development was struck in 1975 when the AABN started a campaign against the Treaty. This campaign was supported by 90 cultural organisations and it resulted in a conference in 1976. This meeting,- initiated by the Populier was aimed at endingthe cultural dialogue. After siK years'of a variety oflactivities the Treaty, was ended in 1981. The prolonged insult to the South African black people, on the cultural level at least, was:officially ended. What had been started by the Dutch Government was relegated to history by- the Dutch people and their grassrootp organisations. The understanding that every dialogue with racists and in the context of racist legislation is impossible, as well.as without real significance, was grasped much earlier by the Dutch people than by the Government. Equally, we refused to accept the alternative of a so-called ',critical dialogue", because this dialogue wouldbe with-the wropg partners. The overwhelming majority of the South African people wouldbe excluded, wouldn't they? A dialogue was- andstill is- impossible. How are we supposed to talk to criminals who despise their own people, who deeply insult the blacks and who still enforce on themconditions of slavery and-poverty? How are we supposed to talk with Pretoria when it values the majority of the blacks only as cheap labour power and denies them adequate and meaningful educational and medical services? How are we supposed to talk to a regime which constantly terrorises its people and ,bstructs changes, as it did during the uprisings in Soweto and all over the country in 1976? And how are we supposed to talk to such a regime, waging war far beyond its own borders- into Angola, Mozambique and Namibia and one that only last week killed many friends and comrades of the ANC in Lesotho? A regime like this can only be isolated at every level. Andthe ending of the Cultural Treaty is a great step forwards towards the ending of all cultural relations with the apartheidregime, and cultural institutions'which function under the racist umbrella of Pretoria. INTEREST IN REAL SOUTH AFRICAN CULTURE No cultural relations with South Africa, but what else? In the past few years Dutch artists have realised their own way of worjing and their owniperspective. They prefered directcontact andccooperation with the artists in resistance,.in cooperation with and' via the ANC. In the same time a lot of attention has been paid in the Netherlands to the real South African culture. First, the group Mayibuye came to the Netherlands in 1975, the artists' trade union, the BBK, participated in the organization of the visit. . The poets and singers had great success. Later, in the same year the South African music group in exile Jabula, came for the first time-tothe Netherlands. They also received'a warm welcome fromthe Dutch people and they 'have had appearances in our country since that time. The voice of the artists working in the resistance was being hear in the.Netherlands..

Everywhere in the country, performances were held at which Dutch writers and poets read theowork of thei South African colleagues, inspired by the South African poet and scientist Vernie February. The well known Dutch act6r Henk van Ulsen wrote an introduction to a book of poems published in Wageningen. Another book of poems written by South African refugees from Soweto was published by a solidarity group in Groningen. Befor6e that, the group Amandla, toured the Netherlands. A number of Dutch artists provided direct support for the struggle against apartheid. The photographer Eli Weinberg came to the Netherlands in 1978. He was able to save his work by bringing it to our country. The Amsterdam Cultural Council supported him. As a result of contacts with Dutch photographers the 'Photographers against apartheid groupI was founded. The group collected money for Weinberg to start a photography school in Tanzania for South African refugees. In 1981, a short time before Weinberg died, the school was opened. A few other examples of activities. Graphic designers like Rob Schr6der, Lies Ros, Victor Levie, Pieter Hildring, and Ewald Spieker designed numerous solidarity posters. Some of them became well known and were used in many countries. The United Nations invited them to design a poster which was used 'all over the world. Writers in Leiden published through the Boycot Outspan Action a book of works, by South African and Dutch writers. A few months ago the solidarity group Kairos published a .short oveiview of black literature in South Africa. The solidarity of Dutch musicians during 'all these years was enormous. Durig a big music festival in Amsterdam groups like Bram Vermulen and Gruppo Sportivo appeared. The Dutch group 'De Veulpoepers' made a record entitled 'South Africa!. They gave the profits to the ANC. In the spring of 1982 on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the ANC. a painters group -the Februari Kollektiefmade an enormous wall picture in Amsterdam, opposite the Dokwerker, a symbol of resistance during the Second WoIld ,War. And all this is only a part of-the enormous support from groups and individuals who have contributed to a real exchange between Dutch and South -African culture. Also those working in education have taken up their responsibility. Concrete support has been provided for the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College. Next year five Dutch teachers are 'going to Mazimbu to work there. Most universities and technical High Schools have severed their relations with South Africa, at the invitation of the ANC. They only have contacts with people who are against apartheid and support the ANC. MM

An important step was made by the university of Amsterdam by giving an honorary doctorate to Govan Mbeki in 1978. This was a very important result of cooperation between the AABN and progressive students and stientific workers in the university. The Govan Mbeki was founded to finance ANC-students to study in Amsterdam. This was the first official arrangement between an university and the ANC. By setting up relations between the resistance and Dutch artists and schools we made clear the way forward for cultural cooperation. We ask the Dutch Government to follow this lead by concluding a cultural agreement with the ANC. For thirty years the Dutch government was involved in giving support to the cultural/political complex of the apartheid regime. For thirty years the Dutch government spent millions of guilders for this. Now we say: we work together with the ANC and also give support (financially and otherwise) to the initiatives of Dutch artists' groups and institutions. Now use the money to support the opponents of the apartheid regime. A start has been made: the Ministry of Culture made this conference possible by making a financial grant. Yhe conference 'The cultural voice of resistance' is focussed on solidarity with the ANC. During the conference the participants will create new ties of friendship and cooperation. This year we celebrate the 70th anniversary of the ANC. We hope that this conference and these ties will be a present from the Dutch artists and thei..Dtch solidarity movement to the ANC and will become part of our support for the resistance, in the same way as the solidarity campaigns for the imprisoned comrade on Robben Island and in support of the liberation struggle of the South African people led by the ANC; in the same way as the solidarity movement came into action to save the life of the sixyoung freedom fighters sentenced to death by the apartheid regime, we hope our activities here will contribute to the construction of a new and democratic South Africa where the people will be able to determine their own future and their own culture in complete freedom. We, the organizers- the AABN, Populier and NOCIB- and the many artists and organisations are proud to have associated themselves with the liberation struggle of the South African people. M_

STATEMENT OF THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS AT THE SYMPOSIUM: "THE CULTURAL VOICE OF RESISTANCE - DUTCH AND SOUTH AFRICAN ARTISTS AGAINST APARTHEID", AMSTERDAM DECEMBER 1982. By Barbara Masakela, Secr. Cult. Dep. ANC; Mr. Chairman, Fellow Cultural Workers, Comrades and Friends. We salute you all in the name of the African National Congress and bring you the greetings and the best wishes of our leadership and our membership. Our people, whatever fronts they are manning in our general offensive to destroy the apartheid system expect that out of this. gathering, we shall, Dutch and South African artists together, produce results that will help to bring nearer the day when South Africa will be a democratic, non-racial and peaceful country. DUTCH COLONIALISM This occassion is an historic one in as much as this is the first time that a convention of this type takes place. This is perhaps as it should be because it is from the Netherlands that the colonisation of our country and people started 330 years ago this year. To stand here, among Dutch friends and comrades-in-arms, in the land of Jan van Riebeek, is therefore, a moving experience for us. When we grew up, as black South African children, the appelation "Dutch" used to strike terror in our hearts. It betokened cruelty, brutality, yes, even death, In those early days, when the employees of the Dutch East India Company landed at the Cape of Good Hope, our people enjoyed a mode of social existence, in other words, a culture, which emphasised harmony, equality and mutual assistance among all members of the community and prescribed that all strangers should be received as honoured guests. This was a culture which also depended for its continuity on the maintainance of a healthy and non-predatory relationship between man and his enviroment, between society and nature. The colonisers worked with merciless brutality to supplant that culture with another which emphasised a radically different social harmony based on social differentation on the basis of class, colour and nationality, a harmony based on the control of the majority by the minority, on the degradation of the many and the elevation of the few. If a culture is a measure of the emancipation of humanity from its animal origins, such a social system could not but seek to compell the colonised to revert as closely as possible

-10- and necessary to those animal origins. Therefore not only did we have to lose our independence, but we also had to lose our identity as a people. Even more, we had to despise ourselves, deny that we had any creative talent or initiative. We had to accept that our being could only be expressed through the master-servant relationship, with us as the servants, the beasts of burden. Accordingly we ceased to have a history. Our gods became pagan deities blocking our path to a blissful eternity. Our languages became a historical heritage condemning us to backwardness. The songs, dances, poetry, sculpture, .painting and games which had been an important vehicle of social communication and spiritual fulfilment became reminders of the curse of our barbarism. We could not be persons unless we were named after European kings, saints and colonisers - the Williams, the Richards, the Marys and the Gordons. REPRESSION BY THE APARTHETD STATE AND THE CULTURAL BOYCOTT. The liberation of the people of South Africa from colonial bondage must therefore also mean our emancipation from an oppressive and demeaning cultural mode. To regain our right to national self-determination, we must also recover our rights to free and authentic cultural expression. Indeed the very act of rebellion, the act of struggle against tyranny, which is only possible because we have rejected the legitimacy of the usurpers of power in our country, is itself an act of assertion of our ability to think independently, to create, to uphold the values and ideals of comradeship, of personal sacrifice for the common good, of a social harmony based on the emancipation of the individual, democracy,national independence, social progress and peace. As you know, the prograT me of domocratic forces of our country, the Freedom Charter, scys the following: "The doors of learning and culture shall be opened to all. The democratic state shall discover, develop and encourage national talent for tho enhancement of our cultural life; All cultural treasures of mankind shall be open to all by the free exchange of books, ideas and contacts with other lands; The aim of education shall be to teach the youth to love their people and their culture, to honour human brotherhood, liberty and peace. Education shall be free, compulsory, universal and equal for all children." What the South African society of today knows is an educational system designed to ensure that the oppressed majority, and indeed the dominant white minority, is trained only to the extent that such training is consistent with the perpetuation of the apartheid system.

We are subject to a system of censorship which fears the truth and liberty and therefore perpetually hangs a Sword of' Damocles over every liberating work of art and over every cultural worker who dares to tell the truth and portray a future for our country as visualised in the Freedom Charter. Add to all this the consistent campaign pursued by the apartheid regime, as a matter of state policy, to divide the African people and to force us into a pcsition where we are meant to reject bur common African nationho6d and accept an outdated and moribund ethnic identity. In pursuit of this nefarious policy, we-are therefore subjected to separate schools, separate universities, separate radio and other media programmes and so on. Furthermore, the people of South Africa as a whole have to contend with an offensive which seeks to deny the fact that they belong to a common humanity, with a right and indeed an obligation to reach out for the best products of the universal creativity. In this situation, the parochial is put on the gilded pedestal and given the stamp of approval on the basis of narrow, chauvinist considerations. South Africa is of course also a capitalist country. The dominant social forces of this society accordingly strive continuously to capture the creative talent of the people, to package and market it in such a way that this talent does not help the people to develop towards a position of access to, comprehension and appreciation of the best that human genius offers. Rather, these dominant social forces seek to use the popular talent as a means of accumulation of profit and the creation of captive consumers of culture, "cheerful robots" to whom leisure is an opiate, helping to sugar-coat and therefore make more tolerable, the harsh reality of a brutally exploitative society. The policy spelt out in the Freedom Charter therefore signifies that what we are about is a veritable cultural revolution. By its very nature, this revolution must be carried out by the people themselves, as a conscious, organised and purposive force. It was for this reason that our President, Oliver Tambo, when addressing the people of South Africa on the ANC's 69th birthday, on January 8th last year, said: "Workers in the field of culture and sports are urged to make greater use of their skills and talent to promote the people's cause, to honour our heroes and heroines, to inspire all of us into great feats of revolutionary caring and sacrifice."

THE CULTURAL BOYCOTT It was also because of this that we welcomed the initiative taken by the national museum of Botawana, MEDU and cultural workers inside South Africa who correctly see that they have to use their talents to help liberate themselves and their country and, consequently, unshackle the creative talents of the people., It should be also of interest to this gathering to know that even as these cultural workers met-in Botswana, they had to solve an immediate problem related to the issue of the cultural boycott. This matter arose in part, because certain South African musical groups which had performed at home together with visiting foreign artists wanted to attend the festival and symposium. Significantly, the hundreds of participants at the festival agreed that ,these groups should be excluded, exactly because they had defoed the call not to have anything to do with artists who came to South Africa in breach of the Cultural Boycott. As an organisation, the leader of the genuinely democratic forces of our country, the African National Congress has a responsibility to encourage the people as a whole to become even more active in their participation in the boycott campaign. At the same time, however, the ANC also has a responsibility ,to encourage the South African cultural workers inside and outside South Africa to respond to the call that our president made to them last year. 'Indeed, we want that the voice of the cultural workers in resistance should be heard clearly both by our people at home and by the international community. Obviously, we have no desire to isolate that voice within South Africa which says, as we are saying here: WE ARE THE CULTURAL VOICE OF RESISTANCE UNITED IN STRUGGLE AGAINST APARTHEID; But we should be aware of the fact that the apartheid regime and its friends will naturally seek to use any opening that it can get to breach the boycott wall surrounding it. We would therefore appeal that should anybody wish to relate to the cultural workers inside South Africa for the express purpose of encouraging these workers in their stand against apartheid, then that person should at least seek our opinion. . If we needed another example to show that the call to isolate South Africa culturally enjoys the active support of the oppressed people themselves, inside the country, then we would take the example of the ignominous collapse of the soccer tour of South Africa, organised immediately after the World Cup. That tour failed exactly because the players themselves, actively supported by the entire oppressed community and its democratic organisations, came out in one voice to say: Boycott apartheid South Africa.

-13- We need further to intensify the campaign for the total cultural isolation of South Africa. As it is, the United Nations Blacklist is getting longer rather than shorter. This means that together, we still have a lot of work to do. We should like to assure our Dutch colleagues from this platform that on this issue, the boycott positions they take are entirely at one and in keeping with the wishes of the oppressed people of our country themselves. In this connection we would like to express our profound appreciation of the termination in 1981 by the Dutch government and people of the cultural accord with South Africa. This action constituted a very important contribution to the general international offensive against the apartheid regime. Of course we expect that the Netherlands will take other steps to implement other United Nations resolutions and are confident that you will in fact do so. We should also like to take this opportunity to reiterate our congratulations to the award holder, Mr. Nico Scholten. He has set all of us an inspiring example which we must surely seek to emulate. We are not saying from a position of arrogance but exactly because our united opposition to apartheid should necessarily mean that we should act in unity. It should mean that we should together pursue our twin tasks of isolating the apartheid South Africa and strengthening and encouraging the democratic forces of resistance. Early in the morning of the 9th of this month the murder squads of the apartheid regime invaded Lesotho, occupied the capital Maseru for 5 hours, and killed at least 42 South African and Lesotho nationals, 33 of whom were members of the African National Congress. This heinous crime must bring sharply into focus the enormous and urgent task that faces us, Dutch and South Afrcian artists together. Like Pablo Neruda, we must say that this is not the time to be singing of the volcanoes of our native lands. As Neruda said: Come and see the blood in the streets!

-15- ADRESSES TUESDAY: CULTURE AND RESISTANCE Artists who form no part to the force fighting for the creation of a democratic South Africa, belong to those people who wish to keep the country as it is. Summing up Mr. Keorapetse Kgositisile's adress, we may say that the concept of artistic neutrality does not exist. He firstly outlined South Africa's political context, in which the issue of the relationship between culture and resistance must be placed. He recalled that, in the seventy years of organised resistance by the ANC, the succesive racist governments took no notice of the people's, grievanr ces; that the struggle is now charActerized by a fight to seize power besed on a definite programm, the Freedom Charter, in which thefreedoms for which the people fights were defined; that when Mr. O.Tarbo, President of the ANC, in 1982 cal&ed for unity in action this affectively resulted in the various groups taking their common destiny in their own hands. According to Kgositsile South Africa has, in short, no longer an ivory tower in which it is possible to remain an obeerver. This situation has been blown up by the South African fascists themselves. Art and culture have everything to do with this political concept, he went on, because 'everything what happens in life and social consciousness finds expression in artistic creativity', Thus literature also has its own programm. it is a site of struggle and must serve the interests of the people in their struggle against a culture which insists that they should be robbed. Kgositsile defended the political, human and especially living character of culture, literature and art. Cultural resistance has always existed and is not. a specifically new development (its highwater mark were thet nineteenth century epics). This concept of the Arts in general and liternture in particular is not without its consequences for the licght in which the artist views his task, according to Kgositsile. The formidable task facing the cultural worker as a participant in and an imaginative explorer of life' also means that 'the masks must be yanked off' from those artists who strive for their own individualism, fame and fortune, he concluded 'Bombs and guns explode only once, a noem does so over and over again'. This is the image with which the second speaker, Bert Schierbeek, described the 0 artist's responsibility. He agreed with Kgositsile's concept of the militant unity of politics and culture. He emphasized his loathing of''being set a part', a display of power in his opinion not only found in South.Africa but wherever there are cultural minorities, The policy of power is encountered whenever critical and political cultural expressions come into play. In the case of South Africa Bert Schierbeek irrevocably chosses for the single face of the moment of liberation. At the same time he points out that 'freedom' in itself is an abstract, an illusion, which by its nature has a variety of faces. He illustrated this problem of the single face of liberatiqn and the numerous faces of freedom by taking a period of Dutch history as an example. The single face of the liberation of the Netherlands in 1945 ceased to exist when that same country three years later started a war in Indonesia. Because no clear cultural background had been created, a cultural vacuum arose after the war and even as early as during the period of resistance. The very fact that freedom andliberty, according to Schierbeek, increasingly have to be fought for again and again, will allways create a historical need for a critical protrayal of social reality. In view of his vision of the correlation betweeh political life and culture Schierbeek de-

1fines the writer's task as follows: "To expose power nmchaniums, the principle of divide and rule, and the manipulating forces of power". Anti-Apartheid is not seen by him as a facile fringe movement, but as -an obligation for artists to resist the principle of divide and rule land to fight for democracy and peace. Schierbeek finaily expresses his. active solidarity with the ANC in his last words: "That is why we are here and do not stay apart. We oppose apartheid. That is why I am here"'. WEDNESDAY: CULTURAL IMPERIALISM & RESISTANCE In his adress on behalf of MEDU, a group of artists in Botswana mainly from South Africa, Bachana Mokwena dealing with recent developments, in cultural resistance began by recollecting that these developments are actually nothing new. He recalled that cultural resistance in SouthAfrica had allready started as early as when the first colonists settled there. In the more than 300 years of colonial domination the oppressors had been using culture as a means to divide the people. By distorting the traditional culture which was of a predominantly ethnic nature, they tried to solidify regionalism and tribalism. With the creation of the African National Congress seventy years ago the birth of one single South African nation was a fact, with one single culture of resistance, a culture bound with and born from the struggle of the people. Many prominent representatives of the cultural movement of the fifties, when the Marahitnd Mbaganga-music sprang up in the ghettos and mass demonstrations were accompanied by liberation songs, had to flee from South Africa after the Sharpeville massacre, while others were forced to continue their work underground. The rev-val of overt resistance after the Durban strikes reawakened in the early seventies a new spirit of cultural wwareness and psychological liberation shaping themes like sufferihg, pain and protest. What happened during and after the Soweto revolts brought this form of resistance culture nearer to the people: poems, songsand drama were performed at ,funerals and in Soweto an exhibition was organized under the title of 'A New Day'. When the various forms of mass struggle further developed in 1980 and 1981 innumerable cultural groups sprang up all over the country, actively involved in and contributing to the dtruggle. From this unprecedented development of resistance culture the symposiumffestival of 'Culture and Resistance', held in Botswana in July 1982, derived its success and importance. For the first time in 20 years this gathering accomplished an exchange between culturaltworkers who had been active in the fifties and sixties and those atists and cultural groups that are at present active, from every corner of South Africa, holding all kinds of political views, transcending the colour lines. The importance of this festival was characterized by the strong involvement of the cultural workers in the struggle for liberation in South Africa and their determination to intensify the cultural boycott further. At the end of his adress Bachana Mokwena concluded that, in spite of repression and attempts to divide the people, a democratic culture of resistance had developed, united by the struggle for a non- racial and democratic South Africa. In his adress, which was called 'Double-Dutch prelude to prjudice't Verny Februari reported on his search for the contribution which the Dutch, as a colonial power, made to the history of South Africa. On his arrival 18 years ago in the Netherlands, the country of Jan van Riebeeck, his only knowledge was the official white South African history. He then started studying the works of Dutch artists. The seventeenth century, in which

:the Dutch had ousted the Portuguese as the principal sea-faring poweri was known as the Golden Age, a period in history which made Dutch art; world- renowned thanks to painters As Rembrandt and Frans Halsqwriters as Hooft, Vondel and Bredero. Apart from a painting by Rembrandt no reference.could be found to the colonization of South Africa. Church history offered no clues to the fact that discriminating practices were condoned in the Netherlands of those days. The Dordt Synod even refused to give a humiliating pronouncement on the concept of heathen. Historians and other writers had done their best. to describe the Dutch as people who treated the authentic population humanely and were willing to bring them civilization. The characteristic that the Dutch to a considerable extent mixed the aborigenes. was advanced as an explanation. From chartbooks, travellogues and prayers a quite different picture ererged, however. Profit appeared to be tha driving force for the East Indian Company and armed oppression and sexual exploitation the fate of the Khoi-khoi people. The same travel-books described the eurocentric attitude towards the indigenous people. Proceeding on writings by the French scholar Balandier, Februari then depicted a c lonial situation in which the indigenous people are politically, physically and culturally suppressed by the invaders. 'How would you react if we went to Holland and did the same to you?', was a question posed by one of the Khoi-khoi leaders and recorded by Sheila Marx. It showed that it is a myth to think that the Khoi-khoiin the Cape province would not have defended themselves. Armed suppression, sexual exploitation and cultural subjugation resulted in the creation of stereotypes, calling-into existence conditions ripe for the final colonization of the nineteanth century. The use of stereotypes enabled the European conquerors to justify their excesses. Februari defined the stereotype as a direct verdict, based on personal standards and passed on people who are physically and culturally different. By means of various examples from chartbooks and travellogues and the Dutch language itself, he painted the development of those stereotypes of the indigenous South African population on which prejudice was based. A second source of Dutch prejudice was traced by Februari to the calvinism, whose fatalistisc features added to the idea being accepted that there existed 'Herrenvolk',(people chosen by God) who must rule over 'the cast-out tribe of Cham'. The close ties which have always, particularly since the Boer War, existed between the Afrikaanders and the calvinists find their main origine in this. At present, in 1982, even the calvinism of Abraham Kupper (at the christian Free University) has attained a new image owing for a great part to the activities of Dr. Beyers Naudg in the Netherlands, but also as a result of the many anti-apartheid campaigns. Februari finally encouraged people to take the cause of the revolution seriously, since revolution is a political act (following Basil Februari). THURSDAY: SOLIDARITY & THE CULTURAL BOYCOTT Lindiwe Nabuza started her adress by saying that it is necesarry to have a good knowledge of the enemy: the apartheid government in Pretoria and particularly the terrible obsession by the Boer Nationalists with Culture. Their language, cusnc.Ls , mores their way of life are and always have been synonimous with slavery and total subjugation, according to Mabuza. The way in which cultural- political organizations are linked with the 'Broederbond', the secret organi4ation, solidified the white cultural and political foundation of the regime when it came into power in 1948. Meanwhile the arm of the 'Broederbond' now also extends over the Englibh

-18- liberal culture, a fact completely disregarded abroad. Together with the nineteanth century priciple of the Boer republics ("there will be no equality between white and black"), the Boer culture of the fourties led directly to the political doctrine of South African Christian Nationalism, of which Vorster in 1942 once again confirmed the affinity with Italy's fascism and German's national socialism. Mabuza more fully explained how within the apartheid system the blacks, as a result pf the 'Hearenvolk'-principle, cannot be bearers of civilization, and are even considered destroyers of civilization. But since a system of inferior educational and culturalffacilities, miseducation, cultural perversions and distortions, and even total,-absence of educational and cultural facilities was carried out in the name of the peoples of civilized Europe, it is now, according to Mabuza, their duty to help stem this tide. A colplete cultural boycott of the apartheid system must therefore in her opinion be based on human self-respect. Everything represented by Hitler during W.0.ll is alive now in South Africa, but while the Africans gave their lives in Europe to safeguard democracy, ironically today the world is engaged in feeding and supporting the bestiality of the apartheid system. Consequently Mabuza wants to view the Maseru massacre of December 8, 1982 as the 'cont uation of a policy with different means: Culture developed into a war machine for political and economic purposes'. In the name of 'law and order', and of christianity and culture, the life-denying character of the Boers is manifesting itself fully. Mabuza then analysed two developments, both leading to the conclusion that a comprehensive cultural boycott of the regime is inevitable. First of all there is the movement seen in progress in the World Alliance of Reformed Churches (representing 70 million people). This alliance pronounced apartheid to be a 'heresy' (Toronto, September 1982) and subsequently chose Allan Boesak for its president. Boesak represents Yhe anti-apartheid church in South Africa. As a result the bible now ceases to be the driving force for Boer liberalism and its attitude towards the existence of Africans. Further isolation of Boer culture in South Africa and support 4f the anti-apartheid forces are to be expected. Secondly Mabuza drew attention to the cynical trick played by the fascist regime to establish the socalled SUN-city ('SIN-city) in BophuthaTsuana. Presented as an achievement of the Tswana people it is meant to illustrate the rapid economic development of a puppet ge-vernment in a so-called 'homeland', while in reality the Tswana only participate in the cleaning of the toilets and the making of the beds. SUN-sity is also presented as an opportunity for 'sex without -colour barriers', activities being permitted which are forbidden in narrow-minded South Africa. The effect of this double standard on the socialsetting of the black population is degrading: an increase of criminality, disruption of family life, alcoholic excesses, gambling and venereal diseases. And while the profits go to Sol Kerzner's hotel chain and the so-called 'governement' of this 'homeland', and the rest of white South Africa is brainwashed into a position that makes them politically and culturally complete irrelevant, these 'SUN'projects offer foreign artists the opportunity to earn a lot of money and at the same time show the world that the 'independance (of BophathaTswana) from oppression is a most wonderful and almost religious institution', to cite Frank Sinatra. Lindiwe Mabuza finaaly made an urgent appeal to start boycotting all types of cultural manifestations originating from South Africa, including ofthe neglected issues as the visual arts. Together with a further isolation of South Africa co-operation with the ANC and SWAPO would have to be started, and also with the front-line states, whic§ actually fight against the same fascist regime.

-19- PRIDAY: ALTERNATIVE CULTURAL AGPEEMENT On behalf of the Dutch Union of Artists, affiliated to the Federation of Trade Unions (FNV), its chairman Hans Boswinkel adEessed the gathering. He assured his audience that a union spokesman is not the person taking initiatives, but representing them. According to Boswinkel two lessons could be drawn from the breaking of the Cultural Treaty between South Africa and the Netherlands: the first was that the cultural exchange, based on a common language, had proved to be dangerous. The affinity between the Afrikaans and Dutch permits only a communication with an exclusive part of the South African people. Besides, this language, which is claimed to be closely akin to Dutch, but in effect a South African language, has always served predominantly as a means to legitimize the apartheid policy. Small wonder then that many - black - South Africans detest, even hate the Dutch language. A second lesson might be drawn, according to Boswinkel, from Dutch culture, described as 'parson's moral': an admonitory finger wagged at others. It is, on the contrary, important not to admonish the African resistance movement but to enable them to determine indepemdently in what way they wish to carry on the struggle for liberation.'If the Union of Artists of the FNV is going to follow the road towards liberation, I expect the ANC to show us the way'. Boswinkel then went on to advocate spending the left-over money of the former Cultural Agreement on an alternative agreemant, of which the aims would have to be formulated at this conference. The speaker finally stated that he also was speaking on behalf of the whole of the Federation of Dutch Trade Unions (FNV). The Member of Parliament for the Labour Party (PvdA), Jacques Wallage, at the start of his adress mentioned that he wished to take cultural relationships in a wider context, including the educational and scientific area. The importance of this was, in his opinion, that after the cultural treaty had been broken off, the dismantling of all cultural contacts was not yet a fact. This was especiaily the case for students of the Delft University of Technology and Breda College of Advanced Technology, who were doing their term of practical work. An alternative agreement in his opinion would have to cover the various cultural areas also. He was very happy about the coming severance of an other cultural link; the financing of the Dutch Cultural-Historical Institute at Pretoria by the Dutch government. As far as he was concerned the amount of 80.000 Dutch guilders would have to be used for the alternative agreement. In his plea for an alternative agreement Wallage used three kinds of arguments. On an ideological level he thought the Netherlands and the ANC to have mutual interests. Both could gain more insight into the mechanism of cultural'imperialism with which both are confronted. A form of cultural apartheid was, to his mind, also apparant in the Netherlands: the institutional and political domination by a christian culture, while the majority of the Dutch people is not actively religious nor affiliated to a church. In addition he reiterated that Holland is slowly developing into a multi-cultural society. Although it is reputed to be a tolerant na-tion, dangerousssymptoms of increasing racist tendencies are in evidence. An exchange of experiences in this field might be of mutual interest as well, according to Wallage and should be incorporated in the political part of an alternative agreement. "A free South Africa will have to be a country in which race is not a decisive factor. Expdriences in the Netherlands teach us on a small scale all problems involved".

-20- On a political level Wallage argued that the Dutch government should be asked to opt for an alternative agreement. For this purpose the money left over from the former agreement should be used. One of the principal functions of this agreement would be the exchange of cultural information Apart from this he attached much importance to activities pn the: level of the artists themselves in their work, for instance artists against aprtheid. Direct material aid to artists and cultural resistance movements would also be of importance. He mentioned in particular video apparatus and radio equipment for the ANC's Radio Freedom.Wallage then proceeded to what he himself called the practical level: ways and means to achieve the actual realization of all this. In his opinion the .part played by the government should be limited to creating a framework for activities organized by the artists themselves, akind of post-box for them. To create this framework the government should start discussions on a political level with the appropriate ,partner, the African National'Congress. He did not foresee any political problems, since in his opinion the Dutch government had solved them when president Tambo was officially received by the prime-minister. Gijs Schreuders, Member of Parliament for the Communist Party (CPN), recalled how in his maidenspeech in parliament a year ago he asked for an alternative agreement with the ANC as his first political act. This request was refused by the then minister on grounds of formal international law. He wanted" to make clear that his party was not going to accept this and would endeavour to achieve nothing less than a formal connection with the ANC. As to the matter of a boycott, he pointed out that there were still two trends in Dutch politics, the one being in favour 'of isolation 'and the other willing to keep contacts possible. He stated that there is- no longer room for a 'critical dialogue' with the criminals against humanity. Instead comprehensive sanctions against the 'Pretoria butchers' would have to be instigated, among which economic sanctions were most important, but at the same time most difficult, owing to the economic powers in the wings. In his opinion the breaking off of the Cultural Agreement had only been achieved thanks to the campaigns carried on by the solidarity movements who forced both government and parliament into this decision. Now the solidarity movements once again took the initiative, in this case to achieve an alternative agreement. Government and parliament would have to implement this initiative and at least use the money from the former agreement for this purpose as a matter of solidarity and common interest. Common interest, because the Netherlands in this way would be enriched culturally and the fight against racism in the Netherlands would be strengthened. Solidarity, because it would be a gesture of considerable support to the struggling people cf South Africa. This solidarity would have to be clinched by means of formal connections with the ANC, so as to build a 'close and fertile re-ationship from which we may draw strength in our common fight for humanity and a better future'.

The third speaker, Jan Nico Scholten, Member of Parliament for the Christian Democrats (CDA), recalled the strong ties between South Africa and the Netherlands, in economic, religious and cultural fields. According to him these ties place a heavy responsibility on the Netherlands towards the situation in South Africa. As regards economic ties, the Netherlands would be advised to start economic sanctions. This goal would have to be brought much nearer in 1983. Religious bonds were no less useful according to Scholten. He was very glad about the decision taken by the World Alliance of Reformed Churches (to which the two biggest protestant churches in the Netherlands are also affiliated) to call apartheid a 'heresy' and elect Dr Allan Boesak for president. Now the Cultural Agreement had been broken off, he advocated an intensification, in similar ways as by the churches, of the cultural relations with the oppressed people of South Africa, represented by their resistance movement. The money left over from this agreement, and possibly also an additional amount, would now have to be used to build up the relationship with the black majority. Scholten said he considered it a privilege to be able to participate in the struggle for freedom in South Africa. A struggle which formed part of a world-wide struggle for freedom and justice. All the more so because he knew he had been accepted as a friend by the oppressed people of South Africa. The intensification of cultural relations with the oppressed people of South Africa would not only benefit this people but also the Netherlands themselves, since 'solidarity liberates, and not only the oppressed'. With these words Jan Nico Scholten concluded his speech.

-23- DISCSI0% Tuesday: CULTURE AND RESISTANCE As the discussion is started, chairman Joop Wolff, a formner M;P; and now a member of the Council for the Arts, recalls that during the second world war "De Balie" theatre was a prison for so-called "terrorists", whereas a new generation uses it as a theatre now. No better venue could have been found as a symbol for this conference. He said that during the distressed times, when "De Balie" was used as a prison, artists in Holland paid various contributions to the resistance, eg. by falsifying identity papers, writing illegal pamphlets, in fact newspapers andresitance poems. In his view they created a "functional art", ensuing from an individual or collective desire to find self-expression and encouragement, which desire was rooted in the best traditions of our people. These were put into words by resistance writer van Randwijk in his famous statemnor.t: "A people that yields to tyrants will lose more than life and property when the light blacks out." Individualism and cultural resistance As the first debater, Verny February challenges Kgositsile to elaborate the position he took in the light of authors like Fugard, Brink and Breytenbap.h. He specifies this by asking if Kgositsile's desire to express the experience of the "blacks" means that he disqualifies those "white" authors. Kgositsile emphasises that what really matters is not individual authors or their colour. He thinks a more important answer to the question lies in Fugard's overt opposition to the very cultural boycott of which the necessity is so strongly advocated by the opponents of apartheid. He does not envisage any further role for people like Fugard and Brink, who, in his view, look at South Africa only through a tiny peep-hole, and kho apply the little bit they see only to promote themselves. Lindiwe Mabuzu adds that in a television interview Fugard referred to the armed struggle and the struggle of the ANC as "no good to the South African people", and that Brink stated on Finnish television that "blacks need patience" and that "armed struggle does not offer them any solution". They do not start from reality, but always look at the lives of Africans from their own liberal philosophy, thus imposing an individualist approach on them. The cultural workers in South Africa and within the ANC seek a solution to a collective problem, and they do so in a joint, collective way. Dutch translator and journalist Adriaan van Dis asks with indignation if this means that white writers that are not ANC supporters should not be considered writers. M

Cosmo Pieterse harks back to the address given by Bert Schierbeck, in which the latter argued that the "self" should die out, should be distrusted. He seems to contradict himself, because earlier on he quoted Dutch poet Lucebert" "Therefore I sought for the language in its beauty". It has been put forward by others as well that the "self" is a reality, and that there is no other way to know the world but through the "self", individual consciousness, which is correct. Individual identity and individualism should be distinguished. Individualism is, for instance, to say: "I'm through with politics, I refrain from it. No more need for me to work collectively, let me mind my own affairs". There is no contradiction between Schierbeek and Kgositsile, but rather a similarity, which can perhaps also be found in the old Dutch "Geuzen-songs". For a collective identity exists from which the individual derives its consciousness, in other words: an individual could not exist without the human collective. When an individual feels "existentially lost and lonely" this feeling is determined by a whole society in its development, but one should note that not all individuals sense this "existential lonliness" in such a decisive way. Human education and experience determine subject-matterand form of a work of art. If not, it is still- born. An artist's individual liberty depends on his recognition of what is needed. Otherwise he really says that he can send his directives into the world from an ivory tower, or in this case perhaps an ebony tower, in which he sits and reflects. Which entails, for instance, a statement like: "It isn't time yet for the armed struggle". It is on the basis of this collective human experience, ie. identity, that Pieterse advocates cultural ties between Holland and the ANC, and not between Holland and something hazy like "artists in general". The ANC do not dictate what is and what is not art, but in a way they do indicate what life will look like in the (hopefully near) future. Thelma Ravell, a South African woman in Holland, wonders why it is so particularly difficult for those artists that identify themselves with the liberation struggle to get access to cultural circles in a country like Holland, even in the so- called progressive circles, in contra-distinction to those individual white authors. She puts it even more bluntly" "Why do Dutch people find it easier to identify themselves with white South Africans?" Schierbeek suggests that white authors are more accessible to Dutch readers, and that the fact that fewer translations of black authors are published may be determined by the market situation.-

-25- Van Dis thinks that it is the task of those white -authors to make a more conservative reading public conscious. Mabuza points out that it is really these authors that set international opinion, precisely because as whites they have better access to the various channels. South African culture and racialism Dutch writer Mineke Schipper wonders if all this means it is impossible for white authors to express something that can serve the liberation struggle. Desperately she asks if they are offered this chance at all. Willy Kgositsile affirms emphatically that this is certainly possible to white authors, and that in fact it happens already, but he thinks it should not be looked at along the racial lines of. black and white. It is really about those writers that have no problems about the armed struggle, about the trade union movement, or about rent strikes, and that are not leaning back to contemplate on the "lonliness of the individual in the struggle". The ANC's Barbara Masakela thinks that in the discussion she hears continually in the background that a polarization between the racial groups within South African culture is accepted, as if they were separate cultures, ensued from European, Asian and African cultures respectively. She rejects this vigorously. For that reason we should not speak of "white" literature and "black" literature. The division has been artificially made and systematically inserted by apartheid and should be destroyed. She points out the danger of the argument that was made, according to which Christianity explains the field of interest of white South African authors. For there is an old, deeply rooted Christian tradition among South Africa's black tradition as well. She urgently appeals to the conference not to give validity to any such racial pattern of thought. In this discussion on culture and resistance we should not give our support to those who have deliberately disengaged themselves from "unity in action", but rather to those who are building an authentic South African culture, which is a culture of all South African people. Barry Gilder refers to the experiences of the MEDU-conference in Gaberone, which was attended by many artists from South Africa itself. They constitute the beginning of a non-racial cultural movement in South Africa, which defines its own significance as an organized part of the masses. They consist of people young or somewhat older, who do not give comments as outside observers, but who are involved in strikes, bus boycotts and resitance against deportations, and - ,ho take part in the people's struggle. If the international community wishes to identify itself with the struggle of the South African people, it should recognize this movement, and focus its attention on it.

This does not-mean that everything done ,in the past by other authors, often with courage,-should be rejected... If the question is on whom should we focus our attention, thus Barabara Massekela winds up, it is not on those artists that deliberately disengaged themselves from "unity in action", but on those cultural workers that are working at an authentic South African culture, a culture of all South'African people. Wednesday:, CULTURAL IMPERIALISM AND RESISTANCE The chairman of the discussion,-Cosmo Pieterse, points out that the two addresses given by MEDU and by February offer considerable food for debate, and many debat-rs express appreciation for the numerous facts February found in his quest, which cast a different light on the under-exposed area of Dutch colonialism. It is argued that a number of aspects remained somewhat underexposed, notably the economic context of Dutch colonialism on the one hand, and the historical roots of the Anti-Apartheid Movement in the Netherlands on the other hand. The discussion on the MEDU paper concentrates on the significance of the MEDU conference in Gaberone in the light of the history of cultural resistance. The debate on form, subject- tter and working procedure is continued as well. Pursuit of gain and racialist sentiments The first debater, Lindiwe Mabuza, asks Verny February if economic circumstances, the greedy character of the coloniser, should not be considered one of the conditions that generated prejudice. In 'addition, she wonders if those Dutchpeople that came to South Africa were not preconditioned by biblical symbolism, which they could immediately apply to the people they were colonizing. Verny February admits that the economic aspect, the pursuit of gain, is a very powerful factor. In his working paper, however, his intention had rather been to ascertain how prejudice came about, and how it provided the Boers with the mental instruments that suited them in their economic and political exploitation. In answer to the second question, he agrees that prejudice originates from a long European spiritual tradition, in which biblical symbolism came to play an important part, cf. the story of Cham's family in Genesis. But one should distinguish between the mother country and the colony. Whereas in Holland a standard existed that did not provide for excesses of this nature, in the enviroment that was physically, culturally and spiritually different, alternative standards developed that clearly differed from those in the original culture, and were incompatible with them. Dutch poet Jan Boelens refers to the "Golden Century" (the seventeenth century in the Netherlands) as a mystical concept, because the colonial power was a minority in the Netherlands itself, which exploited the poor strata of the population and which colonized regions in the Low Countries other than the province of Holland. -S,

Vice-chairman Fons Geerlings wonders if February's approach does not harbour the danger that the class sharacter of racialism in South Africa is neglected. February says he certainly did not want to give the impression that he takes the South African struggle as merely racial. When in 1841 the Master and Servants act was evoked, racialism was countenanced and labour relations between the colonizer and the oppressed were regulated by law, thus concealing the real nature of the South African culture. But although the class elements are omnipresent, he wishes to state categorically that in South Africa the elements are eclipsed by a wild racialist sentiment, which finds its base in a long historical tradition. Anti-apartheid back in time Barbara Masekela asks February if anywhere in Dutch history people can be traced that dissented from the popular myths on black people. She cannot believe that the Anti-Apartheid Movement Netherlands originated from a vacuumand had no forerunners. According to February, as far back as in 1647 two Dutchmen on board the ship "'Haarlem" wrote in their report to the V;O.C. (the Dutch East-India Company) that the conception of the people living there as pagans and savages stemmed largely from preconceived ideas, as they certainly possessed laws, a political structure, and norms. Ben Kroon argues that Dutch artistic history knows a long tradition of cultural resistance. As one example out of many, he chooses Rembrandt, mentions in February's address as the only painter to portray blacks, whose choice of forms was reviled by the establishment then. This tradition is also to be found in the part played by artists during World War 2, and in the resistance to date, as many artists resist establishedopinions on art and social abuses now as well. As for the Dutch anti-apartheid movement February observes two streams. The church group with a largely moral approach, and a relatively young movement that developed in the sixties, and took issue with the traditional left in Holland. In this period committees arose on Angola, Mozambique and South Africa - the Anti-Apartheid Movement Netherlands (AABN) and Workinggroup Kairos, at that time a support group for the Christian Institute in South Africa. Fons Geerlings thinks that the AABN should rather be placed in the relatively vigorous tradition of anti-colonial resistance, already apparent in the resitance against Indonesia's colonisation, as expressed by Multatuli in the last century already. This century it strongly developed between the two world wars, and immediately after the war it found ,-,pression in the rejection of the colonial wars in Indonesia.

-28- As a second historical source he mentions anti-fasCist resistance in Holland, which strongly influenced post-war discussions. He agrees with February that with the rising tide of racialism and hostility towards immigrants in Holland, it is important to bring about a connection with anti-racist resistance in Holland so as to achieve mutual reinforcement. Development of cultural offensive Lindiwe Mabuza wonders-if MEDU has not been too modest as regards the historic meaning of the MEDU conference. It is her impression that, if a complete history would be written, this conference might stand out as a unique event in all South African history. There have been meetings of musicians and perhaps authors before, but not a meeting of cultural workers from all fields of culture, crossing the colour bar, which so clearly exposed apartheid as the MEDU conference did. Bachana argues that the meeting has been called a stirring and perhaps unprecedented event, but that at the same time MEDU dissociated itself from the view that from 1960, when the liberation movements were banned, a political vacuum existed. Scientifically speaking there was not such a thing as a political vacuum, on the contrary , even silently people offered resistance. The significance of the MEPU conference therefore lies in the development of political consciousness and in the cultural offensive that was initiated after 1973 by the groups that existed at the time, which offensive grew further after Soweto. Cosmo Pieterse too, strongly rejects the view that between 1960 and 1976 absolutely nothing existed, which is theoretically and factually untrue, and which impedes any understanding of the political development and consciousness. He proposes that this conference will recommend that the history be written of those groups that were active in the fifties and that continued their work in the period 1960-1976 as underground debating groups and theatre groups. Designer Pieter Hildering asks for an eKplanation of how it was contrived to set up an exhibition like "New Day" in Soweto, and how these kind of activities affected the struggle. Bachana answers that this exhibition was not initiated by MEDU, but that it can serve as an example to give a general outline. In a country like South Africa where the regime tries to suppress any form of art that expresses an urge for freedom, themes are important. "New Day" was such a theme. It was selected when there was massive resistance among Soweto students. An exhibition like that was only possible on the particular spot and on the particular moment. Had it been set up in a small village church, for instance, it would have been rounded up as agitation. But in Soweto at this time, the spirit of resistance was so powerful that the regime had no possibility of banning it. At the same time, activities like this created further incentive for every artist in South Africa to take a stand against apartheid in his work. ff a talented artist fails to do so, people will wonder why he remains silent while others are detained.

Numerous cultural groups organise activities on a community level ahd thus they constitute a threat to the regime. They are supported by the underground activities organized by the liberation movement. For instance, people are given the opportunity to read books that are banned in South Africa. Perhaps a parallel can be drawn with the underground organizations here during the Nazi-occupation. In the past Lefifi Thladi too was actively involved in such a group of artists that tried to mobilize people. Although he would describe their motives as concern rather than as political consciousness. They tried to retieve something of the history of South Africa's actual arts and by means of a small museum they had set up, they tried to make people coscious that there were great African artists as well. But the materials were very limited, and they sought co-operation with better equipped groups in Soweto and Cape Town. His own experience from the Botswana conference is that before you can be involved in the revolution as an artist you have to be a revolutionary yourself. This was a great revelation for him which is also important to many artists that have no opportunity to experience it, notably in Western Europe. Verny February emphasizes that in order to understand your own suppression, you have to know your own chains of slavery first, and that you can't be a good artist without political understanding. This should be made clear time and agin, also to those artists that have become isolated in Western Europe. Bechana points out that about 1500 artists were invited to attend the MEDU conference, 90% of them from South Africa itself. To meet exiled artists like Hugh Masakela and Dollar Brand (Abdullah Abrahim), whom they had not seen for a long time - or never at all - was very significant for them. They could see that even outside South Africa these people were dedicated to the destruction of apartheid. The function of the arts and its specific form In answer to a question on form and subject matter, Heinz explains how MEDU works. Founded in 1979 by South African artists in exile, the organization has many sections, viz. graphic art, photography, drama, music, poetry and "publication and research". Collective work is emphasized, both by plenary meetings monthly or every second month, and in the sections - with the "publishing and research" participating in all units. Activities with people in Botswana are initiated as well, eg. workshops with writers and art education at Botswana schools. Collective work is considered important, and it is equally important to activate this among cultural workers in South Africa. They issue a newsletter and design posters that in many cases correspond with political topics. Pieter Hildering recalls that at the time when he attended the Rietveld Academy, together with fellow students he contributed to the Vietnam movement by designing posters and silk screens. The major part consisted of mobilizing people, and for that reason they considered the meaning of the message much more important than the form.

In Tuesday's discussion Cosmo Pieterse had argued that form does not really matter, that it is determined by a process. The basic content of this process is the significance, life, social incentives; all these forces together determine the form. Thus form is a product of human development and experience and of the skills of the artist. Schierbeek's answer to the question: "How to make a choice as an artist?" is: "by using your qualities for a very clear goal". Patrick Fitzgerald thinks that it is not so much the form that matters but rather what this form harbours. South African theatre, for instance, uses European tradition but disseminates a different message. He does not think that circumstances determine everything or are inescapable: if as a group you take your fate in your own hands it is possible to change something of it. Bachana observes that the development of resistance culture and of political consciousness can be judged by the form. In 1954, for instance, a poster with an AK47 rifle would not have been understood because the only weapons known at the time were the oppressor's weapons; now an AK47 id generally taken as a symbol of the liberation struggle and, at the same time indicates that no political vacuum has existed. Thursday: CULTURE AND SOLIDARITY; THE CULTURAL BOYCOTT The chairwoman of this discussion, Yvonne van Baarle, General Secretary of the Council of the Arts, recalls how the campaign for the severance of the cultural agreement between Holland and South Africa was initiated by the AABN, by the artists and by the solidarity movement. How it passed off and how it resulted in the severance of the agreement in 1981. This movement also advocated a boycott of South African productions eg. in the campaign against "Ipi Tombi", and exercised so much influence that cultural propaganda of the apartheid regime hardly stands any chance in Holland any more. The interest for an alternative co-operation with artists and scientists that support the liberation struggle has increased proportionally. She proposes to debate the general context for a total cultural boycott first, then to discuss possible consequences and implications and then to talk about alternative cultural ties with the ANC. From the address given by Lindiwe Mabuza she quotes: "A continuation of cultural co-operation strengthens apartheid because it reriainrs a dialogue between a free Europe, the USA etc and a white, fascist dominated South Africa".

-31- Boycott: an effective weapon When Thelma Ravell asks her to give a clear definition of a cultural revolution, Barbara Masekela answers that this definition is embodied in a resolution of the General Assembly of the United Nations. This resolution includes all cultural contacts among which are those in the field of sport and tourism and also all scientific relations; aiming to isolate the aprtheid regime. According to Lindiwe Mabuza there was already a demand for a comprehensive boycott in the fifties. The ANC looks upon this set of measures as a very effective and non-violent weapon for breaking the regime's back. But this is only possible with the support of the international community. Bachana Mokwena recalls that the ANC only asked for this comprehensive boycott after all peaceful negotiations and all'kinds of resistance had been brutally supressed for 50 years and the ANC was forced to take up arms. "At present there is a war going on in South Africa and the question is which side to choose! We have decided to fight and it is in the hands of the international community to crush the arrogance that the apartheid regime derieves from its international connections. What we say is: 'let us turn away from the fascists and leave them to their own friends, let us join those forces who look forward to a democratic South Africa'. The boycott is an extremely nonviolent weapon in comparison with the regime's daily aggressiveness towards its own population and the neighbouring countries, as was shown last week in Lesotho when over 40 people were killed." A white South African speaker who has lived in the Netherlands for about 6 years tells how he was forced to leave South Africa. He had two mothers, one white mother who gave birth to him and who was hardly ever at home, and a black mother who looked after him and brought him up. As he was not allowed to keep in touch with either of them he had become emotionally confused and he lived as a pariah in WesternEurope now. Due to this experience he could not completely agree with means such as armed struggle and a boycott, in spite of the rightness of the goal aimed at, because his white parents were terrified by such means. Tony Seedat recalls the fact that there are millions of mothers in South Africa who do have children, but are forced to live apart from them, and who have been sent to the Bantustans away from their families. Armed struggle is not an aim in itself but the means to defend all these mothers. Cosmo Pieterse thinks the story is a painful tragedy describing exactly the misery of life under the Nazi-apartheid culture. At the same time it illustrates the absolute necessity for the ANC to take up arms and for the West to boycott South AFrica in order to ensure that the mothers in South Africa will-not lose all their children. Rob Duyker of the AABN stipulates the role that culture has played in the seizure of power in South Africa by the apartheid regime. Support from the West, and certainly from the Netherlands, had made it accessary to the crimes caused by the fascist rule.

The cultural boycott is the least thing that has to be done, and cultural co- operation with the liberation movement is a second necessary step. He involves the discussion in the stand taken by the scientific world in the Netherlands, where universities have passed motions to break off all contacts with South Africa except those supporting the struggle of the ANC and her allies. Cultural boycott and new relations with living culture Loes v.d. Berg of the International Year of Mobilization for Sanctions against South Africa asks for a further definition of a cultural boycott. She wonders whether this definition could be that anything functioning within the system in South Africa should be boycotted. She asks how in that case certain products which could be regarded as belonging to the cultural voice of the resistance should be dealt with. She has in mind things like books published by Ravan Press and plays by a theatrical company in Johannesburg who had refused to come to the conference in order not to break the cultural boycott. A speaker of MEDU stresses the importance attatched to the cultural boycott by groups within South Africa itself', citing campaigns against visits by American artists such as Ray Charles, the 0 Jays andothers, and also the successful boycott campaign against the tour of an international football team.It wasalso at the MEDU conference that a decision was made to intensify, the campaign for a cultural boycott. Barbara Masekela reiterates the stand on the cultural boycott stated by the ANC in the opening speech. Firstly she wants to point out that in general not all developments in South Africa are predictable. One should always keep in mind that the situation is dynamic. It is, for instance, common knowledge that a group such as MEDU is actively keeping up contacts with groups inside South Africa. It is not impossible that in the future artists will step forward from within the Afrikaner community to write books that constitute weapons against the apartheid regime and support for the liberation struggle. However the ANC doesn't want to create loopholes in the cultural boycott. At the same time - as the situation will always be dynamic - she firmly advocates that ANC and MEDU be consulted in case of particular problems. Lindiwe Mabuza adds to this that the support of progressive artists in South Africa, which is essential to the struggle, must be channelled through the ANC and MEDU because this is the only guarantee of the safety of these groups.Experiences with the so-called independent organizations such as the IUEF have proved how such things can result in playing the game of the regime. The second part of the discussion is about the question of how Dutch artists and their organizations on the one hand and the Dutch government on the other, could best support the South African artists in the resistance and liberation movements.

-33- On behalf of the initiative-group "photographers against apartheid", Pieter Boersma reports how Dutch photographers have provided the equipment-of the photographic laboratory of the ANC, where South African refugees can be trained in photography. During this conference the group of photographers enlarged and together they set up a new program of action to assist in further improving training facilities. Rob Metz of the February-collective tells the conference how this collective organized exhibitions of South African and Dutch colleagues on the subject of apartheid and how they painted a mural at Jonas Daniel Meyer square in Amsterdam to commemorate the 70th anniversary of the ANC. He also tells how, in the workshop of this conference, the collective is trying to achieve a future exchange and co-operation with South African colleagues by means of a joint mural project. Victor Levi tells that an intiative group of graphic artists has come into being in order to collect money to buy materials such as paint, paper and brushes for the graphic section of MEDU and that a visit to the Rietveld Academy had resulted in the admission of one student. In the women's workshop too, the possibilities of support for the cultural needs of women according to Barbara Masekela. She emphasises the importance of technical training in a cultural co-operation. For one of the side-effects of apartheid is a great lack of technically skilled people as these trainings are withheld from black people. Consequently there are no black film- makers, directors, sound and radio technicias and therefore there is an urgent need fro training in this field.. Daniel Engelsman of the University Council of the University of Amsterdam tells that on the occassion of the honorary degree for Govan Mbeki, and of several solidarity campaigns, the Govan Mbeki fund was established at his university. This includes a prolonged co-operation ,prpgram with the ANC in the field of research by means of fellowships for ANC researchers. At the moment a large program is being set up by several faculties on behalf of the ANC. Fons Geerlings emphasises this because he thinks initiatives taken at several universities can set examples for the whole cultrral sphere. He cites the example of the Agricultural College of Wageningen where people are working on a long- term co-operation project with the ANC. All these initiatives came about after actions against scientific contacts with South Africa and against the Cultural Agreement. On the level of secondary education too, big campaigns have been carried on at several schools to support the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom School. These have resulted in a continuous co-operation. With reference to the film "Saying No" about the MEDU conference, Lindiwe Mabuza refers to the fact that many cultural groups within South Africa suffer from a terrible lack of facilities. In her opinion, support for these progressive artists in'South Africa is an important part of the general support for the democratic forces in South Africa, but the support should be channelled through the ANC and MEDU, in order to guarantee the security of these groups. Here the IUEF affair has taught us a hard lesson.

This international organization supported projects in South Africa in a so-called independent way, and in so doing they got much aid from the West, among which the Dutch government. Eventually it turned out to be a network of infiltration in the hands of the South African intelligence service. As ANC and MEDU are very well acquainted with the situation in South Africa in this respect, they can best channel this support and it would be a good thing if this kind of support would be embodied in an alternative agreement with the ANC. Cosmo Pieterse elaborates the necessity and importance of an official cultural agreement with the ANC. The necessity of material support and training has been dealt with sufficiently and the possiblities f6r an exchange by means of seminars, workshops etc are also being discussed at length. He wants to bring out a different element, namely the uplift to the African people which such an agreement would contribute to. For through its "Bantu education" the apartheid regime has deprived the South African people of their cultural rights; on the one hand by deforming their original culture and on the other hand by depriving them of the achievements of universal culture.They try to make the people believe that Shakespeare, Multatuli, Vondel etc are not meant for Bantus. This idea must be rejected strongly because the cultural achievements of all mankind are concerned here.They belong to everybody and cannot be monopolised by one particular group. By reciting a number of South Afrcian poems he points out how, in spite of censorship, oppression and banishment have given rise to the voice of resistance, a voice that must be heard internationally as well. For all these matters a cultural agreement between the Netherlands and South Africa is an important step. In the name of the ANC he presents the official request to finance a Magazine of Arts issued by the ANC as a first project in the framework of such an agreement. This cultural magazine would have to bring about communication between artists in South Africa and the countless exiled South African artists. In addition to this it would also have to deal with developments on an international level. Friday: ALTERNATIVE CULTURAL AGREEMENT The discussion with Members of Parliament concentrates on the importance of the liberation movement ANC in an alternative agreement on culture, the possibilities to realize such, and the political willingness of the Dutch governement and Parliament to do so. Fons Geerlings asks the politicians to give some more details about their viewpoints regarding the African National Congress and he asks Jan Nico Scholten to give a further explanation of the wording "the majority of the oppressed". Tony Seedat adds that to him the wording "black majority" is very obscure. He wants to talk about the ANC and not about elements created by the regime.

Jacques Wallage says that he has already made clear, both in parliament and in his address what role he envisages for the ANC. The Dutch government has already solved the formal problem by receiving President Tambo for official talks. With regard to an alterfiative cultural agreement he sees a major role for the artists who can work out a plan with the ANC and present it to the government. Then the ministry can in some sort of agreement make arrangements with the ANC, thus avoiding diplomatic difficulties and formal arguments. In his answer Scholten first points out that on the level of the United Nations, and conferences in Western .Eyrcpe organized in co-operation with the United Nations, in a4dition to ANC representatives other representatives are admitted as well. He does not wish to engage in a formal debate on the question of to what extent the ANC is representative, the more so as he considers this a right preserved to the masses of the people of South Africa. In practice., the ANC is more or less the only representative in the Netherlands. The Reformed Church, for instance, having made the decision to maintain contacts with the oppressed people of South AFrica, had talks with the ANC only, as far as non-church organizations are concerned. Where cultural co-operation is concerned he means cooperation between the Netherlands and the ANC. Schreuders too, thinks that he enters into repetition by saying that formal contacts with the ANC are his objective. With The African National Conqress Hans Giesen, fine artist, feels that the ANC should be able to. leave the conference with sorething concrete and he is afraid ,that if the menbers of parliarent don't come forward With clearer pratises this won't be the case. Schreuders regards this as too nessimistic since the three MP's present, togeiher representing a majority in par licmnt, have , expressed themselves clearly in favour of an alternative agreement. It has to be realised that an existence with the racist regire had been in existence for thirty years until last year (1981). "We are now working on the next nhase. The question now is how to put this into practise. ", Schreuders thinks that with this conference artists and the solidarity movement are already working out the franework for such an alternative agreement for which the overnment and parliament in turn will have to orovide the material pre-requisites. Jan Nico Scholten states that in order to bring about the majority in narlia'uent in favour of the termination of the old Cultural Agreement a lot of camaigning was neo-ssary0 and consequently what has been said till now should be seen as a new conmitment to bring about a majority in favour of an alternative agreement.His own personal isn't always as strongly represented as he would like, especially in his own partv, the Christian Democrats, who are in the governrnt coalition right now.

Sdiolten notes that in his narty the South African government nronaganda is still fairly strong and although it is not always that easy to ciamaign for freedom and justice he always tries to bear in mind that it is even more difficult for the South Africans involved. Wallage ooints out that realistically the discussions with the Christian Democratic Party are of crucial importance. Yet he is still optimistic that it should be possible to establish an alternative in 1983 because it constitutes a logical follow uD to the termination of the Cultural Agreement, for which a majority in Parliament existed. Pressure has already been placed in this direction in parliament for quite some time. Personally he hopes that this positive step, for which a lot of enthusiasm exists, will contribute towards increasinq the political support for other important issues like the oil boycott, the arms ermbargo and support to the frontline states, In his final words Gijs Schreuders noints out that as a result of the present eccnomic and social crisis in the Netherlands one witnesses a major shift to the right which also affects culture. It also imolies less interest in culture and international solidarity, because centinuously growing 'everyday' problens worry people the most. With the results of today's discussions he feels a step forward can be taken in the fields of both culture and international solidarity.He thinks that it would be correct to thank the friends of the AC for their insoiration. Hans Boswinkel stresses that it is the task of the MP's to work out a formula -and a majority in parliament but in order to safeguard the results of the cnference one needs pressure groups. He assures the particinants that the AM and also for instance the Artist Union do comit themselves to that. Chariman Jan Ritsema finally concludes that, partially because of the clarity of the politicians, this has been an excellent part of the conference which also cives rise to a follow-up.

CONCLUSIOnS TUESDAY The debate on culture and resistance directed itself specifically on the relation between culture and politics in South Africa.Attention was brought to the similarity between the situation of Dutch artists during the occupation by Nazi- Germany and that of South African artists in the liberation struggle now. Both struggles demanded, in the words of Schierbeek 'the single face of liberation', which was called by Kgositsile "unity in action'. Apartheid was condemned as a crime against mankind and the Dutch artists declared themselves in solidarity with their South African colleagues, a solidarity based on, incidentally, their different views on the relationship between culture and resistance. The apartheid situation in South Africa, with its 'divide and rule' mechanism, urges them into a collective identity in the experiencing of culture and the significance of culture as a field of political struggle. In the Dutch situation artists tended to share more of their own personal responsibility and own specific, if not unique, charcters. These different approaches led to different evaluations of the significance and content of cultural resistance and the role of certain internationally famous South African artists. Warning was given against an automatic division into 'black' and 'white' authors which could lend validity to the racial dividing lines which the apartheid system had brought into existence. One should take as a starting point the idea of one South African culture that embraces all, cultural currents. WEDNESDAY It was established how Holland, as a colonial power, had been involved in the submission of the South African people and the cultural repression. The development of the specific racial character of the colonisation of South Africa could lean on at least two Dutch sources: A process of stereotyping and calvinism. The calvinist bond has meant support in the development of the 'herenvolk' idea to which Christian Nationalism refers. The Cultural Accord especially, has legitimised and strengthened Afrikaner domination of the South African culture, with the resulting repression of the cultural rights and identity of the South African people. On the other hand, Dutch history shows that there have always been anti-colonial tendencies, which expressed themselves especially in the resistance against the colonial domination of Indonesia. This anti-colonial tradition together with the anti-facist resistance during the Second World War continues in the working of the Anti Apartheid Movement in the Netherlands.This movement has been developing strongly especially because of important changes within the church and the democratisation movement of the seventies.

-38-- In South Africa there has been cultural resistance from the very first moment of colonisation hence it has a rich tradition. Since its founding 71 Years ago in 1912, the African National Congress has been involved in the struggle for one South African nation with one South African culture. In spite of continuous repression, censorship and terror the cultural resistance has remained a permanent feature, despite its continually evolving form and character.In the seventies and especially the last few years it has developed itself into an offensive, which explains the unique success and the historical meaning of the festival/symposium 'Culture and Resistance' organised in July 1982 by MEDU in Gaberone, Botswana. This conference marked the beginning of a non-racial cultural movement as an orgised part of the resistance movement in South Africa. Of great importance was the decision of the MEDU conference to strengthen further the cultural boycott of South Africa andcontinue campaigns in South Africa. THURSDAY One of the most effective means which the international community has at its disposal is an all-embracing boycott of South Africa, which the ANC had called for already in the fifties and which was also prpagated by the United Nations and the OAU.An important part of such a boycott would be the cultural boycott, which must be understood to mean not only the arts but science, sports, education and tourism as well.The often dearly-paid-for attempts of the aprtheid regime to break the boycott make its application as necessarily strict as possible. Prolonged contact in the cultural field legitimises and strengthens the apartheid regime and consequently means support from the 'free world' to a fascist regime. A second form of important solidarity is support for artists in the resistance in South Africa as well as the countless artists in exile. Consultation and cooperation with the ANC and groups like MEDU is of the utmost importance. Besides the great need there .is for materials and equipment thre is also the need for training in a number of technical skills like photography, film, radio, sound- techniques and printing techniques etc. In the Netherlands many initiatives have been taken by photographers, broadcasting emplyees, artists and also at the Universities eg. the Govan Mbeki Fund of the University of Amsterdam. All these activities could be expanded upon and strengthened which therefore would help create the means by which a framework for an alternative cultural accord could come into being.

-39 FRIDAY An alternative cultural accord between the Dutch government and the African National Congress could create a strong basis for a cultural exchange between Dutch artists andscientists and their South African counterparts as well as between the Netherlands and the oppressed peoples of South Africa. Such an alternative accord would be a meaningful step towards returning the cultural rights which have been excluded from the African people in 300 years of colonialisation. It would not only be a deed of solidarity but would also serve a mutual interest because it would have an enriching effect on Dutch culture and an inspiring example for the anti-racialist movements. It is therefore a logical and necessary step as a sequel to the denunciation of the cultural accord in 1981. The cultural world and the solidarity movement in the Netherlands have already entered into such a cooperation in practice. From discussions with the S members of parliament the conclusion can be drawn that there is also in the Dutch parliament a majority in favour of a cultural agreement with the ANC. I

WORKSHOPS In addition to some morning sessions there were workshops of Dutchand exiled South African artists during the afternoon. In these workshops, which were organized for each section of arts and which had Specific themes such as development in S.A. culture, the need for support ind information9 activities of Dutch artists were dealt with in more detail.The purpose was starting a new exchange of ideas and trying to find a concrete form for alternative cultural ties between the Netherlands and South Africa. In spite of the busy conference programme, the number of those who took part in the workshops was fairly large. Altogether over 200 artists took part in 13 workshops. The following groups of artists could be distinguished: graphic artists, filmmakers, photographers, writers and poets, musicians and singers, actors and directors. 0 The graphic artists worked together on a mural painting project. The actors and directors exchanged ideas about theatre and forms of playing.They also worked on improvisations. Writers and poets thought about the theme "Language as Oppression, Language as Liberation" and apart from that they discussed extensively the artist's role in social and political life. Photographers and filmmakers considered possibilities of extending support to ANC projects. Prime considerations in this respect were the Eli Weinberg photographic laboratory of the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College in Tanzania and the film-project Makeni studio in Zambia. Musicians, singers and choirs contributed in numerous rehearsals, joint compositions and improvisations and performances to the conferences - culminating in the performance of the special festival band, The Anti Apartheid Riot Squad. Apart from all this there was a separate women's workshop which centered upon the woman artist's position, their needs in the cultural field and possible means of support from the Netherlands. Not all the workshops culminated in recommendations for an alternative cultural agreement. But it is an established fact that the, contacts which have been made and the ideas that have developed, as well as the fervour and enthusiasm that went with these, are of incalculable value for the Movement of Solidarity in the Netherlands and for the ANC. WORKSHOP LITERATURE: "LANGUAGE AS OPPRESSION, LANGUAGE AS LIBERATION" This workshop took place in the Theaterzaal of the Melkweg. Among the 40 or 50 participants were members of the Society of Literary Men and Women (VVL), of PEN, of the Foundation of Arts, publishing companies as well as journalists. Chairman of the discussion was James Holmes, member of the board of PEN-Nederland. What made the discussion interesting was that the Dutch situation in language study as well as the role of Afrikaans in South Africa were discussed. The very combination of these angles turned out to be a unique result of anti-racial struggle and anti-apartheid.

Rene Appel, from the University of Amsterdam, made a speech about 'The acquiring of the Dutch language by second generation foreign children in the Netherlands!, He introduced an anlytical framework so as to describe the flowing line of the possibilities. The pedagogical model of assimilation finds quite some favour in Holland, especially because it is shrouded in clouds of hospitality. In fact however, it has, according to Mr Appel, everything to do with the confirmation of second-rate citizenship and a poorly esteemed position' on the labour market for these children. As these children are totally immersed in the language of the predominant culture, it appears to be more and more difficult for them to speak their mother tongue. That's why quite a lot of problems are brought about in their families. In the separatist model there is no link whatever with the predominant language. According to Mr Appel the integrationist model is preferable. In this model it is intended not to deny the personal identity but also to teach the language of the predominant culture step by step. In Holland there are now 250 000 living who originate from Mediterranean areas, especially Turkey and Marocco. 50 000 of them are children. Chairman Holmes confirmed the necessity of a preference for the integration model. American experience of a second generation, which have been totally assimilated, teaches that the next generation want to return to their cultural roots. As to the situation in South Africa, an introduction was given by Cosmo Pieterse. He went into the role of Afrkaans, the language of the oppressors.By these authorities a system Of mystification has been introduced in order to fog social relations and the balance of power. It is essential to clear away this mystifying language pollution and to back oneself against the fatalistic roots of Boer culture which are at the bottom of it. In the fight for freedom every language should have its place according to Mr Pieterse. This certainly applies to Afrikaans which is spoken by quite a lot of people, especially in the rural areas, but which is also to be found in the tsotsi-language, a kind of urban slang, which getting more prominence in literature and poetry. He stressed that it is very important who takes the initiative in using this language in a really liberating way. As for example in the slogan against deportations 'ONS DAK NIE, ONS POLA HIER', Afrikaans grammar is used in the Resistance Movement. And it has a clear anti- racial meaning. Although he was aware that changing the use of language was easier than changing the powersystem of apartheid, he claimed an important function for the language struggle. The alterations in the language by that group of oppressors who advocate a more sophisticated form of fascism than Nazi-Germany was ever able to achieve, give an impression of the internal alterations in the Afrikaaner community in South Africa. One can understand from them that Pretoria considers it to be of vital importance to be acceptable for the international community. The field of linguistics propaganda is the outstanding area where these mystifications are found.

-43- Mr Pie-terse pleaded for a cultural boycott and at the same time for careful observati on of the critical function of language in the fight for freedom. Can writers and poets contribute to the struggle fcr social changes and in what way? This question had been under discussion during the conference and 'again of Friday it led to emotional discussions at tho poetry workshop about whether a writer might ser've the fiSht fo - freedom or a revolutionary movement and about the value of Underground Art. Several Dutch writers argued for an absolute separation of art and politics regarding the contents and form of their work , which separation had been denounced by the S, uth African arzists. Those who took part in these discussions coudnit achieve a unanimous conclusi i. Suggestions for concrete forms of co-operation and solidarity ware put forward making it possible for poets to support the cause. Among other things they could. support the work of MEDU in the field of literature, they could support thn cultural magazine of the ANC and they could publish progos -;i. writcrs in South Africa who voice resistance. And of course writers could contribute their own work. WORKSHOP FINE ARTS The fin S -rs 40 rheho-s were well attended. On the South Afrrn side were Tharm y Enyele of the fine arts section of kEDU , Oupa Makou from Ergland and irfifi Tlaei f-on Sweden. On the Dutch side members of Fshe Februar collective and manv private artists were present. During the pi pazation poreen )inm s ad posters he alra.dy been made by the Foundation On ..t..k ..e..nso.cr.,p)aat ard severe? art.sts eg. Hermien van. der Wilden. During t- conference artists of 'Haare2 against Apartheid' and members of an artsts collective at Dordrecht came to make their co tribuion with sfoctaneous prints. The South Africans visiaLd too Rtd Akadmie 7nd this offered an ANC " student a plac- in t ccad==.mr° The stage-setting (bock-clothes, objects and t c ft The, - , De Ba!ie, Paradiso and Melkweg was see-'n to by I-n .oporraFa, Bibi'ana de Graaf, Nark van der Heijdan Viktc Tv, Rb Sc-r'muder and the February collective. On Wodnesday a workin is t was paid to the centre for Chiliean Culture in A- rsterdafn, where an exhibition on political mural painting in tie 'eiherlanas w-s b'Oing h.ld. Thore under chairm,:nship of Martin VelCman, a discussion took place on the work of painters and sculp-ors in the Notl rlands and in South Africa with emphasis on the possii c "_as of co-operation in future and on the model of the Chilean Cen-tre. Confronted with the lack of materials, the artists started to coleeL money. By Saturday they had collected. more than 3ppO,-, opocted by the BB:X. The idea was to try and make a par.arnt work-gircu which, aprt from givin oo; a- po:t, could organise workshops, hel. exhibitions on South Africa to tour the Netherlands and waich, later, might establish a centre for information and documentation. The South African artists worked together for 3 days with the February collective on a joint design for a min.ral painting.

-44- During the first phase there was a profound discussion about fine arts as a medium and the use of symbols. During the second phase different designs were made and during the third the joint project was discussed and planned. It was decided that as a follow-up, a venue for the project would be sought, and that the project would be carried out by Dutch and South African artists. WORKSHOP THEATRE There were three theatre workshops with different themes, in which nearly 50 people took part. On the Dutch side there were several professional actors and directors, students at drama schools, members of several immigrant theatre groups and also school theatre groups. On the South African side there were actors from the casts of 'Dear Sir' and 'Shades of Change', Johnny Matshikiza, Cosmo Pieterse and several South Africans from Holland. Common theme of the workshops was the function of theatre in a social context. The purpose was to get to know each other and to exchange experiences and opinions on art and style. The workshop on schooltheatre was a discussion about methods and experiences at schools and about the possibilities for Dutch schoolgroups to make productions relating to the fight against apartheid. The workshop with immigrant participants had as a central theme, 'Racism here and there'. After a discussion about South Africa individual improvisations were performed on this theme and then a combined improvisation followed. The participants were very enthusiastic about the result and conceived the plan to organize a two-week workshop as a follow-up and possibly to arrive at a production in time. The workshop with Dutch actors and directors discussed the contents and form of the play 'Shades of Change'. This discussion led to the following recommendations: - Exchange of literature and scripts. - Visit of a dramatist/actor from Holland to MEDU in order to work with them on mime and choreography. - Exchange of experiences between students of SOMAFCO and Dutch drama schools, among other things through establishing places at drama schools here for South African students. - Visit of MEDU actors to drama schools here so as to work together on a production. - Invitation for a South African theatre production for a two-month trip through Holland, during which a co-production with actors in Holland could be arranged.

WORKSHOP PHOTOGRAPHY The workshop photography consisted of three parts: A photographical account of the entire conference; a presentation of works of solidarity by Dutche photographers; and support to the Eli Weinberg Laboratory at the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom School. Altogether some 30 professional photographers and a number of students of the Freedom School took part. During the whole conference week they worked hard on these three items but the 14 December workshop concentrated on planning in detail the support to the photolab. 'Photographers Against Apartheid' had taken the initiative in establishing the photo-laboratory, which was completed in Spring 1982. Within the curriculum of the Freedom School photography is an optional subject for students - just like prose, poetry, dramaturgy and painting. It is also possible for advanced students to choose photography as a specialization. For the ANC, educational and documentative photography are of major importance in the support of the fight for freedom. The quality of the training is still imperfect due to lack of know-how and materials. The following steps were suggested in order to contribute to the levelling up of the training: - The foundation of a 'fact finding mission'. A Dutch photographer will size up the available techbical facilities in Tanzania and the practical (im)possibilities for training and education. This exploration must lead to a concrete plan for an assistance program, which includes the needed materials, instruments and training aspects. - Apparatus and materials will be collected among photographers (during the week 3 cameras were brought in). Apart from this, firms and tradesmen will be approached and asked to supply films, chemicals, paper etc at reduced prices. - Possibilities will be examined to set up master training programs together with people from the Eli Weinberg laboratory eg. a few ANC students could attend a course at the Rietveld Academy or a Dutch student could possibly assist in starting up a course at the Freedom School. To make things possible, close attention should be given to publicity and to raising funds. At the end of this very successful workshop it was decided to start preparing the 'fact finding mission' immediately, to add names to the list of photographers, and to start a publicity-and-fund-raising campaign in order to relieve the first needs. WORKSHOP FILM At the film workshop there was a discussion about the possibilities and problems of making politically relevant films in South Africa and also about the support to the ANC Makeni film studio. Besides South African and Dutch film-makers there were also representatives of finance organizations present at the workshop. After the presentation of the film 'The Sun Will Rise' there was ample discussion about it. Next the discussion was directed towards support to the ANC film section which, having its base in Lusaka Zambia, wants to nake films with a political meaning in order to give further infor- mation to the South African people as well as contribute to world opinion. A film about South Africa's aggression against the Front Line nations has been planned so far as well as a film about the complete genesis of the ANC. The film section, having at their disposal only 3 trained camera people, is in want of technical and processing equipment. All the necessary material must be obtained from outside Africa. The advantages and-disadvantages of filming on 8mm or 16mm were discussed. For a conclusive judgement a detailed calculation of expenses seemed important. It appeared there would certainly be a lot of interest in supporting the project if it was given more concrete form. Co-ordination of the support would be taken on by the ANC together with the solidarity movements in Holland. Apart from 'The Sun Will Rise', another first showing was made: 'Saying No', a film made by Gerard Jacobs about the MEDU conference in Botswana. A number of film-makers had composed a video team and had recorded parts of the conference on tape. WORKSHOP MUSIC The workshops on music had a somewhat different character and were taking place both before and during the conference. The seven Dutch choirs, conducted by James Phillips, that gave an impressive performance during the last evening had already started with this project in the beginning of 1982. This choir project had been initiated by the Anti-Apartheid Movement Netherlands to fit in with the 70th anniversary of the ANC. The program of songs gave an overall picture of the developments of the fight for freedom in South Africa and :he role that music plays. For years the individual choirs had performed in various places in Holland and the 18th December performance in the Paradiso of the united choirs formed an unforgettable apotheosis of this project. While the conference was being prepared a music workshop had been started with, among others, Bram Vermeulen, Hans Dulffer and musicians of various trends. They decided to organize during the conference two jam sessions for both jazz and pop by South African and Dutch musicians. The jazz session took place at the end of the first evening and pop was the final act of the last night. Altogether in between 30 and 40 musicians took part. A paper about the role of music in the fight for freedom, written before the conference by Barry Gilder, was handed out. On the South African side quite a lot of spontaneous workshops arose. Various new programmes were composed and performed by musicians who had gathered from all over the world. The Anti-Apartheid Riot Squad was a unique formation of musicians who had never played in this formation together. The group consisted of: Hugh Masekela (trumpet), Jonas Gwanga (trombone), Peter Radise (tenor sax), Dudu Pukwana

(contralto sax), Johnny Dyani (bass), Lucky Ranku and John Selolwane (guitar), Harriet Matiwane and Pinise Saul (singers), Gilbert Matthews (drums) and Deez Africa (percussion). Their performances were received by the Dutch press with praising reviews. WORKSHOP WOMEN This workshop differed from the others in being purely concerned with women without any further subdivision into different categories. One of the reasons for this was the fact that women have as yet little or no access to most forms of art in South Africa. This workshop took place in the women's centre 'Amazone' on Thursday afternoon with both South African and Dutch female artists attending. In her introduction Barbara Masekela first dwelled on historical aspects. She told how women before the colonization often played a major role in the field of culture. Apartheid started a process of destruction of creativity. In the fight for freedom, culture has played an increasingly significant part in the last few years with women often assuming the roles of pioneers. It's not mere chance that Barbara herself is the head of the cultural department of the ANC. Barbara went on to describe the general position of women in South Africa, and especially the disastrous way in which this position was affected by the bantustan policy, so poignantly described in the book 'Windows On The Reserves' by Phylis Nthantala. Art is an untrodden area for South African women, because apartheid means that they are in no way educated in that respect. At the same time art is their only means of resistance. That's why the support for South African women in this respect is of paramount importance. First of all we should think of women who live in exile, for example in the field of pottery. There is also a great need for materials in the reception centres in Africa. Most urgently needed there are materials for ornaments and costumes. Of late more and more poetry has been written by women; translating and publishing these poems would be an important form of solidarity. Barbara's last proposal is to organize a concert by women, including South African women. In the workshop several female Dutch artists exhibit work that they have made in solidarity like screenprints, gouaches, paintings and textile designs. This workshop does not lead to any real recommendations or initiatives for the future. In the evening there is a well attended solidarity meeting with South African women to which some Surinamese women contribute as we] . -49- FINAL SESSION, 'THE FIRST-WHITE PAGES...' The final session on Saturday, which was attended by official representatives of several organizations of artists, was introduced by Cosmo Pieterse. In his by now familiar manner he looked back on the entire week. 'Fabulous is the right word for this conference, although it is an ugly word and one that is often abused. But it was a fable, the eruptioh of;a living reality', was Pieterse's assessment of the happenings of the week as a whole. He recalled that this happening had taken place not only in Amsterdam, but also in towns like Groningen and Wageningen and in schools. In the workshops, an active participation had taken place and discussions had sometimes been vehement, but at the same time profound. Each of these different parts of the programme had known climaxes. The result could be summarized with the conclusion that agreement had been reached on the necessity and the essential character of the cultural boycott, and that links with the ANC should be established as soon as possible. Several reporters then gave their accounts of workshops which activity was followed by the reading of the final declaration. After a short discussion this declaration was unanimously accepted by show of hands. At twelve o' clock the official closing ceremony began which was attended by Brinkman, Minister of Welfare, Public Health and Culture. Before giving him the opportunity to speak, chairman Jan Ritsema briefly re3 out the decisions to him. At the beginning of his speech Brinkman made it quite clear that he could not give an immediate reaction to these results and he outlined the policy towards South Africa of the Dutch government in office. He tried to illustrate the government's anti-apartheid character by mentioning measures like the compulsory arms embargo, the discouragement of sports contacts, the re-introduction of visa compulsion for South Africans and , as a consequence of the breaking off of the Cultural Agreement, the decision to stop subsidising the Dutch CulturalHistorical Institute of the University of Pretoria from January 1st 1983. The reason for the curtailment of this subsidy was that according to the government the NCI was too closely linked with the apartheid establishment and did not contribute to the abolition of aprtheid. 'I think that we have an instrument for future policy', Brinkman continued, 'namely that the the criterion to what extent activities contribute to the support of anti-apartheid movements in South Africa.' He indicated that as a first step towards formulating a new policy, the ministers of Foereign Affairs, of Education, and of Welfare,Public Health and Culture, had started consultations which should lead to a proposal. 'Generally speaking Holland is against isolating South Africa', he told his audience. 'At the moment two principles are applied, on the one hand growing pressure on the South African government, on the other hand maintaining contacts in order to give publicity to our points of view through critical consultations with the purpose of stimulating positive developments aimed at the abolition of apartheid'. Because it could otherwise easily be interpreted as an actual acceptance or even legalization of the apartheid system, the necessity of a sports boycott was obvious. As to culture things were more complicated, according to Brinkman, because by means of communication in this respect positive influence might be exerted. On the other hand he was conscious of the demand for a cultural boycott. The government still had to take a decision on this matter. That's why the conference took place at a very important moment and he would submit its results to the three ministers during their consultations.'Furthermore I am prepared to return to the organisers of this conference and those interested in it with the result of the consultations in the cabinet', minister Brinkman concluded by saying. 'The end of this week saddens us a little, because all the representatives of the ANC and MEDU, who have flown here from all corners of the earth, have been able to be here together for a week. We are refugees, exiles, and do not have the possibility of showing our talents in our own country. And don't have the opportunity to give voice to our love for our people and our country. Though we don't want to sound arrogant, we are very proud indeed that, in spite of the ravages wrought be apartheid, talent is still forthcoming from South Africa, and this conference represents only a small part of all the talent that South Africa holds', Barbara Masekela said in her final speech on behalf of the ANC. She thanked the organisers, the AABN, the Populier and NOVIB for the opportunity to show the aspirations with regard to a future democratic South Africa. She thanked the minister and the officials of WVC for their frequent presence which led her to assume that there was a serious attitude regarding a cultural alternative. She did have serious doubts, however, about the argument that contacts with South Africa might contribute to a positive change in the mentality of the racist regime. 'Our answer to that is that a dialogue, activities and an exchange should be undertaken only with the majority of the people in South Africa. And talking about the whole population of South Africa, we mean black, white and so-called 'coloured' people etc. In our opinion the cultural activity which has been presented to the world so far, is not South African, but an exclusive culture, which makes itself prominent by degrading the majority of the South African people into a subordinate position. In our opinion an alternative cultural agreement will serve a reciprocal interest, in view of the very useful dialogue that we have started this week with the Dutch artists and anti-apartheid workers', said Barbara Masekela. On behalf of the organisers Conny Braam closed the conference. First of all she thanked all the South African participants and the ANCI represented by Barbara Masekela, for their inspired contributioils to the congress. She also thanked Minister Brinkman for being present, and the hundreds of artists for their co- operation. She concluded her speech with the words: 'In my opinion the conference has been a great success and today I'm proud of being called 'Dutch' because I think that the results of this conference form one of the first white pages in the book of Dutch-South African history. We are on your side in your fight for freedom in South Africa. AMANDLA'. FINL MLAMRIL A. THE CULTURAL BOYCOTT This conference, of Dutch and South African artists, sponsored by NOVIB, the AABN and DE POPULIER, having met from Monday, December 13 to Saturday, December 18, 1982, and having considered the presentation papers, suggestions, reports, interventions and recommendations made to and at the conference: Knowing that the termination of cultural relations is a decisive and major step in the total isolation of the racist South African regime and that any contacts with any activity linked to apartheid is in fact support of the system and therefore against the aspirations of the people of the country; Recognising that the apartheid system of South Africa has been declared a 'crime against humanity' by the United Nations Organization, the Organization of African Unity and other international bodies; Cognizant of the fact that the South African forces of progress represented by the African National Congress (ANC) and its allies have called, inter alia, for a cultural boycott of apartheid, and having duly considered this action; Accepting that the suspension of cultural, (including entertainment, sporting, scientific and other' academic) contacts with racist South Africa is an important measure in the international campaign against the racism of apartheid and its concomitant dehumanisation; Knowing that both the United Nations Organization and the Organization of African Unity have similarly called, amongst others, for the cultural isolation of apartheid; Concerned about the consistent acts of aggression, massacre and terrorism against the neighbouring African nations and the campaign of genocide against the people of Namibia and the liberation movement, SWAVO, as well as against the oppressed and exploited South African population, especially by means of the Bantustans ("Homelands") policy - as incursions into Angola, the events in Mozambique (matola) and Lesotho (Maseru, December 6,. 1982) bear witness; Recognizing that the freedom loving people of South Africa are currently engaged in ln armed struggle, a struggle forced upon them to realise the legitimate aspirations of a free, non-racial, single, equal South African nation; Appreciative of the courageous fight for freedom, equality, brotherhood, peace and progress that the African National Congress has led for seventy years along various paths; and Appreciative again and equally, of the alternative culture of life and peace that the ANC and its allies represent; Commending the writers, poets, musicians, artists, photographers, sportsmen, academics, organizations and others who have in their cultural and other fields boycotted South Africa to show their M__ opposition to apartheid and its manifestations and to support the culture of life, humanity, dignity, freedom, peace, and their support for the struggle to attain these; Commending also those States and non-governmental bodies, organizations, group structures, institutions and foundations, in particular anti-apartheid movements, student organizations, academic institutions and sports bodies which have initiated, defended and promoted the boycott of South African racism in any and all its forms;Noting that the South African regime's inhuman racist policy apartheid, bantustanisation - has in the past been bolstered and legitimised by its use of cultural (academic and sporting) contacts with the rest of the world; and hence Applauding the act of the people of the Netherlands, through their parliament, of at last breaking the Cultural Accord of 1951 with racist Pretoria, Convinced that their is overwhelming support amongst the oppressed and exploited, among the majority of South Africans, and especially amongst those involved in art-cultural activity, for the cultural boycott of apartheid South Africa; WE, HERE, NOW, THEREFORE RESOLVE THAT WE SHALL: 1. Appeal to writers, artists, musicians and other personalities to boycott South Africa. 2. Urge all academic and cultural groups, institutions and bodies to terminate all links with South Africa; 3. Enjoin individual artists and promoters to assist in the application of pressure, the dissemination of education and the development of contact with performers, promoters, managers, public relations personnel and others connected with the propagation of culture to ensure that they know about, understand, and honour the boycott of South Africa. 4. Co-ordinate with the ANC and groups like MEDU, as well as with the OAU and UNO, to develop specific actions and campaigns, as well as 'boycott the non-boycotters' lists to ensure that the products of apartheid culture and the guests of racist South Africa are effectively isolated; 5. Investigate the means to gain recognition from those artists who further the aims of the boycott; 6. Investigate further means to assist and promote refugee South African artists. I

B. ALTERNATIVE CULTURAL AGREEMENTWe fully recognise the framework and future, the work and progress spelt: out and achieved by the ANC and allied cultural cadres like MEDU and progr~esslve groups within South Africa. The former is clear in the section of the Freedom Charter of the Congress Movement which reads: "The doors of learning and culture shall be opened to all; The democratic state shall discover, develop and encourage national talent for the enhancement of our cultural life; All cultural treasures of mankind shall be open to all by the friee exchange of books, ideas and contacts with other lands; The aim of education shall be to-teach the youth to love their people and their culture, to honour human brotherhood, liberty and peace. Education shall be free, compulsory, universal and equal for all children." The Declaration of Human Rights of the United Nations similarly states: Article 27. i) Each person has the right to participate freely in the cultural life of the society, to enjoy art and to participate in scientific progress and its fruits; ii) Each person has the right to the protection of spiritual and material benefits arising from scientific, literary and artistic work that they produce. The continuous development of a progressive culture is to be seen in the work and progress of many groups and individuals during even the harsh apartheid years since 1948, despite brutalities such as Sarpeville (1960) and Soweto (1976) and 3specially in an outpouring of protest art, confrontational art, resistance art, the art of struggle and the affirmation of life, humanity and.humaneness. Recognising that for more than 300 years the activities of successive Dutch Governments in the name of farmers, businessmen, investors, scientists, students etc, have contributed to the oppression of the majority of the people of South Africa, by a co-operation that was based on the kith and kin relationship between the Netherlands and white South Africa, this position having bolstered and legitimised the exciusivist view of the Afrikaners has resulted in the relegation of the majority culture to an inferior position and resulted in the subjugation of the cultural rights and identity of the South African people, specifically the Cultural Accord of 1951. Commending the six year lobbying and campaigning of the Dutch solidarity movements, cultural movements and other sectors of the population, including churches, professional bodies, trade unions, academics etc. which resulted in the termination of the Cultural Accord between South Africa and the Netherlands.

With the Anti-Apartheid Movement of the Netherlands, in consultation and after deliberation with the ANC, the representative of the struggling people of South Africa and South African cultural workers, we now pledge ourselves to an Alternative Cultural Agreement based on the promotion of the principle of Cultural Unity which will serve the interests of all South Africans. WE, HERE, NOW, RESOLVE THAT WE SHALL: 1. Mobilise all Dutch artists and cultural organisations to join in the bond made with the liberation movement of South Africa, the African National Congress, by supporting cultural workers in resistance through material support, training facilities, publishing and exhibiting their work for the purpose of promoting the authentic culture of South Africa and the creation of a democratic South Africa. 2. Urge the Dutch government to come to an alternative cultural agreement with the African National Congress to ensure the above. 3. We therefore urge the Dutch government to transfer the funds previously set aside for the severed Cultural Accord, even more, so that positive action can be undertaken acccrningly, namely: a) to facilitate the production by the ANC of an arts magazine to cover the whole range of South African culture; to overview cultural developments inside and outside South Africa; to attempt to break through the relative isolation of South African artists in exile; to report international activities in support of the cultural boycott. b) the creation of a cultural archive museum-library in Africa; c) the translation and publication of progressive works of art; d) the sponsoring ,and promotion of concerts and recitals of progressive music, poetry and drama; e) exhititions of paintings, photography, sculpture and other forms of pictorial and plastic art produced by progressive South Africans; f) furthering the training in technical skills of South African artists in-fields such as film- making, recording, radio work, photography means of student grants, workshops, seminars etc; g) development of channels for the continuous and substantial supply of materials to cultural workers, eg. video equipment etc. h) developing projects in the cultural field: in close co-operation with the ANC; i) engagement in dialogue for cultural consciousness raising, so that aesthetic multiplicity is duly recognized through seminars etc; j) deepening of research by scientists and journalists and the establishment of a local resource centre eg. University of Amsterdam research into the co-operation between the EEC and South Africa, stimulating initiatives such as the Govan Mbeki Fund and the agricultural project undertaken by a committee of the University of Wageningen in conjunction with the ANC.

-56- LIST OF SOUTH AFRICAN PARTICIPANTS; Anthony Akerman Mrvin Africa Dolores de Beer C. Coleman Penny Curling Gregory Daggu E. Daningo Deez Durayne Johnny Dyani Veiny February Barry Feinberg Patrick Fitzgerald Barry Gilder Jonas Gwanga Arnold Isaacs Kamu Kajee Keorapetse Kgositsile Lindiwe Mabuza Zeph makgetla Oupa Makou Sello Zolile Magetuke Emanuel Maretsi Barbara r4asekela Hugh Masekela C. Maseko N. Mashinini Harriet Matiwane - director - musician - ANC unit - actor - video - musician - actor - musician - musician - noet - film - DEDU director - singer - musician - A1C unit - ANC unit - Yjoet - noet - film - graphic art. - singer actor - noet/ANC - musician - actor - actor - singer Johnny matshiki za Gilbert Matthews Khulu rbatha Tharmy Myele Bachana Mokwene Kathreen M. Molise Victor Molwandwa Godfrey Motsie Rsse Motsine Kush Modau Joe Ngubane James M. Phillips Cosmo Pieterse Keith Pieterse Dudu Pukwana Peter Radise Lucky Ranku James J. Ravell Thelma Rave ll-Pinto Pinise Saul Tony Seedat John Se le lowane Jacqui Sinclair W. Situnywa Lefifi Tladi - actor/direco - musician - singer - graphic art. - actor - singer - singer - ANC Brussels - poet - actor - actor - singer - poet - actor - musician - rmician - musician - orator - orator - singer - ANC Bonn musician - fine art. - director SCMAFO0 - fine art. LIST OF DUTCH PARTICIPANTS; Taco Aneiva Meertje Ader-Kaal Louis Andriessen Martijn Apituley Ren6 Anel Peter de Baan Yvonne van Baarle Yoka Beretti Billy vd Bergh J. Bernief Eva Besnyon Nanniie Blauwijkel Joon Blcm Jan Boelens Pieter Boersma Graa Bozsma Gerrit Borgers Hans Boswinkel Mies Bouhuis onny Braam Rcb Brouer Louis Bruynzeel Edgar Cairo Ailette Chee - photographer - fine art. - musician - actor - writer - director - Cncl. Art - actress - film/Art. Union - author ohotogranher - graphicist photogranher noet photogranher author/VVL author/PEN - writer/Art. Union author - chair. AAM photogranher fine art. - author actress Rufus Collins Marina Dan zman illem Diepraam Joost Divendal Adriaan van Dis Hans Dulfer Willy van Exter Kors Eyke Tboom Simon Frank Fons Geerlinqs Sheila Gogol Inge rGyaerts Hans Giesen Bibiana de Graaf Kees de Graaff Frits Granberg Dahit Guivendi H . van Hall Hermien van Herpt Mark van de Heiden Pieter Hildering Fran van de Hoeven Roos Hoqedoorn James Holmes - actor/director - photographer - photographer - critic/PPulo - translator - rmusician - photogryher - musician - fine art. - secr. AABN - translator - photogranher - fine art. - fine art. - photographer - fine art. - director GKF fine art. --fine art. graphicist - photographer - actress - writer/PEN

LIST OF DUTCH PARTICIPANTS (continued), Ineke Holtzhaus Eduard de Kam Joke van Kadrren Johan van de Keuken Henk Kist Aart Klein Toos Koedam Peter Kok Jan Koerdaad Rutger Kopland A;P; Lanoth Waira Land Andrie Landsaat T e Lau Bernt Iehman Victor Levi Theo Lovendie kiaud Loth - actress - photogranher - Women's Exhibo - photographer - fine art. - ohotogranher - fine art. - musician - fine art. - author - photogranher - photographer - fine art. - musician - February collect. - graphicist - musician - actress Hanna van de Linden - director Bertine van Maanen - nhotographer Willem G. van Maanen -author/PEN Wim van de lvieeberg Orsyla Meinzak Rob Metz Dirk van de Molen Truusje M ul Patrick. Muller Seth Mustamu Floris Nielen Klaas Over zee Jean Pierre Peroud Charles Perukel Sonja Pos LIST OF SPECTATORS; Mevr. vodo Arerinqen (erry Asse iron Petra Barnard Erik van de Bergh Loes van de Bergh Sietse Bosgra. Ian Bruce Maria Van Dipen Francien Drees Rob Duykr Hr. M. van Erkel Coine lie Faber Carin Freid Roe lof 7rootes Job de Haan Stella van de Ham Ena Jansen Trudy Klijn - musician - actress - fine art. - fine art. - fine art. - actor - musician - ~ iia-' - actor/director - musician - fine art. - translator - Coun. of Art - AABN - Kairos - Kairos - KZA - KZA - ABN WZA Groninqen -AADN -Ministry T.TVC - IKON radio - fl F Holland Volkskrant - IKON radio Renee de Ree Maarten Pens Jan Ritsema Astrid Roemer Kees Romeyn Lies Ros Mike Ho Sam Sooi Toon Schamoers Bert Schierbeek Mineke Schinoer Rob Schr'der Djana Sibaraui Joyce SOies Marianne Sorengers Maureen Tautsnaar Meral Taygun Hakim Traida Martin Veltman Bran Verireulen - photographer - fi]. - Cult. Council - author - fine art. - graphic art. - actor - video - author - writer - graphic art. - actress -singer - silk screen - actress - actress -mime - fipe art. - musician Willem Vleeshouaer- cartoonist Tony Vijzelman - actress Nel Waller Zeper - fine art. Rutger Weenhof - actor A. Winarta - translator Koen Wessing - photographer Jan van Wissen - fine art. Herman de Wit - musician Joo Wolff - RVIK Jon van Woudenberg - musician Moira ihyte - fine art. Hlya Yi haz - actress Zanata - musician Loek Zonneveld - film Hetty Zwaborn -AIDA van leeeuwen van Koppen - KZA Richard R. Martins Marjo Pannemans Geert Ritsem Hr. R. Sakko Lida Schaaner Ruud van Schie Gerard Scholten JN; Scholten ;ijs Schreuders Peter Schtt Nico T tteroo Bert Tiddens Lida Visser Jacques Wallage Pablo Valls Marcel Weltch Jessica IJlstra Harry van de Zant - Greece - KZA - ministry WVC - Populier - ANC - KZk - CIu. 2nd room CPN 2nd room - West Germany - NOVIB - VARA radio - journalist - PvdA 2nd room - madrid - journalist 1--- 0

IN X OF MIF CE PAPERS TLIVERED 1. CULTURE AND RESISTANCE IN SOUTH AFRICA - Keorapetse Kgositsile 2. APARTHEID - Bert Schierbeek 3. THE CULTURAL ACCORD IS BROKEN - Jacques Meerman A remarkable success story 4. THE ARTIFICIAL DIALOGUE BANNED - TOWARDS A - Fons Geerlings CULTURAL CO-OPERATION WITH THE ANC 5. MUSIC IN THE STRUGGLE - Barry Gilder 6. AMSTERDAM AND SOUTH AFRICA - Roel Walraven Opening speech on behalf of Amsterdam City 7. THE CULTURAL VOICE OF RESISTANCE - Conny Braam Opening speech on behalf of organizations 8. DECLARATION OF THE AFRICAN NATIONAL CONGRESS Delivered by Barbara Masekela 9. DOUBLE DUTCH - Dutch Prelude to Prejudice - Verny February 10. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN THE CULTURE OF - MEDU Art Ensemble RESISTANCE IN SOUTH AFRICA 11. THE CASE FOR A SERIOUS CULTURAL BOYCOTT - Lindiwe Mabuza 12. INTRODUCTION on behalf of the Artists Union - Hans Boswinkel 13. SPEECH on behalf of the Amsterdam Council - Tineke vd Klinkenberg on the occassion of the reception of the mayor 14. FINAL DECLARATION (see appendix 1) 15. THE DOORS OF CULTURE SHALL BE OPENED Photographic report on the whole conference. VIDEOS 'The Doors Of Culture Shall Be Opened' (impressions of the conf.) 'E Rile' - James Phillips and seven Dutch choirs - 'Bombs and Guns explode only ones, a poem over and over again' (poets programme) - 'Shades of Change' - a play by MEDU Art Ensemble, Gaborone - 'Dear Sir' - a play by students of the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom Cllg.