Delicate Peace: Ending Guerrilla War in Colombia Introduction Brief
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Colombia: Current and Future Political, Economic and Security Trends
Colombia: Current and Future Political, Economic and Security Trends By Stephen J. Randall, FRSC Fellow of the Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute and Director, Institute for United States Policy Research Jillian Dowding, MA Assistant Director, Institute for United States Policy Research December 2006 Prepared for the Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute 1600, 530 – 8th Avenue S.W., Calgary, AB T2P 3S8 www.cdfai.org © Canadian Defence & Foreign Affairs Institute Introduction For some analysts Colombia is seen to be at a crossroads, with the capacity to move beyond more than thirty years of internal conflict and realize its potential, especially in the economic sector. This paper outlines the current political, economic and security situation in the country and explores some of the possible scenarios for the next five to ten year period.1 The authors suggest that it is critically important to examine the ways in which the political and strategic environment has evolved over the past decade in order to understand the current situation and predict where the country will likely move in the near future. Most analysts of Colombia concur that Colombia has not realized its economic potential in the past fifty years because of the internal conflict, a conflict that has its roots in both ideological differences as well as socio-economic inequalities, but which have been greatly exacerbated since the emergence of the narcotics industry in the 1970s. That internal conflict has defeated government after government in its effort to develop a broader vision of the role that Colombia could play in inter-American relations or economically to move into the developed world. -
PARAMILITARIES Kill Suspected Supporters of the FARC
UniTeD SelF-DeFenSe FoRCeS oF ColoMBiA (AUC) PARAMiliTARY TRooPS, lA GABARRA, noRTe De SAnTAnDeR, DeCeMBeR 10, 2004 PARAMiliTARieS kill suspected supporters of the FARC. By 1983, locals reported DEATh TO KIDNAPPERs cases of army troops and MAS fighters working together to assas- sinate civilians and burn farms.5 After the 1959 Cuban revolution, the U.S. became alarmed power and wealth, to the point that by 2004 the autodefensas had this model of counterinsurgency proved attractive to the Colom- that Marxist revolts would break out elsewhere in latin Ameri- taken over much of the country. bian state. on a 1985 visit to Puerto Boyacá, President Belisario Be- ca. in 1962, an Army special warfare team arrived in Colombia to As they expanded their control across Colombia, paramil- tancur reportedly declared, “every inhabitant of Magdalena Medio help design a counterinsurgency strategy for the Colombian armed itary militias forcibly displaced over a million persons from the has risen up to become a defender of peace, next to our army, next to forces. even though the FARC and other insurgent groups had not land.3 By official numbers, as of 2011, the autodefensas are estimat- our police… Continue on, people of Puerto Boyacá!”6 yet appeared on the scene, U.S. advisers recommended that a force ed to have killed at least 140,000 civilians including hundreds of Soon, landowners, drug traffickers, and security forces set made up of civilians be used “to perform counteragent and coun- trade unionists, teachers, human rights defenders, rural organiz- up local autodefensas across Colombia. in 1987, the Minister of terpropaganda functions and, as necessary, execute paramilitary, ers, politicians, and journalists who they labelled as sympathetic government César gaviria testified to the existence of 140 ac- sabotage, and/or terrorist activities against known communist pro- to the guerrillas.3 tive right-wing militias in the country.7 Many sported macabre ponents. -
Non-GOVERNMENTAL TERRORISM in LATIN AMERICA SINCE the END of the Cold WAR*
A SHIFT IN THE p ARADIGM OF VIOLENCE: NoN-GOVERNMENTAL TERRORISM IN LATIN AMERICA SINCE THE END OF THE CoLD WAR* ANDREAS FELDMANN INSTITUTO DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA, PONTIFICIA UNIVERSIDAD CATÓLICA DE CHILE, CHILE Resumen Desde mediados de_ los años noventa el terrorismo no-gubernamental ha aumentado de forma significa tiva en muchas regiones del mundo. En América Latina, sin embargo, un área donde históricamente gru?_os radicales de izquierda y derecha recurrieron a prácticas terroristas para conseguir sus objetivos poht1cos, el terrorismo como fenómeno ha disminuido notablemente. Basado en el influyente trabajo de T1mothy W1ckham-Crowley, este artículo sostiene que la disminución del uso del terror en América Latina corr_esponde a un cambio en los "repertorios culturales" de grupos revolucionarios y otros grupos anti s1st_em1cos. El trabajo arguye que este cambio deriva de tres factores: las traumáticas experiencias derivadas de la represión brutal de la que fueron objeto muchos de estos grupos, un creciente pragmatismo Y la valoración del juego democrático; y el rechazo por parte de la gran mayoría de la población en la región del uso de la violencia como método político. En este sentido, los grupos que bregan por promover cambios sociales han internalizado que el terror constituye una estrategia contraproducente e ilegítima. El artículo sostiene que Colombia constituye una excepción a esta tendencia. En el caso colombiano, se argumenta, el terror deriva de la lógica perversa del conflicto armado, donde los actores deliberadamen te victimizan a los civiles para alcanzar objetivos militares y políticos a través del terror. Abstract While non-state terrorism has grown substantially in many parts of the world since the mid 1990s in Latin Revista de Ciencia Política es una publicación bi-anual del Instituto de Ciencia Política de la Pontificia Universidad Católica de America, the insurgent continent par excellence, where radical non-state actors at both end~ of the Chile. -
The FARC and Colombia's Illegal Drug Trade
LATIN AMERICAN PROGRAM © JOHN VIZCANO/Reuters The FARC and Colombia’s Illegal Drug Trade By John Otis November 2014 Introduction In 2014, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, Latin America’s oldest and largest guerrilla army known as the FARC, marked the 50th anniversary of the start of its war against the Colombian government. More than 220,000 people have been killed1 and more than five million people uprooted2 from their homes in the conflict, which is the last remaining guerrilla war in the Western Hemisphere. However, this grim, half-century milestone coincides with peace negotiations between the Colombian government and the FARC that began in Havana, Cuba, in November 2012. The Havana talks have advanced much farther than the three previous efforts to negotiate with the FARC and there is a growing sense that a final peace treaty is now likely.3 So far, the two sides have reached agreements on three of the five points on the negotiating agenda, including an accord to resolve an issue that helps explain why the conflict has lasted so long: The FARC’s deep involvement in the taxation, production, and trafficking of illegal drugs. On May 16, 2014, the government and the FARC signed an agreement stating that under the terms of a final peace treaty, the two sides would work in tandem to eradicate coca, the plant used to make cocaine, and to combat cocaine trafficking in areas under guerrilla control. The FARC “has promised to effectively contribute, in diverse and practical ways, to a definitive solution to the problem of illegal drugs,” Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos said in a televised speech the day the accord was signed.4 “The Havana talks have advanced much farther than the three previous efforts to negotiate with the FARC and there is a growing sense that a final peace treaty is now likely.” A month later, Santos secured more time to bring the peace talks to a successful conclusion. -
IFES Faqs on Elections in Colombia
Elections in Colombia 2018 Presidential Election Frequently Asked Questions Americas International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | www.IFES.org May 14, 2018 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 Who are citizens voting for on Election Day? ............................................................................................... 1 When will the newly elected government take office? ................................................................................ 1 Who is eligible to vote?................................................................................................................................. 1 How many candidates are registered for the May 27 elections? ................................................................. 1 Who are the candidates? .............................................................................................................................. 1 How many registered voters are there? ....................................................................................................... 2 What is the structure of the government? ................................................................................................... 2 Are there any quotas in place? ..................................................................................................................... 3 What is the -
El Libro La Violencia En Colombia (1962 - 1964)
El libro La Violencia en Colombia (1962 - 1964). Radiografía emblemática de una época tristemente célebre* The Book La Violencia en Colombia (1962 – 1964). An Emblematic Analysis of a Sadly Famous Period [35] Resumen jefferson jaramillo marín** Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, Bogotá, Colombia Dos acontecimientos históricos marcaron los inicios del Frente Nacional en Co- lombia. El primero de ellos sucedió en mayo de 1958 cuando el gobierno de transición, liderado por una Junta Militar, creó la Comisión Nacional Investigadora de las Causas y Situaciones Presentes de la Violencia en el Territorio Nacional. El segundo coincidió con la publicación en julio de 1962 del primer tomo del libro La Violencia en Colombia. Mientras el objetivo de la Comisión fue básicamente servir de espacio institucional para tramitar las secuelas de la denominada Violencia, el objetivo del libro fue servir de plata- forma académica y expresión de denuncia para revelar etnográfica y sociológicamente sus manifestaciones en las regiones. A partir de un acopio de material de archivo de prensa de la época y entrevistas a expertos, este artículo sostiene que, en su momento, fue la Comisión la que no logró su objetivo, dado el carácter pactista que tuvo esta iniciativa. Sin embargo, las metas propuestas fueron alcanzadas cuatro años después con la publicación del libro. Es decir, que aquella radiografía regional de las secuelas del desangre que la Co- misión logró parcialmente sería luego profundizada radicalmente por un libro que pronto devendría en la memoria emblemática de la época. Palabras clave: Colombia, Comisión de 1958, Frente Nacional, La Violencia. * Conferencia ofrecida en el marco del panel “El libro La Violencia en Colombia: 50 años de una radiografía emblemática y fundacional” realizado el 8 de octubre de 2012 en la Ponti- ficia Universidad Javeriana, Bogotá. -
The Colombian Peace Process Dag Nylander, Rita Sandberg
REPORT February 2018 Dag Nylander, Rita Sandberg and Idun Tvedt1 Designing peace: the Colombian peace process The peace talks between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s Army (FARC-EP) have become a global reference for negotiated solutions to armed conflicts. The talks demonstrated how a well-prepared and robust process design can contrib- ute significantly to the outcome of a negotiated settlement. In several ways the pro- cess broke new ground. The parties developed frameworks and established mecha- nisms that laid the groundwork for building legitimacy for the process and increasing confidence in it. The direct participation of victims at the negotiating table and the effective inclusion of gender in the process are examples of this. Important elements of the process design included the into and out of Colombia; following:1 • gender inclusion by ensuring the participation of women and a gender focus in the peace agreement; • a secret initial phase to establish common ground; • broad and representative delegations; • a short and realistic agenda; • the extensive use of experts at the negotiating table • a limited objective: ending the conflict; and bilaterally with the parties; and • the principle that “incidents on the ground shall not • the implementation of confidence-building measures. interfere with the talks”; • the holding of talks outside Colombia to protect the process; Introduction • rules regulating the confidentiality of the talks; • the principle that “nothing is agreed until everything The peace talks between the Government of Colombia and is agreed”; the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People’s • a high frequency of negotiation meetings to ensure Army (FARC-EP) concluded with the signing of a peace continuity; agreement on November 24th 2016 after five years of ne- • direct talks with no formal mediator, but with third- gotiations. -
The Right of Free Expression and the Rule of Law 365
CHAPTER VI RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION AND THOUGHT A. Introduction: The right of free expression and the rule of law 365. The right of free expression is essential for the development and strengthening of democracy and for the full enjoyment of human rights. Full recognition of freedom of expression offers a fundamental guarantee for ensuring the rule of law and democratic institutions. This has been acknowledged on many occasions by different sectors of civil society, international organizations, and most nations.[170] 366. The American Convention on Human Rights, Article 13, enshrines the right of free expression in the following terms: 1. Everyone has the right to freedom of thought and expression. This right includes freedom to seek, receive, and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing, in print, in the form of art, or through any other medium of one’s choice. 2. The exercise of the right provided for in the foregoing paragraph shall not be subject to prior censorship but shall be subject to subsequent imposition of liability, which shall be expressly established by law to the extent necessary to ensure: a. respect for the rights or reputations of others; or, b. the protection of national security, public order, or public health or morals. 3. The right of expression may not be restricted by indirect methods or means, such as the abuse of government or private controls over newsprint, radio broadcasting frequencies, or equipment used in the dissemination of information, or by any other means tending to impede the communication and circulation of ideas and opinions. -
The Venezuelan Crisis, Regional Dynamics and the Colombian Peace Process by David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive Summary
Report August 2016 The Venezuelan crisis, regional dynamics and the Colombian peace process By David Smilde and Dimitris Pantoulas Executive summary Venezuela has entered a crisis of governance that will last for at least another two years. An unsustainable economic model has caused triple-digit inflation, economic contraction, and widespread scarcities of food and medicines. An unpopular government is trying to keep power through increasingly authoritarian measures: restricting the powers of the opposition-controlled National Assembly, avoiding a recall referendum, and restricting civil and political rights. Venezuela’s prestige and influence in the region have clearly suffered. Nevertheless, the general contours of the region’s emphasis on regional autonomy and state sovereignty are intact and suggestions that Venezuela is isolated are premature. Venezuela’s participation in the Colombian peace process since 2012 has allowed it to project an image of a responsible member of the international community and thereby counteract perceptions of it as a “rogue state”. Its growing democratic deficits make this projected image all the more valuable and Venezuela will likely continue with a constructive role both in consolidating peace with the FARC-EP and facilitating negotiations between the Colombian government and the ELN. However, a political breakdown or humanitarian crisis could alter relations with Colombia and change Venezuela’s role in a number of ways. Introduction aimed to maximise profits from the country’s oil production. During his 14 years in office Venezuelan president Hugo Together with Iran and Russia, the Venezuelan government Chávez Frias sought to turn his country into a leading has sought to accomplish this through restricting produc- promotor of the integration of Latin American states and tion and thus maintaining prices. -
XII CAF Conference (2008)
Trade and Investment in the Americas Corporatión Andina de Formento XII Annual Conference Corporación Andina de Fomento (CAF) September 2009 Corporación Andina de Fomento: XII Annual Conference on Trade and Investment in the Americas September 10 and 11, 2008 Washington, DC Contents Foreword .......................................... iii Rapporteur’s Report on the XII Annual CAF Conference on Trade and Investment in the Americas ........................ 1 Annex I: Conference Agenda ......................... .23 Annex II: Profiles of Speakers ......................... .25 The contents of this report are for information purposes only and shall not be construed as statements made by Corporación Andina de Fomento (CAF), Inter-American Dialogue, or the Organization of American States (OAS). CAF, the Dialogue, and the OAS are not responsible for the information herein, which is derived from third parties. The views expressed are the responsibility of their authors only. TRADE AND INVESTMENT IN THE AMERICAS i Foreword e are pleased to report on the proceedings of last year’s annual CAF Conference on Trade and Investment in the Americas. The W conference, the 12th since 1997, brought together some 250 people on September 10 and 11, 2008, in Washington. Over two days, U.S. and Latin American government officials, Congress members and staff, leading policy analysts and journalists, and corporate and financial leaders engaged in lively, wide-ranging discussions about the Andean region and Western Hemisphere affairs. Two issues dominated the discussion. The first was the incipient global economic crisis, which was then begin- ning to affect the economies of Latin America and the Caribbean. Participants pointed to the impending damage from diminished trade, a slowdown in investment flows, and declining remittances. -
Del Limbo Al Acuerdo Final De Paz El Proceso De Paz Entre El Gobierno Santos Y Las Farc–EP
DEL LIMBO AL ACUERDO FACULTAD DE CIENCIAS FINAL DE PAZ JURÍDICAS Y POLÍTICAS Proceso de paz entre el Gobierno Santos y las FARC – EP ESPERANZA HERNÁNDEZ DELGADO Flores de esperanza por fusiles · Maestro Jafeth Gómez ISBN 978-958-8166-94-0 Del limbo al acuerdo final de paz El proceso de paz entre el Gobierno Santos y las Farc–EP Esperanza Hernández Delgado 2 UNIVERSIDAD AUTÓNOMA DE BUCARAMANGA Instituto de Estudios Político, IEP ISBN digital 978-958-8166-94-0 Del limbo al acuerdo final de paz. Proceso de paz entre el Gobierno Santos y las FARC - EP JUAN CAMILO MONTOYA BOZZI Rector EULALIA GARCÍA BELTRAN Vicerrectora Académica GILBERTO RAMÍREZ VALBUENA Vicerrector administrativo y financiero JORGE EDUARDO LAMO GÓMEZ Decano facultad de ciencias políticas y jurídicas ESPERANZA HERNANDEZ DELGADO Autora JAFETH GÓMEZ Flores de esperanza por fusiles Portada HIPERTEXTO Diseño y diagramación JOSÉ ÓSCAR MACHADO ROMERO Corrector de estilo PUBLICACIONES UNAB Producción Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga Avenida 42 No 48 – 11 Bucaramanga, Colombia www.unab.edu.co Las opiniones contenidoas en esta obra, no vinculan la Institución, son exclusiva responsabilidad de la autora dentro de los principios democráticos de la cátedra libre y la libertad de expresión consagrados en el artículo 3° del Estaturo General de la Corporación Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga. 3 Dedicado a Francisco A. Muñoz, mi maestro. Compartimos bellos sueños de construcción de paces imperfectas y la inmensa alegría de un ejercicio profesional centrado en la paz. Sus enseñanzas fueron infinitas, desde mediaciones y empoderamientos pacifistas hasta una actitud abierta a la magia de la vida 4 Agradecimientos A la Universidad Autónoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB, por representar el primer escenario de mi formación profesional y apoyar después mi ejercicio de investigación para la paz, durante el tiempo que estuve vinculada con el IEP. -
Redalyc.History of the Colombian Left-Wings Between 1958 and 2010
Revista Tempo e Argumento E-ISSN: 2175-1803 [email protected] Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina Brasil Archila, Mauricio; Cote, Jorge History of the Colombian left-wings between 1958 and 2010 Revista Tempo e Argumento, vol. 7, núm. 16, septiembre-diciembre, 2015, pp. 376-400 Universidade do Estado de Santa Catarina Florianópolis, Brasil Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=338144734018 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative e ‐ ISSN 2175 ‐ 1803 History of the Colombian left‐wings between 1958 and 20101 Abstract This article looks at the history of left‐wings in Colombia, Mauricio Archila framed within what was happening in the country, Latin Ph.D. and Professor in the Graduate program at America, and the world between 1958 and 2010. After the Universidad Nacional, in Bogotá, and specifying what we mean by “left‐wings” and outlining their associate researcher of the CINEP. background in the first half of the 20th century, there is a Colombia. panorama of five great moments of the period under study to [email protected] reach the recent situation. The chronology favors the internal aspects of the history of Colombian left‐wings, allowing us to appreciate their achievements and limitations framed into Jorge Cote such a particular context as the Colombian one. MA student in History at the Universidad Nacional, in Bogotá. Keywords: Colombia; Left‐wings; Guerrillas; Social Colombia.