Palestinians under Israeli Rule , Editor Garland Publishing, New York � London (1994), pp. 352.

Reviewed by John Quigley*

This book is the ninth in a ten-volume series entitled Arab-Israeli Relations: A Collection of Contending Perspectives and Recent Research with each volume made up of reprints of previously published articles. In an introductory note, the editor states his concern that many observers have oversimplified the conflict "by reducing it to only one of its dimensions; for example, by referring to it as a problem of Arab or Jewish mentality, a reappearance of anti-Semitism under another name or a problem of Zionist 'racism' or 'colonialism.'" The articles in the series, he indicates, "are orga- nized in categories designed to encourage an understanding of Arab-Israeli relations as defined along many dimensions, encompassing conflicts as well as some significant forms of cooperation." The series draws attention, the editor explains, to five overall patterns: the historical predica- ment of Jews and the emergence of as a response to Jewish national homelessness as par- tially and ironically analogous to the contemporary predicament of Palestinian Arabs and their struggle for a Palestinian state; the reality of Israel's existence in the Middle East as reflected in the effect of the protracted conflict on the region and on Israel; the great variability among both Arabs and Israelis in their outlook toward one another; the substantial changes that have occurred in the political conflict between Israel and the Arab world; the extent to which the behavior of both Arabs and Israelis is understandable according to universally applicable norms and principles." In the volume under review, the editor has compiled nineteen useful and interesting articles, written between 1976 and 1991. Some relate to Palestinians in Israel itself, while others relate to Palestinians in the territories that Israel occupied in 1967. The articles are: The Arab Internal Ref ugees in Israel (Majid Al-Haj), Non-Violent Resistance: A Strategy for the Occupied Territories (Mubarak E. Awad), The Role of the Palestinian Media (Bishara A. Bahbah and Shalom Kital), Bayt Sahur in Year II of the Intifada (), Early Attempts at Establishing Autonomy (Shlomo Gazit), Young Arabs in Israel (John E. Hofman and Nadim Rouhana), A Socio-economic Study of Administrative Detainees at Ansar 3 (Jad Isaac), The Druze of the Golan: A Case of Nonviolent Resistance (R. Scott Kennedy), Israeli Deportation of Palestinians from the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, 1967-1978 (Arm M. Lesch), Israeli State-Building in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (Ian Lustick), Traditionalism and Political identity ofArabs in Israel (Mahmud Mi'ari), Arab Citizens of the Jewish State (Yoav Peled), Jews and Arabs in Jerusalem (Michael Romann), The Class Situation of the Arab National Minority in Israel (Henry Rosen- feld), The Economic Impact of the Intifada on the Gaza Strip (Sara Roy), Political Attitudes of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip (Mohammed Shadid and Rick Seltzer), On Gaza Beach (Ari Shavit), A Palestinian State and Israeli Security (Jerome Slater), The Palestinian Move- ment in Trarrsition: Historical Reversals and the Uprising (Salim Tamari). Taken together, the arti- cles inform the reader on many of the most critical issues involved in the tense relationship between Israel's government and the Palestinians living in territory that Israel controls.

* John Quigley is professor of international law at the Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio, U.S.A., and is author of Palestine and Israel: A Challenge to Justice. (1990) Several of the articles in Palestinians under Israeli Rule hold particular relevance to current controversies, as the Palestinians face the prospect of final status negotiations with the Israeli gov- ernment. Light is shed, not necessarily intentionally, on problems likely to be encountered in negotiations over several of the major outstanding issues. Regarding Jerusalem, whose status is to be resolved in the negotiations, Michael Romann's piece provides useful background about the relations between Jews and Arabs in the city. Diffi- cult as it may be to believe under current circumstances, Jews and Arabs lived in Jerusalem until 1948 in small ethnically defined communities, as Romann writes, but with the communities inter- spersed rather than separated, and with relations amicable. Even though he presents an accurate and informative picture of Arab-Jewish relations in Jerusalem, Romann, doubtless inadvertently, illustrates why the Palestinians face an uphill battle in the final status negotiations over Jerusalem. Regarding the demographic change in Jerusalem produced by the 1948 hostilities, he writes that "the 1948 War had a particularly negative effect on the non-Jewish population of Jerusalem, causing the definitive departure of most of the non-Arab Christians as well as the Arab population from the Western sector." This characterization is accu- rate but omits the fact that the departure of the Arab population was brought about in large measure by terror tactics employed by the Jewish military forces. Israel has refused to re-admit these persons, most of whom found themselves outside Israel's territory when the fighting ended, and has never acknowledged the terror tactics. The omission of this detail reflects the difficulty the Palestinian negotiators face in the negoti- ations. Israel has largely forgotten the seamier side of its history with the Palestinians, and as a result, today's Israelis are only vaguely aware of the perception of the conflict held by the Pales- tinians. That gulf in perception makes it difficult for the Palestinian side to gain a settlement in Jerusalem that represents an appropriate outcome, one that acknowledges the traditional Pales- tinian role in the city. Another problem for Palestinian negotiators is highlighted by Shlomo Gazit's piece on early Israeli plans for autonomy for the West Bank. In a highly informative article, Gazit, an Israeli general who served as Coordinator of Government Operations in the Occupied Territories from 1967 to 1976, describes informal talks that took place in 1968 between Prime Minister Levi Eshkol's government and various West Bank figures that might have led to the establishment of autonomy for Palestinians in the administration of the West Bank under Israel's occupation. "The establishment of such an autonomous entity," Gazit writes, "was the perfect situation in which Israel could delegate most of its civilian responsibilities to local authorities....Under the cir- cumstances the [Arab] mayors [of West Bank towns] would have been quite unlikely to revolt and refuse to carry out their responsibilities. After all, they could easily excuse their behavior as a necessity which spared the population from unnecessary hardship." The role that the mayors would have played under the 1968 proposed autonomy in holding the population in check on Israel's behalf reminds one of the role President Arafat has assumed under the 1993 arrangement. The 1968 plan never materialized, but Israel's interest in it at that time comes as a chilling reminder that the autonomy that has followed the 1993 Israel-P.L.O. Declaration of Principles could turn into a dead end for the Palestinians. Prime Minister Eshkol viewed the proposed arrangement as one that might serve Israel well. Opponents of the current autonomy scheme in Israel, particularly in the Likud Party, appear to hold a similar view of this arrangement, which they do not view as leading to a Palestinian state. A third problem for Palestinian negotiators in the final status negotiations is reflected in Gazit's account of the departure of Palestinians from the West Bank during the 1967 hostilities. Describing this departure, Gazit writes, "Afraid that they might be indefinitely separated from