The Army of Crime and Biopic Generic Conventions of Identity
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Archives Henri Krasuscki (1939-2005) 7
Archives Henri Krasuscki (1939-2005) 7 CFD Institut CGT d’histoire sociale- 263 rue de Paris – case 2-3- 93516 Montreuil cedex Tél. 01 55 82 81 13 Courriel : [email protected] Internet : http://ihs.cgt.fr INSTITUT CGT D’HISTOIRE SOCIALE Fonds HENRI KRASUCKI Secrétaire général de la CGT (1939-2005) 7 CFD 1-257 Répertoire numérique détaillé établi par Marie-Pierre CORDIER Août 2007 Mise à jour : 2019 2 Identification synthétique Intitulé : Fonds HENRI KRASUCKI Secrétaire général de la CGT (1939-2005). Producteur : Krasucki Henri. Dates extrêmes : 1939-2005. Thématique (s) : Congrès ; CCN ; bureau confédéral ; CEC ; Résistance ; syndicalisation ; économie ; lutte ; organisations de la CGT ; presse ; international ; Europe ; organisations syndicales ; patronat ; pouvoirs publics. Cote : 7 CFD. Importance matérielle : 257 boîtes. Niveau de description : Au dossier. Lieu de conservation : IHS CGT, Montreuil (93). Conditions d’accès : La consultation se fait sur place dans la salle de lecture de l’IHS-CGT. 25 ans à compter de la date de création du document ou du document le plus récent dans le dossier. 50 ans après leur clôture les dossiers contenant des données nominatives portant atteinte à la protection de la vie privée. Sur demande motivée, dérogation possible pour consulter le(s) document(s) dont le délai de communicabilité n’est pas atteint. Conditions de reproduction : Demande auprès de l’archiviste. 3 INTRODUCTION Peu de temps après le décès de Henri Krasucki (février 2002), Georges Dufossé, son dernier secrétaire, prend contact avec Joël Hedde, secrétaire général de l’IHS CGT : les archives de Henri Krasucki sont précieusement conservées dans une cave dans les locaux de la confédération et Georges Dufossé, pour la famille Krasucki et Jean-Claude Gay, pour la CGT, demandent à l’IHS CGT de prendre en charge ce fonds pour le traiter en vue de le communiquer. -
Andre Malraux's Devotion to Caesarism Erik Meddles Regis University
Regis University ePublications at Regis University All Regis University Theses Spring 2010 Partisan of Greatness: Andre Malraux's Devotion to Caesarism Erik Meddles Regis University Follow this and additional works at: https://epublications.regis.edu/theses Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons Recommended Citation Meddles, Erik, "Partisan of Greatness: Andre Malraux's Devotion to Caesarism" (2010). All Regis University Theses. 544. https://epublications.regis.edu/theses/544 This Thesis - Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by ePublications at Regis University. It has been accepted for inclusion in All Regis University Theses by an authorized administrator of ePublications at Regis University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Regis University Regis College Honors Theses Disclaimer Use of the materials available in the Regis University Thesis Collection (“Collection”) is limited and restricted to those users who agree to comply with the following terms of use. Regis University reserves the right to deny access to the Collection to any person who violates these terms of use or who seeks to or does alter, avoid or supersede the functional conditions, restrictions and limitations of the Collection. The site may be used only for lawful purposes. The user is solely responsible for knowing and adhering to any and all applicable laws, rules, and regulations relating or pertaining to use of the Collection. All content in this Collection is owned by and subject to the exclusive control of Regis University and the authors of the materials. It is available only for research purposes and may not be used in violation of copyright laws or for unlawful purposes. -
The Dutch Internationalist Communists and the Events in Spain (1936–7)
chapter 9 The Dutch Internationalist Communists and the Events in Spain (1936–7) While the civil war in Spain did not cause a crisis in the gic, it nonetheless had a profound importance in the group’s history. It was the test-bed of the Dutch group’s revolutionary theory, confronted with a civil war which was to prepare the Second World-War, in the midst of revolutionary convulsions and an atmosphere of ‘anti-fascist’ popular fronts. Although often identified with anarchism, Dutch ‘councilism’ vigorously set itself apart from this current and denounced not its weaknesses, but its ‘passage into the camp of the bourgeoisie’. The gic defended a political analysis of the ‘Spanish revolution’ close to that of the Italian communist left. Finally, the events in Spain gave rise to the gic’s last attempt before 1939 to confront the revolutionary political milieu to the left of Trotskyism in Europe. This attempt was not without confusion, and even political ambiguity. Following the creation of the Republic, the internationalist Dutch commun- ists followed the evolution of the Spanish situation with great care. In 1931, the gic denounced not only the Republican bourgeoisie, which supported the Socialist Party of Largo Caballero, but also the anarchist movement. The cnt abandoned its old ‘principle’ of hostility to electoralism, and had its adherents vote en masse for Republican candidates. Far from seeing the cnt as a compon- ent of the workers’ movement, the gic insisted that anarcho-syndicalism had crossed the Rubicon with its ‘collaboration with bourgeois order’. The cnt had become ‘the ally of the bourgeoisie’.As an anarcho-syndicalist current, and thus a partisan of trade-unionism, the political action of the cnt could only lead to a strengthening of capitalism. -
Didier Daeninckx and the Manouchian Resistance Group
1 An Ever-Present Past: Didier Daeninckx and the Manouchian Resistance Group ‘Writing is always “against”! […] Personally, I am against authority and the disappearance of memory’ — Didier Daeninckx (1997: 68)1 November 1943. Following a series of highly visible attacks in Paris, committed by the Communist, ‘immigrant’ Resistance group of Missak Manouchian,2 the Brigades spéciales (special Brigades) of the French police finally pounce on the perpetrators, and arrest follows arrest. At the end of a very brief trial a few months later, twenty-three members of the combat unit, including Manouchian himself, are condemned to death. The twenty-two men are immediately shot at Mont Valérien, on 21 February 1944 (the one woman, Olga Bancic, is executed separately, beheaded in Stuttgart on 10 May). More or less simultaneously, the photos of ten of these freedom fighters are displayed on the infamous Affiches rouges (red posters), which are plastered over the walls of French towns and cities, and which denounce ‘l’Armée du crime’ (the Army of crime), most obviously composed of people with names of foreign, if not Jewish, origin. Shortly afterwards, the Liberation of France, for which these combatants willingly gave their lives, commenced. That is by no means the end of their story, however. Throughout the post-war period, the group regularly comes back into the headlines, forming, as Margaret Atack has noted, ‘an important focal point for remembrance and controversy’ (2013: 175).3 For example, in 1955, in honour of the group, and to mark the inauguration of a rue du Groupe Manouchian in Paris, Louis Aragon writes the poem which will first appear in L’Humanité on 5 March 1955, entitled ‘Groupe Manouchain’, and then in his collection, Le Roman inachevé, as ‘Strophes pour se souvenir’ (1956: 225-26). -
Remembering the French Resistance: Ethics and Poetics of the Epic Author(S): Nathan Bracher Source: History and Memory , Vol
Remembering the French Resistance: Ethics and Poetics of the Epic Author(s): Nathan Bracher Source: History and Memory , Vol. 19, No. 1 (Spring/Summer 2007), pp. 39-67 Published by: Indiana University Press Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.2979/his.2007.19.1.39 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Indiana University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to History and Memory This content downloaded from 95.183.180.42 on Wed, 11 Mar 2020 17:03:40 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Remembering the French Resistance Remembering the French Resistance Ethics and Poetics of the Epic NATHAN BRACHER From its very inception to the present day the French Resistance has been rep- resented and commemorated in the epic mode. While Laurent Douzou’s book, La Résistance française: Une histoire périlleuse, reaffirms this heroic vision, Pascal Convert’s sculpture honoring executed Resistance fighters on Mont Valérien and his documentary film Mont Valérien, aux noms des fusillés propose a more human, even anti-heroic approach which nevertheless aims to unite a community in memory by celebrating the courage and sacrifice, but also the specific persons, of previously forgotten résistants. -
The New Popular Front in France
THE NEW POPULAR FRONT IN FRANCE by George Ross The 1978 General Elections may well bring the French Left (and the Communist Party) to power in France. The Right Centre coalition which has ruled France for twenty years has repeatedly demonstrated its inability to deal with the present economic crisis-high inflation, unemployment, low growth-which it has played a major role in creating. As a result it has been rapidly losing support while simultaneously splitting into warring factions. The Union de la Gauche (Communists, Socialists and Left Radicals) has, meanwhile, become an electoral majority in the country (a fact demonstrated both in opinion polls and in the results of the March 1977 municipal elections). Its leaders, Fran~oisMitterrand and the PS (Parti Socialiste) and Georges Marchais of the PCF (Parti Communiste Francais) are now seen as genuine statesmen and as plausible Ministers of France, by a majority of Frenchmen. Its 'Common Programme for a Government of Left Union' is received as a credible platform for resolving the economic crisis and bringing needed change to French society. Rumour has it in Paris that high civil servants have already begun preparing for the arrival of new men in power. The stock exchange has begun to vibrate with fear-and with the beginnings of an investment strike against the Left (a strike which, because it has started so far in advance of the actual election date, has had the effect of undermining the existing regime even further). The Gaullist fraction of the ruling majority has already begun a barrage of anti-Left hysteria against the 'socialo- communist enemy' with its 'Marxist programme' to remove France from the 'camp of liberty'. -
Romanians of the French Resistance
French History, Vol. 28, No. 4 (2014) doi:10.1093/fh/cru080 Advance Access publication 10 October 2014 ROMANIANS OF THE FRENCH RESISTANCE GAVIn BOWD* Downloaded from Robert Guédiguian’s film L’Armée du crime and Didier Daeninckx’s novel Missak have been recent reminders of the role of immigrants in the French Resistance. The fate of the ‘Groupe Manouchian’, twenty-two men and one woman executed in early 1944 (they were used in the Nazi propaganda campaign L’Affiche rouge), still resonates and provokes controversy, raising the issue of the silence which http://fh.oxfordjournals.org/ has often surrounded the place of foreigners in la France résistante. What is more, it raises the wider issues of the fate of many of the surviving résistants in post-war communist Eastern Europe and the potential conflicts between inter- nationalism, nationalism and ethnicity. This article seeks to address such issues by examining the largely overlooked involvement of Romanians in the French Resistance, and the significant role they played—well beyond their numerical strength—in both the struggle against the German Occupier and in the post- at University of North Dakota on June 5, 2015 war communist regime. If this could be seen as yet another example of l’amitié franco-roumaine—those strong political and cultural bonds that made of Bucharest a ‘petit Paris’ and of the French capital a place of pilgrimage and ref- uge—it also reveals a complex and sometimes tragic entanglement. An event such as l’Affaire Manouchian is rightly cited as an example of the ‘Vichy Syndrome’ described by Henry Rousso, where a nation’s reassur- ing self-image is shattered by the unbearable reminder of ‘la guerre franco- française’.1 But this resurgence of a past that ‘will not pass’ goes beyond the strictly national frame. -
The Popular Front: Roadblock to Revolution
Internationalist Group League for th,e Fourth International The Popular Front: Roadblock to Revolution Volunteers from the anarcho-syndicalist CNT and POUM militias head to the front against Franco's forces in Spanish Civil War, Barcelona, September 1936. The bourgeois Popular Front government defended capitalist property, dissolved workers' militias and blocked the road to revolution. Internationalist Group Class Readings May 2007 $2 ® <f$l~ 1162-M Introduction The question of the popular front is one of the defining issues in our epoch that sharply counterpose the revolution ary Marxism of Leon Trotsky to the opportunist maneuverings of the Stalinists and social democrats. Consequently, study of the popular front is indispensable for all those who seek to play a role in sweeping away capitalism - a system that has brought with it untold poverty, racial, ethnic, national and sexual oppression and endless war - and opening the road to a socialist future. "In sum, the People's Front is a bloc of the bourgeoisie and the proletariat," Trotsky wrote in December 1937 in re sponse to questions from the French magazine Marianne. Trotsky noted: "When two forces tend in opposite directions, the diagonal of the parallelogram approaches zero. This is exactly the graphic formula of a People's Front govern ment." As a bloc, a political coalition, the popular (or people's) front is not merely a matter of policy, but of organization. Opportunists regularly pursue class-collaborationist policies, tailing after one or another bourgeois or petty-bourgeois force. But it is in moments of crisis or acute struggle that they find it necessary to organizationally chain the working class and other oppressed groups to the class enemy (or a sector of it). -
HAYK's SPIRIT IS IMMORTAL More Than 4500-Year-Old Roots of The
HAYK’S SPIRIT IS IMMORTAL Danielyan E. L. Doctor of Sciences (History) ETERNAL GLORY AND HONOR TO THE HEROES AND THEIR COMRADES-IN-ARMS WHO SACRIFICED THEIR LIVES FOR THE FREEDOM AND INDEPENDENCE OF THE FATHERLAND More than 4500-year-old roots of the Armenian Army are hallowed by the freedom struggle of the Armenian nation for the defence of the Fatherland against foreign invaders. The Armenian liberation torch sanctified by Hayk Nahapet (Patriarch) passed over from Hayots Dzor1 to Avarayr, Zeytun, Sasun, Sardarapat and has reached Artsakh. The heroes sacrificing their lives for the liberation of the Fatherland are immortalized. Hayk Lake Van 1 Մովսէս Խորենացի, Պատմութիւն Հայոց, Երևան, 1991, էջ 32-37: The year 2008 marked the 4500th anniversary of the victory of the Armenian Patriarch Hayk against Bel at the battle of Hayots Dzor (on the shore of Lake Van). Thе calendar calculation of the date based on the periodicity of “Hayk’s Cycle” of the “Ancient Armenian era” was done by the famous Armenologist Ghevond Alishan (1820-1901) (Ալիշան Ղ., Յուշիկք հայրենեաց Հայոց, հ. Ա, Վենետիկ, 1920, էջ 85). There was no leap-year in the ancient Armenian era, since a year was always considered to consist of 365 days; hence the year and the date were movable. Thus 1460 years, according to the Julian calendar, amount to 1461 years, according to the Armenian Calendar. By such periodicity of the “Cycle of Hayk”, 2492 BC denotes the year of Hayk’s victory. The beginning of the victorious year was Navasard 1 (=August 11). New discoveries connected with the observations of the starry sky (the 6th millennium BC - Zorats kar (Karahunj), the first half of the 3rd millennium BC - Metsamor), archaeological excavations and petroglyphs in the Armenian Highland, bear witness to the deep Haykian roots, and that the glorious victory of Hayk symbolized the beginning of a very important new epoch of the Armenian history. -
Reclaiming Syndicalism: from Spain to South Africa to Global Labour Today
Global Issues Reclaiming Syndicalism: From Spain to South Africa to global labour today Lucien van der Walt, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa Union politics remain central to the new century. It remains central because of the ongoing importance of unions as mass movements, internationally, and because unions, like other popular movements, are confronted with the very real challenge of articulating an alternative, transformative vision. There is much to be learned from the historic and current tradition of anarcho- and revolutionary syndicalism. This is a tradition with a surprisingly substantial and impressive history, including in the former colonial world; a tradition that envisages anti-bureaucratic and bottom-up trade unions as key means of educating and mobilising workers, and of championing the economic, social and political struggles of the broad working class, independent of parliamentary politics and party tutelage; and that aims, ultimately, at transforming society through union-led workplace occupations that will institute self-management and participatory economic planning, abolishing markets, hierarchies and states. This contribution seeks, firstly, to contribute to the recovery of the historical memory of the working class by drawing attention to its multiple traditions and rich history; secondly, to make a contribution to current debates on the struggles, direction and options for the working class movement (including unions) in a period of flux in which the fixed patterns of the last forty years are slowly melting away; thirdly, it argues that many current union approaches – among them, business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism – have substantial failings and limitations; and finally, it points to the need for labour studies and industrial sociology to pay greater attention to labour traditions besides business unionism, social movement unionism, and political unionism. -
The Popular Fronts and the Civil War in Spain Tim Rees
10 The Popular Fronts and the Civil War in Spain tim rees Our desire is that all the organizations of the Popular Front be strengthened. Our desire is that all anti-fascist forces be consolidated, wherever they are to be found. Although I know that this can lead to criticism of our position, of our actions, never, never, can it be said that a single member, not a one, has been attracted to the party by the promise of advancement or the lure of personal 1 gain. These words were spoken as part of a rousing closing speech made by Jesús Hernández, a leading figure in the Spanish Communist Party (PCE), at a party plenum held in March 1937. At the time Spain was nine months into its brutal civil war which raged on until the final defeat of the republican side at the hands of General Franco’s Nationalists in April 1939.Theplenum was held partly to publicize the growing strength of the communist party but its central theme, echoed by all the speakers present, was to extol support for the Popular Front as an alliance of all the political parties and trade unions that supported the republic. In evoking the idea of the Popular Front, and the language of anti-fascism which accompanied it, the PCE was following policies common to the international communist movement. In the context of the war in Spain, Hernández hammered home the message that cooperation was the key to ultimate victory and that the PCE was providing a selfless example in working toward that common goal, all of which was reflected in the title of his speech: “Everything Within the Popular Front.” This plenum, and another held in November 1937, presented the PCE as not just at the heart of the conflict in Spain but as part of a worldwide struggle being led by the international communist movement against the threat of 1 Partido Comunista de España, Todo dentro del Frente Popular (Valencia: Ediciones del Partido Comunista de España, 1937). -
Opem 1Tlundi Elf HOPE·
Opem 1tlundi ElfHOPE· KL Y REPORT ON THE ECONOMY OF THE COMMON MARKET ': ~------·------- ------·-::-::-=-, 00000000000000000000 ('ONTENT~ 00000000000000000000 0 · 0 gI THE WEEK IN THE COMMUNITY' l\\\l(\\{l- g g I February 24 - March 2, 1969 t \I kl! ~I 1a g g I THE COMMON MARKET Page 1 g F}f o I Time to "Cool It" o L, o 'o o COUNCIL OF MINISTERS Page 3 o 1', f1 g EEC ECONOMY: 1969 Guidelines Page 4 g ntJ g PATENTS: New Proposals Page 5 g ~ o TRADE UNIONS Page 6 o ~ 0 · 0 0 Communists Accept Community o . g ECONOMIC & SOCIAL COMMITTEE Page 7 g o Plans for Community's Future o o •o o AGRICULTURE: Mansholt for Australia Page 8 o g E.C.S.C. - Social Aspects of Coal Page 9 g o Employment figures - Steel Orders o 0 0 o EURA TOM Page 11 o 0 0 o INDUSTRY: Shipbuilding Aid Page 12 o 0 bo 3 0 0 TRANSPORT: Waterway La ur Page 1 , 0 ·g TRADE: Nixon-Rey Talks; Latin America Page 13 g o EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Page 14 o 0 0 o EIB: Bond Issue - Loan to Turkey Page 15 o g STUDIES & TRENDS g o The Development of Retail Shares in the EEC o o by Ph. Desirant, Eurosyndicat, Luxembourg. o 0 0 . O ia· u O ., LA~ H: IIH11i11e1t111 ,,enf"tration arro1111 Europf" O 0 0 0 Headlines Page A 0 0 " 0 0 0 Index Page Y : g 0 I 0 o March 6, 1969 No 502 : o 0 : 0 0 : 0 0 l 0 0 -----·----··------ ---------- -------- ------------ ·- ! 10 0 ------------------------------------------------------------------- -- --_---------- __ -- --- ,o ·00000000000000000000000000000000000000~000000000000 Opem Mundi ElfRO PE A WEEKLY REPORT ON JHE ECONOMY OF THE.