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TV Studies-01-C.Qxd 1 2 3 4 ¡Ya basta! 14 5 6 7 8 9 The term Hispanic, coined by technomarketing experts and by the designers of 10 political campaigns, homogenizes our cultural diversity (Chicanos, Cubans, and 11 Puerto Ricans become indistinguishable), avoids our indigenous cultural heritage and 12 links us directly with Spain. Worse yet, it possesses connotations of upward mobility 13 and political obedience. 14 Guillermo Gómez-Peña 15 16 9.7 million Latino/a citizens reported voting in the 2008 presidential election. This 17 was an increase of 47 percent from 2004. 18 Voting and Registration in the Election of 2008, http://goo.gl/5cJPN 19 20 21 Counting in Spanish 22 23 The U.S. Census Bureau reported an approximate 48.4 million persons of Latino/a origin 24 in 2009, about 15.5 percent of the current total population. Figure 14.1 provides a view 25 of immigration over time. On this basis it is quite easy to see how it is that the Census 26 Bureau projects that people of Latino ancestry will make up almost 25 percent of the 27 nation’s population in 2050.1 28 The government uses “Hispanic” as an umbrella term for everyone who is of Spanish- 29 speaking national or ethnic origins. Figure 14.1 draws attention to how broad this category 30 is, how many different national identities, world views and cultures are subsumed into the 31 idea of Hispanic. 32 33 34 Diversity over space2 35 36 One indication that Latinos/as retain strong ties to homeland and heritage can be seen in 37 settlement patterns (Figure 14.2). For example, large-scale immigration from Cuba began 38 with Castro’s rise to power in 1959. Those immigrants formed communities in southern 39 Florida (such as “Little Havana” in Miami) and the metropolitan New York area. Cubans 40 – especially those who feel strongly about returning to the homeland and regaining 41 political power – maintain strong ties to Cuba, its culture, and to each other. There are 42 neighborhoods in the cities and towns of southern Florida where Spanish is the dominant 43 – and sometimes the only – language (Figure 14.3). 44 On the West Coast, Spanish-speaking (largely Mestizo) communities were well 45 established when the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo was signed in 1848, formally trans- 46 ferring much of the west and south-west territory from Mexico to the U.S. The treaty had 47 many provisions that were meant to protect Mexicans’ rights, most of which were broken. 48 Taylor & Francis REVISES Not for distribution 256 ¡YA BASTA! 1 Figure 14.1 2 Latino population by country of origin 3 4 Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2007 Community Survey 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 Many historians see the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo as the beginning of systematic 38 racism and discrimination toward Mexicans and Spanish speakers more generally. 39 The many bicultural and Spanish dominant communities along the border can 40 document a long history of discrimination in every aspect of daily life. The Chicano 41 movement of the 1960s and 1970s was an organized, large-scale effort to address such 42 inequalities (Figure 14.4). 43 Currently the term Chicano is generally understood to be reserved for those of Mexican 44 origin who were born and raised in the U.S., but who do not identify themselves in the 45 first line as Americans. According to Rubén Salazar, “A Chicano is a Mexican-American 46 with a non-Anglo image of himself” (June 2, 1970).3 More recently Gustavo Arellano, 47 author of the popular and often controversial Ask a Mexican! newspaper column for 48 California’s Orange County Weekly has written at length about intercultural tensions Taylor & Francis REVISES Not for distribution Figure 14.2 Latino/a communities over space Source: Adapted from 2009 U.S. Census Bureau Taylor & Francis REVISES Not for distribution 258 ¡YA BASTA! 1 2 WA NH ME 3 MT ND VT 4 OR MN ID MA 5 SD WI NY WY MI 6 RI CT IA PA 7 NE NJ NV OH IL IN DE 8 UT CO WV MD CA VA 9 KS MO 10 KY DC NC TN 11 AZ OK NM AR SC 12 HI Of all people age 5 MS AL CA 13 and older, 12.3% spoke Spanish TX 14 LA 0.0 to 8.0 percent (37 states) 15 AK FL 16 8.1 to 15.1 percent (8 states) 15.2 to 22.1 percent (3 states) 17 22.2 to 29.3 percent (3 states) 18 19 20 WA 21 NH ME MT ND VT 22 OR MN 23 ID MA 24 SD WI NY WY MI RI CT 25 IA PA NE NJ 26 NV OH IL IN DE UT 27 CO WV MD CA VA KS 28 MO KY DC NC 29 TN AZ OK NM 30 AR SC HI 31 MS AL CA 32 TX LA 33 Less than 35.0 percent (11 states) 35.0 to 39.9 percent (8 states) AK FL 34 40.0 to 44.9 percent (18 states) 35 45.0 percent and higher (14 states) 36 United States: 44.1 percent 37 Figure 14.3 (a) Language other than English spoken at home; (b) Percent of the population 38 speaking a language other than English at home who spoke English less than “very 39 well” 40 Note: Population 5 years and older. For information on confidentiality protection, sampling error, nonsampling 41 error, and definitions, see www.census.gov/acs/www/. 42 Source: U.S. Census Bureau, 2007 American Community Survey 43 44 between well-established Chicanos and those newly arrived from rural Mexico. Chicanos 45 may refer to such Mexicans as Chúntaro, while the newly arrived use the term Pocho (rather 46 than Chicano) for an Americanized Mexican (Arellano 2007). 47 The history of Puerto Ricans in the U.S. is very different. With the Jones–Shafroth Act 48 of 1917, Puerto Ricans were granted U.S. citizenship,4 so that there is no discussion of Taylor & Francis REVISES Not for distribution ¡YA BASTA! 259 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 Figure 14.4 Texas restaurant sign, 1949 22 Source: Photo by R. Lee, 1949. Reprinted by permission of The Dolph Briscoe Center for American History 23 24 immigration quotas, work visas or resident status. Puerto Ricans have no need for visas, 25 but they have been the focus of discrimination for a long time in the North-east. This is 26 probably due, at least in part, to the strong ties between Stateside Puerto Ricans and Puerto 27 Rico and the fact that many of the communities in the U.S. prefer their own culture and 28 language to assimilation. The largest wave of Puerto Rican immigrants (often referred to 29 as “the Great Migration”) began with the Depression and lasted through World War II and 30 into the 1950s. Puerto Rican communities settled in East Harlem, on the Lower East Side, 31 Upper West Side, in Chelsea, and Hell’s Kitchen, as well as in Brooklyn and the Bronx. 32 Despite differences in their history and culture Mexicans, Puerto Ricans and Cubans 33 have all been identified by the U.S. Census Bureau as Hispanic. What unites them and the 34 other countries in that group is a strong allegiance to the homeland and family, a common 35 religion (primarily Roman Catholic) and an inclination to hold onto Spanish as a primary 36 language.5 Oboler’s work with Spanish-speaking immigrants from nine countries (all ages, 37 both genders) employed as garment workers in New York also establishes the importance 38 of solidarity within national origin groups (the wish to be identified as Cuban or Puerto 39 Rican or Dominican), while at the same time, workers take pride in the commonality of 40 language (Oboler 1995, 2006). Others have made similar observations: 41 42 Latinos in the United States predominately self-identify as “Hispanic” and/or “Latino” 43 in addition to their national origin, but they do not self-identify as “American.” 44 Undergoing a process of “racialized assimilation,” Latinos are not viewed by other 45 U.S. citizens as “unhyphenated Americans” but as, specifically, “Latino and Latina 46 Americans.” 47 (Vasquez 2010: 48 original emphasis; citations excluded) 48 Taylor & Francis REVISES Not for distribution 260 ¡YA BASTA! 1 There is a twist to this discussion of labels, however, and it is an instructive one. In 1970, 2 the U.S. Census Bureau wanted to develop better methods to identify Spanish-speaking 3 people before the next (1980) census. The 19 committee members were predominantly 4 of Mexican ancestry and included the leaders of civil rights organizations. It was this group 5 that recommended use of the term Hispanic as one that would embrace all persons of Latin 6 American origin (Gómez 2007: 150–151). Today the term is contested for a variety of 7 reasons, but the Census Bureau shows no interest in re-evaluating its usefulness. 8 Zentella (1996) provides another perspective on the matter of labels imposed on 9 peripheralized populations. She speaks and writes of what it was like for her as a child to 10 have had a singing and dancing Chiquita Banana as a solitary Latina figure in the public 11 eye.
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