Pride, Prejudice and Manchurian Heritage: North Korean Migrants and Memories of a Land Left Behind Issue Date: 2020-02-26

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Pride, Prejudice and Manchurian Heritage: North Korean Migrants and Memories of a Land Left Behind Issue Date: 2020-02-26 Cover Page The handle http://hdl.handle.net/1887/85722 holds various files of this Leiden University dissertation. Author: Green, C.K. Title: Pride, Prejudice and Manchurian Heritage: North Korean Migrants and Memories of a Land Left Behind Issue Date: 2020-02-26 LITERATURE REVIEW: North Korean Studies in the 21st Century1 Researching the geographical and political construct known officially as the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK; DPR Korea; more widely as North Korea) through its defector- migrant population is a relatively new phenomenon, one that emerged from a set of specific socio-economic circumstances present on the Korean peninsula in the late-20th and early-21st centuries. Prior to that period, such research would have been impossible. Once the inter- Korean border hardened at the end of the Korean War in 19532 until parts of DPR Korea collapsed into famine in the early 1990s, the number of people leaving DPR Korea was miniscule.3 The anti-communist Republic of Korea (ROK; South Korea) government also rejected the very notion of empirical research of North Korea, which it did not recognize as a separate state. That did not change significantly until South Korea turned from military dictatorship toward democracy in 1987. Today, more than thirty years after the democratization of the ROK, the situation on the Korean peninsula has altered dramatically. Due in no small part to the aforementioned North Korean famine of 1995-1998, more than 30,000 former citizens of North Korea have resettled in South Korea, which has become a consolidated democracy.4 This has opened the door to academic research that looks at DPR Korea through the eyes of the defector-migrant North Korean population. 1 I wish to thank James E. Hoare and Christopher Richardson for their insightful comments on an early draft of this chapter. 2 Volumes of migrants moving around the Korean peninsula between 1945 and 1953 was, of course, of a completely different scale to anything that has been seen since, including during the “Arduous March” famine of the 1990s. 3 This made it difficult, if not impossible, to ask politically sensitive questions to migrant North Koreans living in the South, a small number of people in any case, and a community that was always already viewed by the South Korean authorities with suspicion. 4 Defined as the peaceful transfer of power from ruling party to opposition and back. In South Korea, this means from conservative to liberal (in 1998) and back again (in 2008). Whilst the Pak Kŭnhye era unquestionably presented a challenge to democracy in South Korea, the political system itself was never under serious threat. 22 In this chapter, then, I look in detail at the development of North Korean studies, doing so in the context of peninsula social history. I investigate the history of the research environment for North Korean studies, appraise today’s infrastructure for North Korea research and education, examine different approaches to the study of North Korea both today and in the past, and review the history of the scholars who wrote past studies. I discuss research in these areas in the round, but end by focusing attention on the research method used in this thesis; that is, surveys and interviews with resettled North Koreans living in South Korea. Our goal is to reveal the contours of the North Korean studies field, specifically its unique set of theoretical and methodological preoccupations and core questions, and thus to reveal also the positionality, value, and policy-relevance of this research. The literature reviewed in this chapter is in two languages, Korean and English.5 To be included, a text must have as its main theme some aspect or element of DPR Korea – its society, daily life, history, politics, education, military, and so forth. I do not review literature in Russian, Chinese, 5 There is a substantial volume of empirical research on North Korea published in languages other than Korean and English. The Cold War saw insightful works in Russian, a reflection of North Korea’s post-war status as an ally of the USSR. There is also much to be found in the archives and university libraries of Eastern Europe, such as the materials that have made their presence felt in works in English by Charles Armstrong and Balazs Salontai in recent years. (I note without additional comment Salontai’s well-evidenced and thus credible accusation of plagiarism against Armstrong in 2015.) Archives and private collections from around the world also inform the outputs of the Woodrow Wilson Center NKIDP, or North Korea International Documentation Project. There is a body of Korean-language research by Chosŏnjok (ethnic Korean) scholars based at Yanbian University in Yŏn'gil (Yanji), PRC, some of which is published in Korean by South Korean journals, in addition to the works of Han Chinese scholars. Many of these non-Anglophone scholarly communities have unique research vantage points, and obvious advantages over European and North American scholars in terms of access to North Korea. This makes it doubly unfortunate that there remains little collaboration between the traditions of the former USSR and its satellites, modern Chinese academia, and the western side of the old Iron Curtain. Partly this is down to historical political legacy -- most Eastern European and Soviet scholars used to focus on Korean literature and culture rather than politics, resulting in fewer areas of scholarly overlap – but that hardly accounts for the gulf that exists between the various groups. Efforts to connect scholarly communities have been made in recent decades. The Association of Korean Studies in Europe (AKSE) began to reach out to East European and Soviet scholars in the 1980s. There are scholars writing in English and Korean from the former Soviet Union (Andrei Lankov, Alexandre Mansourov, Dima Mironenko, etc.), young Russians such as Kayla Iacovino, a volcanologist now working with the US Geological Survey, Natalia Kim of the National Research University School of Higher Economics in Moscow, and Fyodor Tertitskiy, a graduate of the Department of Sociology at Sŏul National University. There are also Russian- speaking South Koreans such as Lee Chisu of Myŏngji University in Sŏul, and Russian-speaking Americans such as Anthony Rinna, with whom I collaborate on the digital periodical Sino-NK. There is an annual forum held at Yŏnbyŏn University in Korean and Chinese, though organizers tend not to include scholars from beyond East Asia, and events hosted by the Consulate-General of the United States in Shenyang, which take place primarily in English. 23 or any other language, although naturally some of the authors do of course hail – and draw on scholarly traditions and literatures – from elsewhere. I have tried where possible to cite the temporal and geographical locations in which individual scholars grew up. Where that information is available, I stipulate when and where each individual was born, and the period in which he or she came of age, meaning reached the age of 18. In doing so, I draw on the concept of “social generations”.6 It was the war of 1950-53 that gave the Korean peninsula its debut on the stage of world history, but the early 20th century in all of Asia was tumultuous, and few were un- or even just mildly affected by it.7 As such, the personal circumstances of a scholar from that region can be expected to inform his or her views in adulthood of North and South Korea as an object of research, which makes the background of the author useful (though not deterministically so) information for the reader. With that in mind, I have sought to include a small amount of demographic information on key scholars. This chapter is divided up into two main categories: (I) Place and Structure; and (II) People and Publications. The Place and Structure category is about the history of the research environment for North Korean studies as a subject both globally and in South Korean tertiary education; in the latter case as a case study in weakness. The People and Publications category is sub-divided into three generational blocks: (i) Those scholars first active in the research arena in the early and middle Cold War era; (ii) Those first active in the late Cold War and early 1990s; and (iii) Those 6 It is useful to appreciate where ethnically Korean scholars are situated in the historical development of the Korean peninsula. Mannheim posits that a group of people born in the same year or consecutive series of years in each region will share a common frame of social reference, and that this will in turn shape that generation’s attitudes and beliefs. Mannheim’s supposition is that the period between ages 18-25 is particularly critical in forming the political and social opinions of a specific demographic, and that views formed in the 18-25 period are particularly likely to be carried through life. Thus, one’s positionality vis-a-vis North Korea during that critical formative period has an impact on outputs, and social generation is a legitimate variable to include in any assessment of the scholarship of an individual. It is not the only grounds upon which one could reasonably structure an analysis of difference within the field, but it is a reasonable one. For more, see: Karl Mannheim, “The Problem of Generations,” in Karl Mannheim: Essays, ed. Paul Keeskemeti (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 1952, republished 1972), 276-322. 7 The comment about the Korean War and its place in world history stems from a private discussion with Prof. Ra Chongil (Ra Jong-yil) in Sŏul in April 2018. The remainder is derived from Eric Hobsbawm, The Age of Extremes: 1914-1991 (London: Little Brown, 1994), 2-5.
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