Explaining the Persistence and Change of Neopatrimonialism in Indonesia
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Discussing Neopatrimonialism and Patronal Presidentialism in the Central Asian Context
DISCUSSING NEOPATRIMONIALISM AND PATRONAL PRESIDENTIALISM IN THE CENTRAL ASIAN CONTEXT MARLENE LARUELLE RESEARCH PROFESSOR OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY Abstract: This article first introduces the recent theoretical advances achieved through the concept of neopatrimonalism. Next, it links neopatrimonialism to the concept of patronal presidentialism, which has been used in the Eurasian space. It then analyzes the societal and economic mechanisms of these patronal regimes, deconstructs the links between patronage and “clan politics,” and insists on the hybrid character of the norms and legitimacies of these regimes, thereby asserting that there is room for change and innovation. It concludes by discussing the cumulative knowledge offered by this special issue examining Central Asia. The concept of patrimonialism is both multidimensional and multi- disciplinary. Its origins lie in Max Weber’s sociology of domination and legitimacy, which defines three types of authority: traditional, charismatic, and legal-rational bureaucratic. According to Weber, institutions are the impersonal source of individual bonds in Western democracies, while the 301 302 Demokratizatsiya separation of public and private does not exist in ancient or medieval patri- monial societies.1 In the 1960s, African independence revived debates on “modern patrimonialism” and the personal rule that seemed to define many sub-Saharan African regimes.2 In 1973, following the work of Guenther Roth on “modern patrimonialism,” Shmuel Eisenstadt proposed to employ the prefix neo- in order to dissociate a patrimonialism based on the tradi- tional legitimacies from contemporary regimes that rely on more diverse mechanisms of legitimation, for example, taking into account the influence of external actors and a more binding international legal system.3 Although this addition makes sense at the empirical level, it has remained contro- versial because the border between “traditional” and “modern” is slippery. -
Democracy in Indonesia
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 1994-06 Democracy in Indonesia Kusmayati, Anne Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/28094 DUDLEY KNOX LIBRARY NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY CA 93943-5101 Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. Democracy In Indonesia by Anne JKusmayati Civilian Staff, Indonesian Department of Defense Engineering in Community Nutrition and Family Resources, Bogor Agricultural University, 1983. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE IN INTERNATIONAL RESOURCE PLANNING AND MANAGEMENT from the NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL June, 1994 David R. Wfiipple, Jr.,j£hairman REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204. Arlington. VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave blank) 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED June 1994. Master's Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5. FUNDING NUMBERS DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA 6. AUTHOR(S): Anne Kusmayati 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) PERFORMING Naval Postgraduate School ORGANIZATION Monterey CA 93943-5000 REPORT NUMBER SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. -
Trade and Crisis in the Making of Political Institutions
GLOBALIZATION AND STATE DEVELOPMENT: TRADE AND CRISIS IN THE MAKING OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Don R. Leonard January, 2014 © 2014 Don R. Leonard GLOBALIZATION AND STATE DEVELOPMENT: TRADE AND CRISIS IN THE MAKING OF POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS Don R. Leonard, Ph. D. Cornell University 2014 Political institutions have been shown to play a key role in determining economic outcomes. Where do these institutions come from, and how do they change over time? Examining the puzzle of institutional divergence on the island of Hispaniola, this dissertation identifies conditions under which international economic crises lead to the emergence of a developmental state. Haiti adjusted to the global economic crisis of the 1930s through rent-seeking policies that reinforced existing patterns of state predation and economic decay. Why, despite many similarities with Haiti including geography, regime type, and agro-export dependency, did the Dominican Republic pursue developmentalist policies of import substitution when adjusting to the same crisis— policies that transformed the economic purpose of state institutions and culminated in the fastest growing economy in Latin America over the second half of the twentieth century? Among non-industrialized countries I find that the costs of a prolonged foreign exchange crisis, and the import scarcities that ensue, are borne disproportionately by the middle classes. I also find that the ability of markets in non-industrialized countries to replace foreign imports with domestically produced substitutes is constrained by investment coordination problems. -
Embedded Neopatrimonialism: Patriarchy and Democracy in Turkey
Social Politics 2017 Volume 24 Number 3 Embedded Neopatrimonialism: Patriarchy and Democracy in Turkey Meral Ugur-Cinar* This article argues that patriarchal discourses can play a legitimizing role for the undemocratic elements of regimes. It focuses on neopatrimonial regimes in con- temporary politics, which create impediments to democracy. Showing neopatri- monialism’s link to patriarchal discourses, the study highlights the need to situate neopatrimonialism beyond its dominant contemporary usage as material ex- change between the ruler and the ruled for political support. The Turkish case is analyzed to show how neopatrimonial acts of politicians are justified with a patri- archal discourse that is paternalistic and serves to reinforce personalistic rule, de- legitimize opposition, and suppress pluralism. Introduction Yet another routine day in Turkish politics: “You cannot bring women and men to equal conditions,” President Erdogan stated, “it is against their na- ture.” This statement, ironically made at the Women and Justice Summit (CNN Turk 2014B), echoes his previous statements (for similar statements see: Bianet 2014; Hogg and Pamuk 2014; Steinvorth 2012). Nor is Erdogan alone. For example, one of the co-founders of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi—AKP), Bu¨lent Arınc¸, has argued that a woman “should not laugh loudly in front of all the world and should preserve her decency at all times” (The Guardian 2014). Such statements broadly represent the governing mentality in Turkish poli- tics. According to the Gender Gap Index, Turkey ranks 130th out of 144 coun- tries (World Economic Forum 2016). The literature on Turkey has shown how the status of women has been negatively impacted by the joint trends of conservatism and neoliberalism under AKP rule (Cosar and Yegenoglu, 2011), which exposes women to market insecurities and reinforces their domestic roles (Bugra 2014; Yılmaz S¸ener 2016). -
General Nasution Brig.Jen Sarwo Edhie Let.Gen Kemal Idris Gen
30 General Nasution Brig.Jen Sarwo Edhie Let.Gen Kemal Idris Gen Simatupang Lt Gen Mokoginta Brig Jen Sukendro Let.Gen Mokoginta Ruslan Abdulgani Mhd Roem Hairi Hadi, Laksamana Poegoeh, Agus Sudono Harry Tjan Hardi SH Letjen Djatikusumo Maj.Gen Sutjipto KH Musto'in Ramly Maj Gen Muskita Maj Gen Alamsyah Let Gen Sarbini TD Hafas Sajuti Melik Haji Princen Hugeng Imam Santoso Hairi Hadi, Laksamana Poegoeh Subchan Liem Bian Kie Suripto Mhd Roem Maj.Gen Wijono Yassien Ron Hatley 30 General Nasution (24-7-73) Nasution (N) first suggested a return to the 1945 constitution in 1955 during the Pemilu. When Subandrio went to China in 1965, Nasution suggested that if China really wanted to help Indonesia, she should cut off supplies to Hongkong. According to Nasution, BK was serious about Maphilindo but Aidit convinced him that he was a world leader, not just a regional leader. In 1960 BK became head of Peperti which made him very influential in the AD with authority over the regional commanders. In 1962 N was replaced by Yani. According to the original concept, N would become Menteri Hankam/Panglima ABRI. However Omar Dhani wrote a letter to BK (probably proposed by Subandrio or BK himself). Sukarno (chief of police) supported Omar Dhani secara besar). Only Martadinata defended to original plan while Yani was 'plin-plan'. Meanwhile Nasution had proposed Gatot Subroto as the new Kasad but BK rejected this because he felt that he could not menguasai Gatot. Nas then proposed the two Let.Gens. - Djatikusuma and Hidayat but they were rejected by BK. -
INDO 33 0 1107016894 89 121.Pdf (1.388Mb)
PATTERNS OF MILITARY CONTROL IN THE INDONESIAN HIGHER CENTRAL BUREAUCRACY John A. MacDougall* Summary This article analyzes current military penetration of Indonesia's higher central government bureaucracy. Any civilian or military officeholder in this bureaucracy is referred to as a karyawan. The article focuses on the incumbent Cabinet and topmost echelon of civil service officials. Findings are based on public biographies of these persons and published specialized secondary sources on the Indonesian military. The principal conclusions follow below. The Higher Central Bureaucracy The Indonesian military has long played a "dual civil and military function." Military karyawan, active duty and retired officers in civilian assignments, comprise an increasingly visible, influential, and strategic segment of the dominant military faction, that of President Suharto and his 1945 Generation supporters. --The military karyawan in the higher central bureaucracy are especially critical actors in maintaining the Suharto regime. --Together with their civilian karyawan colleagues, virtually all of them wield decision-making powers of some considerable degree. --Some mix of military and civilian karyawan occurs in all Cabinet Departments except the Department of Defense and Security, now entirely military-controlled. --The Indonesian armed forces' doctrinal commitment to preventing civilian con trol of the military has resulted in the Department of Defense and Security be coming effectively equivalent to the consolidated armed forces' staff and command structure. Extent of Military Penetration Active and retired military karyawan now occupy half the positions in the Indo nesian higher central bureaucracy. --At the highest levels, military penetration remains near complete (the President and his principal immediate aides) or has increased (Coordinating Ministers) over the course of the New Order regime (1966 to the present). -
Rethinking Patrimonialism and Neopatrimonialism in Africa Anne Pitcher, Mary H
Rethinking Patrimonialism and Neopatrimonialism in Africa Anne Pitcher, Mary H. Moran, and Michael Johnston Abstract: Current usages of the terms patrimonial and neopatrimonial in the context of Africa are conceptually problematical and amount to a serious misreading of Weber. His use of the term patrimonial delineated a legitimate type of authority, not a type of regime, and included notions of reciprocity and voluntary compliance between rulers and the ruled. Those reciprocities enabled subjects to check the actions of rulers, which most analyses of (neo) patrimonialism overlook. We apply these insights to a case study of Botswana and suggest that scholars reconsider the application of Weber's concepts to African states. Introduction Is "neopatrimonialism" a pathology, analogy, cause, effect—or a term for all of Africa's troubles? How is it linked to Weber's notion of patrimonial authority, and what parts of it, precisely, are "neo"? Is it an attribute of most African states only, or are its causes and consequences generalizable to other countries and regions of the world? Indeed, given its myriad uses by scholars, does the term neopatrimonialism retain any analytical utility at all? We argue that the answer to that last question is "yes"—but that the mean- ing and its implications can be surprising. African Studies Review, Volume 52, Number 1 (April 2009), pp. 125-56 Anne Pitcher is a professor of political science at Colgate University and has studied politics in southern Africa for more than twenty years. She is currently complet- ing a manuscript that examines the interaction of party politics and economic reform in Mozambique, Zambia, and South Africa. -
Neopatrimonialism Revisited – Beyond a Catch-All Concept
GIGA Research Program: Legitimacy and Efficiency of Political Systems ___________________________ Neopatrimonialism Revisited – Beyond a Catch-All Concept Gero Erdmann and Ulf Engel N° 16 February 2006 www.giga-hamburg.de/workingpapers GIGA-WP-16/2006 GIGA Working Papers Edited by GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies (Hamburg). The Working Paper Series serves to disseminate the research results of work in progress prior to publication to encourage the exchange of ideas and academic debate. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presentations are less than fully polished. Inclusion of a paper in the Working Paper Series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue. Copyright remains with the authors. When Working Papers are eventually accepted by or published in a journal or book, the correct citation reference and, if possible, the corresponding link will then be included in the Working Papers website at: http://www.giga-hamburg.de/workingpapers. GIGA research unit responsible for this issue: Research Program “Legitimacy and Effi- ciency of Political Systems”. Editor of the GIGA Working Paper Series: Bert Hoffmann <[email protected]> Copyright for this issue: © Gero Erdmann and Ulf Engel Editorial assistant and production: Silvia Bücke/Verena Kohler All GIGA Working Papers are available online and free of charge at the website: www.giga-hamburg.de/workingpapers. Working Papers can also be ordered in print. For production and mailing a cover fee -
The Existence of the State Minister in the Government System After the Amendment to the 1945 Constitution
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 25, Issue 5, Series. 1 (May. 2020) 51-78 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org The Existence of the State Minister in the Government System after the Amendment to the 1945 Constitution ParbuntianSinaga Doctor of Law, UniversitasKrisnadwipayana Jakarta Po Box 7774 Jat Cm Jakarta 13077, Indonesia Abstract: Constitutionally, the existence of ministers called cabinet or council of ministers in a presidential government system is an inseparable part of the executive power held by the President. The 1945 Constitution after the amendment, that the presence of state ministers as constitutional organs is part of the power of the President in running the government. This study aims to provide ideas about separate arrangements between state ministries placed separately in Chapter V Article 17 to Chapter III of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia concerning the authority of the state government or the power of the President, and also regarding the formation, amendment and dissolution of the ministries regulated in legislation. This study uses a normative juridical research approach. The results of the study show that the Minister of State is the President's assistant who is appointed and dismissed to be in charge of certain affairs in the government, which actually runs the government, and is responsible to the President. The governmental affairs referred to are regulated in Law No. 39 of 2008 concerning the State Ministry, consisting of: government affairs whose nomenclature is mentioned in the 1945 NRI Constitution, government affairs whose scope is mentioned in the 1945 NRI Constitution, and government affairs in the context of sharpening, coordinating, and synchronizing government programs. -
Cameroon's Neopatrimonial Dilemma
Research Collection Working Paper Cameroon's neopatrimonial dilemma Author(s): Gabriel, Jürg Martin Publication Date: 1998 Permanent Link: https://doi.org/10.3929/ethz-a-001990933 Rights / License: In Copyright - Non-Commercial Use Permitted This page was generated automatically upon download from the ETH Zurich Research Collection. For more information please consult the Terms of use. ETH Library Jürg Martin Gabriel Cameroon's Neopatrimonial Dilemma Beiträge Nr. 20 / August 1999 2., erweiterte Auflage Forschungsstelle für Internationale Beziehungen Eidgenössische Technische Hochschule Zürich Table of Contents Introduction....................................................................................................................... 1 1. Politics ................................................................................................................................ 3 2. Economics ........................................................................................................................ 12 3. Public Administration..................................................................................................... 17 4. Neopatrimonialism and Cameroon................................................................................ 22 About the Author Jürg Martin Gabriel is currently Professor of International Relations at the Swiss Federal Insti- tute of Technology (Center for International Studies, CIS) in Zurich, Switzerland. He was previously a Professor of International Relations at the University of St. Gallen, -
THE NEW ORDER and the ECONOMY J. Panglaykim and K. D
THE NEW ORDER AND THE ECONOMY J. Panglaykim and K. D. Thomas It is rather ironic to recall President Sukarno’s "banting stir" speech of April 11, 1965. Just one year and a day after that speech, the Sultan of Jogjakarta, Presidium member for economic and financial affairs outlined the economic policy of the "perfected" Dwikora cabinet, which was formed as a result of the first major cabinet reshuffle after the abortive coup. In it, the Sultan envisaged a substantial "turn of the wheel", but it was a "banting stir" in a direction not intended by the President the previous year when he had concentrated his attacks on foreign capital and private entrepreneurs. In the months that followed the Sultan’s speech, there was a vigorous debate among the nation’s intellectuals on the content of In donesian socialism in the new era and the way in which the "just and prosperous society" so dear to the President1 was to be attained. Prominent in the debates were several groups of intellec tuals scattered throughout the capital city: some affiliated to political parties, others in such organizations as the In tellectuals’ Action Group (KASI). Membership in the various groups is not mutually exclusive. It is possible for a per son to belong to a political party and also to be an active participant in several formal and informal groups interested in discussing economic problems and taking steps to influence the government. So a program issued under the name of a par ticular organization cannot be regarded as the brain-child of that group alone. -
H. Bachtiar Bureaucracy and Nation Formation in Indonesia In
H. Bachtiar Bureaucracy and nation formation in Indonesia In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 128 (1972), no: 4, Leiden, 430-446 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 09:13:37AM via free access BUREAUCRACY AND NATION FORMATION IN INDONESIA* ^^^tudents of society engaged in the study of the 'new states' in V J Asia and Africa have often observed, not infrequently with a note of dismay, tihe seeming omnipresence of the government bureau- cracy in these newly independent states. In Indonesia, for example, the range of activities of government functionaries, the pegawai negeri in local parlance, seems to be un- limited. There are, first of all and certainly most obvious, the large number of people occupying official positions in the various ministries located in the captital city of Djakarta, ranging in each ministry from the authoritative Secretary General to the nearly powerless floor sweepers. There are the territorial administrative authorities, all under the Minister of Interna! Affairs, from provincial Governors down to the village chiefs who are electecl by their fellow villagers but who after their election receive their official appointments from the Govern- ment through their superiors in the administrative hierarchy. These territorial administrative authorities constitute the civil service who are frequently idenitified as memibers of the government bureaucracy par excellence. There are, furthermore, as in many another country, the members of the judiciary, personnel of the medical service, diplomats and consular officials of the foreign service, taxation officials, technicians engaged in the construction and maintenance of public works, employees of state enterprises, research •scientists, and a great number of instruc- tors, ranging from teachers of Kindergarten schools to university professors at the innumerable institutions of education operated by the Government in the service of the youthful sectors of the population.