137 138

Gamma Bonding and Contraction in comparative study of the Tsimshian . Uvular 1. LARYNGEALIZATION AND PHARYNGEALIZATION OF VOWELS IN John A. Dunn R. A. Hays CnVX SYLLABLES. Vowels preceding glottalized segments, University of Oklahoma whether uvular or other, often assimilate a laryngeal o. Tsimshian syllables containing glottalized and constriction and become creaky. But they may be more plain uvulars exhibit a number of interesting and than just creaky: they may also be rearticulated. This puzzling properties. Peaks and other elements rearticulation of laryngealized vowels can be quite may become pharyngealized or laryngealized. At the pronounced or so slight as to be barely noticeable. same time the uvulars degrade or decay thru a series of Boas referred to this phenomenon as a parasitic vowel weakening steps that lead to their ultimate effacement (Boas 1912:68 ). His orthographic convention for the or contraction with adjacent segments. Recent work in rearticulation was a superscript zero: VO. Stanley natural and theoretical phonology provides a set of Newman (personal communication) feels that it is more heurestic principles that allows for the interrelation important to use an orthographic convention that makes of the variants of uvular explicit the laryngealization since it is the primary lexical items; these principles thus suggest logically characteristic distinguishing these from other syllabic prior forms that might have cognitive and/or historical peaks: V.. The convention Dunn has used (following significance. Parts 1 thru 6 deal with uvulars in Rigsby and Hindle (1973)) in both his broad (systematic syllable final position. Part 3 in particular posits phonetic) and practical orthographies has been Vowel + scale additions for both consonants and vowels to + Vowel: V'V or V?V. In this way he has Foley's gamma (bonding) parameter (Foley 1977:39-43). attempted to explicitly picture both the laryngealiza­ Part 6 discusses the possibility of the compensatory tion and the rearticulation. He has also referred to laryngealization of non-uvular consonants in syllable these vowels as interrupted. Discussion of the initial position. Parts 7 and 8 describe the contrac­ phonological properties of syllables involving tion and effacement of uvulars occurring in consonant laryngealized, rearticulated vowels is, however, clusters. The conclusion includes a discussion of the greatly facilitated and simplified by the use of implications of all these phenomena for the historical Newman's convention. Accordingly, in this paper

1 2 139

laryngealized vowels with varying degrees of rearticu- laGaX-?algYaX ~ la:X?algYaX a dying person , , lation will be represented simply as apostrophe-vowel, loG-m-ta: ~ lo:mta: sit near. , V, with the intention that this cursive symbol will 2. THE DECAY OF CnVX SYLLABLES. But a closer look at represent the feature complex: +sYllabic I lexical variants (dialect and other) indicates that the l-consonantal laryngeal constriction regressive assimilation plus effacement model is woe­ length I Irearticulation . fully inadequate and that something much more complex

This discussion will ignore the phonetic facts that is involved:

'I t I laryngeal constriction, length, and rearticulation ha:q ~ haq ~ ha?X ~ haX ~ ha represent gradual oppositions and that variation in early; robin these features can even alter syllable structures. (Note: H represents a centralizing vocoid offglide) , A superficial survey of the variation patterns for na:q ~ na:?Ga ~ naX ~ na dress; skirt 's' 's' Tsimshian words containing laryngealized vowels tSaX ~ tSaqh ~ t aG ~ t a clam , suggests that laryngealization in Tsimshian closely ne:q ~ neq ~ neiX anal and dorsal fins parallels the phenomenon (observed in French and other b~X ~ b~HX ~ beHX tear up , languages) of vowel nasalization by regressive assimi- waAX ~ wa bury lation and subsequent nasal effacement: dZoHX ~ dZoX be ashamed.

VN \+N tJ First of all, the laryngeal feature has not been , VC VC V assimilated from the : it has rather , , , ha:q ~ haX '" ha goose been removed from the uvular consonant and placed on na:q n~ na dress, skirt the vowel in a "feature metathesis." Furthermore, once , '" , '" loq ~ loX eel. this laryngeal feature has been removed, the uvular is

In similar fashion vowels before plain voiced not simply effaced but rather degrades thru a series of uvulars may become pharyngealized as the uvular is stages, as e.g., X effaced: This gradual degradation is also evident in uvulars

VG VG V that never were laryngealized but that cause vowels to , , Xso:G-m-laXa-yens '" xso:mlaXayens killing frost take on a pharyngeal constriction:

3 4 141 142 . Xso:GmlaXayens ~ Xso~m- • . . ~ Xso:m- . 83 84 81 82 y3 Foley's scales killing frost; strong North wind at the yl y2 h . attested Tsimshian SIS ... ~ G ... q ... X ... ?X ... q beginning of winter ... variants

laGaX?algYaX ~ la~aX- •.• ~ la:X .•. Figure 1. Tsimshian uvular attrition. a dying person, lit. "talks in both (houses)" . . . yl y2 y3 Foley's scale loGmta: ~ lo~mta: ~ lo:mta: sit near. . attested Tsimshian V ... VV ... VH ... V: ... V 3. BONDING, UNBONDING, AND CONTRACTION. These stages variants

of decay coincide precisely with Foley's bonding (y) Figure 2. Tsimshian syllabic peak variation.

and (8) parameter strength value scales If X is a bonding/contraction/coalescence of q and h, (Foley 1977:33ff,39-43): and if V is a bonding of .V and H, then it follows from yl y3 the Tsimshian data that q is a bonding of ?and X and

kh x that V is a bonding of ? and V. Therefore, in this ai e analysis we have added a fourth strength level to

Foley's gamma parameter (See Figure 3). 81 82 83 84 voiced voiced voiceless aspirates and spirants stops stops voiceless weakening ->- effacement spirants. y4 y3 y2 yl The bonding (y) parameter indicates the degree of h q (?)X q q,G,~,h SIS strength with which phonetic elements are bound to­ . V v(?) VH VV V gether. Thus an x is a very tightly bound kh which is Figure 3. Laryngealization as y4 bonding. in turn a coalescence of k+h. The lenition (8) para- The processes that move the q to its effacement thus meter represents the weakened reflexes of aspirates and are not simply regressive assimilation and apocope as voiceless spirants. Figure 1 shows the attested in French nasal effacement. They are rather an intri- uvular variants in Tsimshian in relation to these cate series of natural unbonding and compensatory re- hypothetical scales. Figure 2 shows the attested bonding (contraction, coalescence) adjustments that syllable peak variants in Tsimshian in relation to the intergrade the attrition of the uvular consonant and bonding scale. of the syllabic peak in a large number of attested

6 143 lh4 combinations. 4. THE WEAKENING RULES.

Foley's beta and gamma parameters and his natural Rule 1. Apocope. inertial development hypothesis provide a principled, v q a U 124 1 2 3 4 a priori, heuristic device for positing logically and/ na:?a '" na:q dress or historically antecedent forms for a number of w • poor «*g e:qa) Tsimshian lexica. His inertial development principle Rule 2. Unbonding of a glottalized uvular. (Foley 1977:107ff,143) states that weakened sounds will tend to weaken further. We do not claim that the ~ i + 1 ? !-lary~gea12constriction! +cont~nuant Tsimshian data support Foley's theories but rather that . haq '" ha?X goose these theories make certain claims about the phonologi- . na:q '" na:?Ga dress cal and historical structure of Tsimshian. In this Rule 3. Compensatory vowel bonding. paper we have confined ourselves to this principled analysis/reconstruction of some Tsimshian lexica with ~ ; ~ + Ilaryngeallconstriction! 3 length (base final) vowel + uvular. Other consonants both The laryngeal constriction and length features repre- glottalized and plain exhibit parallel attrition and sent gradual rather than privative oppositions. There­ identical effects on adjacent syllable peaks. We will fore rules 3.1 and 3.2 describe the derivation of the extend this analysis to other lexica in a subsequent two extreme opposite cases in a continuum of possible paper. The heuristic device, i.e., the rules posited acoustic objects. for Tsimshian, is contained with data support in Rule 3.1 Vowel-laryngeal contraction. section 4. The posited prior forms and their weakening derivations for the selected Tsimshian lexica are ~ ; ~ + !+laryngeallconstriction! 3 +long presented in section 5. In both sections the asterisk Rule 3.2 Glottal stop syncope. indicates forms not attested in the data but posited by V ? X 1 3 the rules. 1 2 3 . ha?X '" haX . goose na:?Ga '" naX dress

7 8 145

for by these rules) Rule 4.1 Long vowel unbonding (type 1). dZoHX ~ dZoHqh be ashamed

V: liksoHX ~ liks~aqh doorway 1 I-l~ngl H meHX ~ meHqh Eine nut Ga:X ~ GaHX raven; black bass 's h tSax ~ t aq clam Xe:X ~ XeHX foam , h ya:X ~ ya:q eat likso:X ~ liksoHX doorway Rule 7. Aspirate uvular unbonding with subsequent be:X ~ beHX tear up syncope and voicing lenition. ha-Xbe:Xs(k) ~ ha-XbeHXskh hand saw qh + qh + {G,h}, i.e., This type of unbonding (y3+y2) occurs in vowels that Rule 7. 1 qh + I 1 I h have no laryngeal constriction. If the vowel has 1 -aspirate laryngeal constriction, then the unbonding is to a Rule 7.2 q h + {1,2} 1 2 rearticulated vowel sequence (y3+yl): Rule 7.3 q + G Rule 4.2 Long vowel unbonding (type 2). Since the unaspirate voiceless stop is not represented v + I 1 I a 1 -long in the data, Rules 7.4 and 7.5 will be sufficient in , so:q ~ soaX early; robin this analysis. , be:X ~ beHX ~ beaX tear uE Rule 7.4 qh G • h likso:X ~ liksoHX ~ liksoaq doorway Rule 7.5 qh h , h Rule 5. Offglide effacement. liksoaq ~ likso:G doorwa~

V H + 1 1 2

be ashamed suffer (Elural agreement form) Rule 6. Uvular spirant unbonding. ~ax~a~skh (~*~aqh~a~Skh) ~ ~ah~a;~skh X + qh , h stubborn; disobey soaX ~ soeq early; robin (Note: the

change in vowel quality is not accounted

10

9 , , Rule 8. Lenition and contraction of the voiced 2. *na:qa +1+ na:q +2,3.1+ naX +6,7,9+ na (k) (k) (hb,k,pr) uvular. VG va + v, i.e., l +2,6,7.4+ na:?Ga dress; skirt Rule 8.1 V G I+syllabicl (pr) 1 2 3 3. ne:q +4.1,5+ neq anal and dorsal fins Rule 8.2 y a I +syllabic I + I 1 I l(hb) (m) 1 2 3 long , +2,3.1,4.2,vowel adjustment+ neiX (hb) See examples in section 2 above.

Rule 9. Effacement of laryngeal glides and voiced 4. *tSa~ +2,3.2+ tSax +6+ tSaqh clam (hb) (hb,k,m) uvular stops. l +2,3.1,6,7.4+ tS~G +9+ tS~ {G,h} + ¢ (pr) (m) , 5. *wa:q +2,3.1,4.2,vowel adjustment+ waax stubborn, disobey (pr) I yeHh ~ ye:h ~ ye: spring salmon dig; bury wa +9,7,6+) , (pr) na:?Ga ~ na dress; skirt , tS~G ~ tS~ clam 6. *so:q +2,3.2,6,7.4+ so:G early; robin 5. POSITED DERIVATIONS FOR smm LEXICA. (Note: in the Il (m,pr) +2,3.1,4.,2+ s~ax +6,vowel adjustment+ soeqh following derivations letters in parentheses under each l (k,m) (m) lexical variant indicate the place where that item was +4.1+ soHq (k,m) collected as either Hartley Bay (hb), Kitkatla (k), New , , Metlakatla (m), or Prince Rupert (pr». 7. *?ayaqas +2,3.1,6,7.4+ ?ayaGas a good hunter , , , , (k) l. ha:q +4.1, 5+ haq +2+ ha?X +3.1+ haX +6,7,9+ ha (k) (k) (hb) (hb) (k) , , I , 8. *be:q +2,3.1,4.2+ beaX tear up -+2,3.1+ haX goose (k,m,pr) (k) l +2,3.2+ be:X +4.1+ beHX (hb) (k,m,pr)

8.1 *be:~-kh +2,3.2,4.1+ beHX-kh tear bark from a (k,m,pr) cedar tree

11 12 150

, , 9. *dzo:X +4.1+ dZoHX +5+ dZoX be ashamed 18. *~aq +2,3.1+ laX bite I (k,pr) (hb) (pr) l+6+ dZoHqh (k,pr) 19. *me:X +4.1+ meHX +6+ meHqh pine nut (k) (pr) 10. Ga:X +4.1+ GaHX raven; black bass (hb,k,pr) (k) 19.1 maX-me:X +4.1,6,7,9+ maX-meH grouse (hb) (pr) II. ha-Xbe:Xs +4.1+ ha-XbeHXs-kh hand saw (m) (hb) 20. 's +4.1+ ' s Note: the rules do Rot account for the t o:x-s t oHX-s hard soles of leS9:ins s variation in the -k (k,m) (hb) (Note: from tSo:x salmon belly) , h 12. ya:X +6+ ya:q eat (Elural asreement form) (hb) (k) (k) 21. *Xe:X +4.1+ XeHX foam (k) 13. ya:wX-kh +4.1,5+ yawx-kh eat (k) l(pr) 21.1 *Xe:X-s +4.1+ XeHX-s cry; weep (pr) +4.1, w elision+ yaHX-k (k) 6. LARYNGEAL BONDING IN SYLLABLE INITIAL CONSONANTS.

14.*ha-ya:wX-kh +4.1,5+ ha-yawx-kh Derivations 12, 13, and 14 above suggest the possibili­ I (k,m) ty that the laryngeal constriction mark not only moves l+4.1, w elision+ h ha-yaHx-k leftward from the syllable coda to the syllable peak, (k) but that it may move even farther leftward from the 15. *he:Xl +4.1+ heHXl Eersevere peak to the syllable onset: (m,pr) , . . 16. loq +2,3.1+ l~X eel CVC + CV?C + CVC CVC (hb) (k,m) *ya:wq.. + *ya:q + *ya:?X + *yax. + *y?a:X ya:X. ~ *ya:wq-k+*ya:q-k+*ya:?X-k+*ya:X-k. . 17. *lik-so:q. +2,3.2+ lik-so:X +6,7.4+ lik-so:G ~ h eat l(pr) Cpr) yaHX-k +4.1+ lik-soHX Claims about syllable structure (Hooper 1972; Venne- (k) I . h man 1972 and cit. apud Hooper 1976; see also Jesperson l+2,3.1,4.2,6+ lik-soaq doorway (m) cit. apud Halmberg 1963, Saussure 1915, and Jakobson It;l 152

and Halle 1956), namely that the syllable onset is dZi:wkwsa ~ tSi:wkwsa bail water out of a canoe (m,pr) (m) strong in relation to the peak and coda, have as a dZo:ks ~ tSo:ks drain the water off of corollary (for Tsimshian) the possiblity that the (m,pr) (m,pr) laryngeal bonding of the syllable onset is phonetically buy ~ ~Uy-Ikh get out of the way (k,m,pr) (k,m,pr) motivated. This possibility gives some substance to , gabala:s ~ gapila:s mosquito larvae and pupae Dunn's impression that Tsimshian laryngealization might (k) (hb) better be described as a prosodic feature at least at We also find that this idea is useful in explaining the phonetic level. Many of the examples cited here certain kinds of consonant cluster simplification dis- tend to be produced with laryngeal constriction thru- cussed in part 8 below. out; it is only that the constriction is more notice- 7. UVULAR EFFACEMENT IN CONSONANT CLUSTERS. The able first in one part of the syllable, then in voiceless uvular is often effaced when it another. The laryngeal bonding of syllable onsets can occurs in clusters. In some cases these clusters account for an enormous amount of lexical variation in cross syllable boundaries ($); in such cases rules 6,7,

Tsimshian: 8, and 9 adequately account for the effacement:

dzis tV tSi grandmother (address form) aX$miHlkh ~ a$miHlkh mask; disguise; effigy (pr) (pr) (k,m,) (k,m,pr)

dZa~esth ~ tSawes salal When the cluster is contained within syllable bound- (k,m) (hb) , aries, it most often involves an ess or barred-el: bu~skh ~ PUn?akS '0 pu:naks (hb) (k,pr) (m) le~axskh ~ l~yaskh climb , , (hb) (pr) beaX '0 peHG-l tear up '0 tear out and turn over 's (k,m,pr) (k,m,pr) t ±ksna:Xs ~ tSaksnaHs bracelet • s , z (hb) (k) Gat al ~ qad al swallow (k) (pr) lik$Xso:kh '0 lik$so:X doorwa;,;: (pr) (pr) It can also provide a principled basis for the recon- , sGaniHs '0 sxa~i:sth ~ sa~i:sth mountain st"ruction of prior forms for an even larger number of (m) (k) (k) lexica: ?aXlkh ~ -?alkh (in ?aX?alkh) arrive (note: the (k,m,) (m) dZabaH 'V tS:i:ba: run a short distance (m,prJ (pr) reduplicated form is a plural agreement inflection)

15 16 153

h XswaX:l:a:s 'V xswa:l:a:sk huckleberry color t+s) : (hb) (hb,k,m) gWilXtu:s ~ gWiitu:s push (human patient) These variations stand in accordance with Foley's (k,m) (k,m) claim that contraction/effacement occurs in clusters liHdZXkh 'V liHskh count; read (hb,m,pr) (k) with high strength similarity more frequently than in gYistXaltmthkh 'V ?iksaldamthkh pattern; picture clusters with low strength similarity (similarity (m) (m,pr) condition for contraction: Foley 1977:20f,78f). X, s, Finally there are a few examples in which the left­ and :1:, all being voiceless , have the same most segment becomes glottalized when the X is effaced. y parameter value and the same S parameter value. Following the argument in section 6 above we have

In Dunn's data only three examples of complete X assumed that the X in these cases derives from a prior effacement occur in other types of clusters: q: , , medicine " h taXtXoHGn 'V taXtoHsk ,:!olden shiner; minnow <*tqo: (hb) (m) , h limXkoY 'V li:mkoY funeral son,:! ' , h ' , tXa:pnsk 'V taHpnsk nail (buildin,:! tool) <*tqa:p (k,m) (k,m) (pr) (m) 'I h I I h , , , taHpXnsk 'V taHpnsk nail (building tool) Xba:laX '" Xbala 'V Xbala south wind <*Xba:laq (hb) (m) (hb) (hb) (pr) , sh Even so, the third of these examples involves a humt aX , (m,pr) syllable boundary between the p and X.

8. UVULAR CONTRACTION IN CLUSTERS. We use the term 9. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION. We have assumed that contraction to refer to coalescence, i.e., where there uvulars in syllable final position and in consonant is some residual trace of the lost X. The contraction clusters are weak consonants, have weakened in the of X in Tsimshian consonant clusters is evidenced by past, and will continue to weaken (Foley's principle some kind of regressive compensation: of inertial development). This assumption allows us to posit a set of phonological rules and reconstructed I +segment I • 1 forms for several lexical items. This analysis and In some examples the leftmost segment takes on the these data have left us with a number of impressions. characteristics of a voiceless fricative (1+:1:, dZ+s, Glottalized uvulars are contractions/bondings of

17 18 155 156

glottal stops and voiceless spirant uvulars. Larynge- there is no significant correspondence whatsoever ali zed vowels are contractions of glottal stops and between the operation of specific rules and geographic vowels. Pharyngealized vowels are contractions of distribution. However we posit from these data a uvulars and vowels. Laryngeal unbonding (a form of conservative index (CI) for each of the local communi- weakening) of one segment, whether consonant or vowel, ties. The CI is figured by the formula, often results in a regressive compensatory rebonding , CI so that CVC and CV?C are stronger (more marked) than , , CVC which is in turn more marked than CVC. In other where s is the number of lexical variants that serve words the laryngeal feature is a mark associated with as sources for other variants, and where d is the strength and, if assigned to a weaker position in a number of lexical variants derived from prior forms syllable, will tend to relocate in stronger positions whether posited or attested. The higher the CI of a in that syllable. Consequently, at a systematic community the more closely its lexicon approaches phonetic level, laryngealization in Tsimshian might prior forms as defined by the rules developed in this better be described as a prosodic rather than segmental paper. The lower the CI of a community the more feature. In uvular-X consonant clusters with high closely its lexicon approaches derived forms as defined strength identity, i.e., where another member of the by these same rules. cluster is also a voiceless fricatives, i.e., s or i, The CI for Hartley Bay is the highest (1.21 = 17714). the uvular is often effaced. In uvular-X consonant The CI for Prince Rupert is the lowest (.56 = 15727). clusters with less strength identity the X is not Kitkatla (.69 = 22732) and Metlakatla (.68 = 19728) completely effaced, but rather coalesces with other have intermediate CI's. These values correspond with members of the cluster so that tX and tSx become s two other features of the speech community: geography and IX becomes ±. and history. There is a south to north distribution

Since the data presented in this paper comprise all with the highest CI scores in the south and the lowest the examples in Dunn's data (Dunn 1968) of variable in the north. The highest CI scores corne from the two uvular syllables, they might reasonably be subjected to aboriginal communities (Hartley Bay and Kitkatla); the statistical analysis. Such an analysis indicates that lowest CI scores corne from new (post-contact) towns

19 20 157 158

(Prince Rupert and New Metlakatla) . 2. Gitksan and Southern Tsimshian V(:) and V

The rules posited here and extensions of these rules correspond to Coast Tsimshian VH. can account for many wider dialect differences involv- §. ST HB , ing Coast Tsimshian, Southern Tsimshian (Klemtu), and mo'on mon moHn salt

Giksan comparisons. In fact these rules define lo'op l~ph 10Hph rock systematic correspondences in these wider comparisons ndo.;:eltgn ndoHyeltgn '10 home. whereas the variation is random within Coast Tsimshian. Southern Tsimshian Vv corresponds to Coast

Without exception these correspondences indicate that Tsimshian V ( : ) .

Gitksan and Southern Tsimshian will have higher CI ST HB scores than the Hartley Bay dialect of Coast Tsimshian. lualph lu:lph fish trap

The following examples illustrate these correspon- tilGoalskh tilGolskh think dences. The Gitksan cognates are from Rigsby and inside part.

Hindle (1973). We have kept the Rigsby/Hindle ortho- These correspondences illustrate the ope~ation of graphy intact. Orthographic equivalents include: rules 4.1, 4.2, and 5. , ~=q, ~=X, ~=G, aa=a:, etc., a'a=a, etc., xy=.;:; hl=%. 3. Gitksan x and XW correspond to Southern and

1. Gitksan VC corresponds to Southern Tsimshian VC Coast Tsimshian kh and kwh. These correspondences and to Hartley Bay VC. illustrate the operation of a rule generalized from rule 6. Gitksan (G) Klemtu (ST) HB , G ST HB 'len Gawn Ga:i:n Gawn chew '" mo'oxw mokh mo:kh moot'ixs mJ.SI mas X breast ~ xwdax kwhdax kwhdi: hungry ts'eew tSawth '" tSaay tSa:~ inside part baasxw '" bahasxw bahaskh ba:skh wind (Note: the ~ is an unrounded velar glide) • This 4. Gitksan and Southern Tsimshian X, xW, .;:, and x correspondence illustrates the operation of rules correspond to Coast Tsimshian ¢, thus indicating the generalized from rules 2, 3.1, and 3.2 developed in operation of rules generalized from rules 6, 7, and 9. part 4 of this paper.

21 22 159 160

G ST HB These dialect and/or language variants indicate that

gWelgax gWelga burn the higher CI scores will be found in the interior and

muxw tSm-mm:x i:sm-mu: ear in the southern part of the coast and that the lower

daxw daX dm: die (plural subject) CI scores will be found in northern coastal communities,

xpism-guxW?8skh xpism-gu:skh fall which also happen to be (for the most part) post-

tSmta<;: tSmh: back of neck contact amalgamations and relocations of former lower

5. Southern Tsimshian t S<;: and tSx correspond to Skeena River communities. The distribution of CI

Gitksan and Coast Tsimshian s. This correspondence scores also fits well the ecological facts that (1) indicates the operation of a consonant cluster con- there is a significant ecological barrier, the Kitselas traction rule similar to the one discussed in part 8 gorge and cataracts, separating the lower Skeena from above. the upper Skeena, and (2) there is no such barrier

ST HB G separating the Gitksan from Klemtu. On the contrary

tSxanya:kwhth snya:kwhth hold in hand the latter two are connected by a natural corridor

tS<;:a:kskh sa:kskh saksxw clean comprised of the upper Skeen a valley, the Kitamat

tS<;:a:yph sa:yph sip bone valley, Kitamat Sound, Douglas Channel, Fraser Reach,

In addition to these systematic correspondences there Graham Reach, Tolmie Channel, and Milbanke Sound. are CVC~CvC variations that are not systematic. These The material presented in this paper lends some variations further indicate the leftward movement of support to the notion that the Tsimshian language the laryngeal feature as discussed in part 6 above. family is a dialect chain bent into a circle with the

G ST .HB Gitksan and the northern dialects of Coast Tsimshian

I mootixs mlS masx breast representing the divergent extremes (See Map 1). New , mo'oxw m~kh mo:kh pus data from the Nass River and from the northernmost

nitshkh ni:dz ~ ni:dz see Gitksan communities, e.g., Qaldo, will help complete

iiwxt yaxwth yu:tha man our understanding of this dialect chain.

k'aax Ga-qa:<;: Gay ~ Ga-q?ay wing

23 24 161 162

REFERENCES

Boas, Franz. 1912. Tsimshian texts new series. Leyden: Brill.

Dunn, John. 1978. A practical dictionary of the Coast Tsimshian language. Ottawa: Canadian Ethnology Service.

Foley, James. 1977. Foundations of theoretical phonology. Cambridge: University Press.

Hooper, Joan. 1972. The syllable in phonological theory. Language 48.525-540 . . 1976. An introduction to natural generative ----phonology. New York: Academic Press.

Jakobson, Roman and Morris Halle. 1956. Fundamentals of language. The Hague: Mouton.

Malmberg, Bertil. 1963. Phonetics. New York: Dover.

Newman, Stanley. 1969. personal communication.

Rigsby, Bruce and Lonnie Hindle. 1973. A short r practical dictionary of the Gitksan language. Northwest Anthropological Research Notes I volume 7,1. Saussure, Ferdinand de. 1915. Cours de linguistique generale. Paris: Payot.

Venneman, Theo. 1972. On the theory of syllabic phonology. Linguistische Berichte 18.1-18.

MAP 1. THE KITSELAS BARRIER AND GITKSAN-SOUTHERN TSIMSHIAN CORRIDOR.

2$ 26