Learning Processes in Creative Industries Initiatives in Developing Countries:
An Examination of Policy and Practice
Corinne van Beilen (MSc Educational Sciences) CCI ARC Centre of Excellence for Creative Industries and Innovation Faculty of Creative Industries Queensland University of Technology
Academic qualification: Doctor of Philosophy Year: 2012
1 STATEMENT OF ORIGINAL AUTHORSHIP “The work contained in this thesis has not been previously submitted to meet requirements for an award at this or any other higher education institution. To the best of my knowledge and belief, the thesis contains no material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made.”
Corinne van Beilen 7 December 2011
2 Abstract
What does a dance group in Benin that mixes contemporary and ethnic dancing have in common with Mongolian felt producers that want to enter the design market in Europe? These are both examples of learning processes in Creative Industries initiatives in developing countries. Following the concept of sustainable development, I argue that the challenge for developing countries in contemporary society is to meet the very real need of people for economic development and opportunities for income generation, while at the same time avoiding unintended and unwanted consequences of economic development and globalisation. The concept of the Creative Industries may be a way to promote a development that is sustainable and avoids social exclusion of groups-at-risk. In line with this, I argue that the Creative Industries sector could, in fact, link economic development and the continuation and evolution of local traditions and cultural heritage. A pressing question then is: how can education and learning contribute to creating a context in which talent can flourish?
This study aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of the research problem of this thesis: what elements are conducive for individual learning processes in creative development initiatives? In this, I argue that it is crucial to determine what ingredients and characteristics contribute to making these initiatives successful, that is, to meet their specific goals, in a developing context. This is explored through a staged analysis: an overview of quantitative data, an inventory and comparative case studies and, finally, the description and analysis of two in-depth case studies – felt design in Mongolia (Asia) and dance in Benin (Africa), in which I was an observer of the action phase of the local interventions. The analysis culminates in practice-related outcomes related to the operation of creative development initiatives, as well as the contribution to the academic debate on issues like the cultural gap between developed and developing countries, transformative learning and the connection of learning spaces.
3 Preface
In the early European spring of 2007, I went on holiday to Cambodia with a friend. In that period I was working in an administrative university job, but with future dreams of completing a PhD. Our main travel destination was the magnificent heritage site Angkor Wat and its surroundings. There, we visited a tourist shop called Artisan d’Angkor filled with arts and crafts that were of high quality. Curious about the origins of the products, we decided to visit the workshop in Siem Reap. Artisans d’Angkor turned out to be a fascinating training programme for talented young people, including orphaned and disabled children, and a company for revival and preservation of Cambodian traditional arts and crafts and craftsmanship. Their holistic approach of learning, creativity and economic opportunity interested me, because it was building on what they already have – talent and a history of excellent craftsmanship – and turning it into new opportunities by connecting to the new markets of the tourist industry. “This is what I want to do”, I said to my friend, “research how educational approaches can contribute to social and economic improvement”.
At the time my frame of reference did not focus on the concept of the Creative Industries; I looked at this project from a point of view that had been instilled through my Master’s degree in Educational Sciences or “Andragogy”. At the Institute for Lifelong Learning and Social Intervention of the University of Groningen, I was part of a research tradition which views lifelong learning and active citizenship as a way out of social exclusion, whether it is due to low education, gender, ethnic background, poverty, sexual orientation, unemployment, or mental and physical disabilities. In this research tradition, the focus lies on the individual within the group and interventions are targeted at finding a personal way out. Characteristic of andragogy as a science of social intervention is the interchange between several levels of analysis. The late Professor Max van der Kamp stressed that those who are concerned with clarifying interventions in practice cannot pass by the policy context and institutional environment. In Max’s view the task of academics is foremost to carry out empirical research in the fields of education, employment, and assistance without avoiding a normative contribution to the public debate. Max asked himself questions such as, “How useful is our research really? Can fascination and doubt be servants to one master?” He once stated: “What is worthwhile about andragogy is that it has never been accommodated by the Ivory Tower of the Academia, but instead embarks upon undeveloped fields and isn’t above getting involved with the socially excluded, or those who don’t live in harmony with their environment”. Therefore, action research (Lewin 1946) has always been an important research methodology for the associated scholars.
It is within this research tradition that I carried out my Master’s research into lifelong learning and sustainable development in 2005, supervised by Professor Max van der Kamp and Associate Professor
4 Jacques Zeelen, commissioned by the Dutch National UNESCO Commission. This topic fitted seamlessly with the recent focus of the research group on lifelong learning, globalisation and development, due to a number of development collaboration projects and a seven-year stay by Jacques as a visiting professor at the University of Limpopo (South Africa). In more recent years this focus has been further elaborated on by a collaborative research programme on Early School Leaving in Africa (Zeelen et al 2010), possibly to be extended into Asia as well (Goa, India), and an active exchange of Master and PhD students between the University of Groningen and a number of universities in South Africa, Mozambique, Uganda, and Tanzania. My Master’s thesis was contextualised by the UN’s Decade of Education for Sustainable Development, in which lifelong learning has been named a priority. I and another student, Stijn Tebbes, carried out eleven case studies on a variety of projects regarding learning for sustainable development, that is balancing economic, social, and environmental purposes, and it included formal, non-formal and informal learning and a great variety of learner’s backgrounds and ages. These case studies were mostly based in the Netherlands, but also included projects in Belgium, Australia, and Estonia. It was my first experience with case studies, and following the tradition of our research group, we used documents and interviewed people from different levels: policy, institutional, and individual. It was an approach that suited me well; I felt it gave insight into practical and organisational issues and into people involved in the projects. As these commonly intertwine, interact, and effect each other, I became convinced it was the most suited approach to researching a project or programme in practice. Following Max van der Kamp, in this approach there is still room for the academic debate; meta-analyses of these case studies on three levels holistically contributed to the academic debate and contemporary context it was set in.
After the completion of my Master’s thesis, my research interests started to shift towards developing countries. This was fed by issues of globalisation and the world risk society encountered in my thesis and the needs of the developing world in the context of sustainable development. My familiarity with the activities of Dutch National UNESCO Commission also contributed to this interest, as did the recent focus on development of the research group I was part of. The interest in internationalisation in general, and development in particular, had a longer personal history. My international experience started in 1994 when I moved to Riverton, Wyoming (USA) for one year where I was part of a very international group of friends, followed by one year in London (UK), and three years in Brisbane (Australia). After returning to the Netherlands, I also worked in internationalisation at different universities, where I encountered a variety of international students from all over the world, including a great number of developing countries. It was in these jobs that I first gained practical experience in intercultural communication. This interaction with international students, as well as my experiences travelling through a number of Latin-American, Asian, and
5 African countries, prepared me more than anything else for the demands of carrying out research in an international context, or more specifically in a development context.
My Cambodia trip in 2007 ended with a week’s visit to Brisbane, Australia. It was then I first spoke to Professor Greg Hearn about my dreams of finishing a PhD one day. Greg Hearn had been one of my lecturers during the bachelor’s degree in Communication that I completed at the Queensland University of Technology in 2000. We had stayed in touch during the years and through this contact I had heard about the new Faculty of Creative Industries that now included Communication programmes and scholars. I first became interested in this new concept through tours around the new Precinct and explanations on the developments. This increased when I visited a project in Stanthorpe for my Master’s research. Here, I first encountered the idea that the Creative Industries could have a role in (regional) development, in this case as a strategy to keep young people in rural areas and therefore avoid excessive urbanisation. Though I did not focus on this in the case study, it did stay in my mind as a fascinating new development that I would like to learn more about. In 2007, I was reminded of this, firstly through the programme in Cambodia, but secondly through Greg’s suggestion to enrol into the PhD programme at QUT. The opportunities at QUT turned out to be extensive: it offered me the possibility to design my own research study, as long as it fit with the Creative Industries concept. Soon after acceptance into the programme early 2008, Greg and I discussed my interest in developing countries as a research topic and he forwarded the Creative Economy Report 2008 to me. This report confirmed my ideas that the Creative Industries could be a feasible development option by “taking the centrality of culture as an activating force for development”. I discovered the contribution I could make; the role of education in enhancing opportunities for developing countries through the Creative Industries was mentioned, but was not a focal point of the report. Also, the report was mostly trade focussed and centred on the policy level, as did much of the academic research of the Creative Industries in a developing context. I felt that the research tradition and perspectives of my Groningen research group, combined with the Creative Industries expertise of QUT, and my own experience in intercultural communication and (international) case study research, would be a very suitable background for a very new research topic: the exploration of the intersection of development, learning and the Creative Industries from a holistic perspective, resulting in a research outcome that incorporates practice, as well as a contribution to the current academic debate. It has turned out to be a project that connects four continents. The Netherlands and Australia are the sites for the conceptual foundation – QUT for its input and know-how on Creative Industries and the University of Groningen for its expertise in lifelong learning in developing context. Also, both groups emphasise participatory research. Africa and Asia are the sites for the fieldwork.
6 Vote of Thanks “May I ask my book, if I have written it myself?” This quote from the Chilean poet Pablo Neruda’s Book of Questions (own translation) means to me that even though officially I am the author of this thesis, this is not my book alone. First of all, I want to pay tribute to all those people I encountered during my field research and who allowed me to be the medium for their voices. In Benin, I want to thank Rachelle Agbossou and Richmir Totah for giving me a unique insight into their work, and the dancers of Compagnie Walô: Amina, Arnaud, Carole, Denise, Françoise, Franklin, Guillaume, Honoré, Hortens, Irené, Lucas, Murielle, Nicole, Nouratou, Odette, Serge, Souphiat, and Souphiatou. In Mongolia, Munkhbolor Byambaa was a fountain of information and help for finding my way around Mongolia and its institutions. I thank the felt workers, students and designers: Baasan, Bandi, Belgutei, Byambaa, Byambaa, Maygmar, Oyunchimeg, Saaran, Tsagaadai, Tsetsegmaa, as well as Naasan from the International Organization of Folk Art, Solongu from the Arts Council of Mongolia, and all the women from the Handicraft Council. In the Netherlands, I thank Joan van der Mast and Pink Steenvoorden for their information, as well as the great time we had together in Cotonou, and Melle Koot, Marianne Kemp, Anneke Hoogervorst, Dawaa Huizinga-Molom, and Frans Switzer for their openness, time, and company in Mongolia. Very special thanks goes out to Noortje Bijvoets and Feri de Geus from Le Grand Cru, who helped me every step of the way in researching and writing the case study, and to Matthea van Staden from Made in Mongolia who was my gateway to Mongolia and Felt Connection.
Additionally, I would like to thank my supervisor Greg Hearn. First for his vote of confidence when he asked me to apply for a QUT research scholarship, but much more so for his continuing support and constructive advice during the research process even from such a long distance: your comments always made me go back to the bigger picture of the thesis. And to my “external” supervisor Jacques Zeelen, who helped me fill in all the details of that bigger picture in our regular meetings during the writing phase: after our fruitful collaboration in my Master’s project I am thankful we got the chance to work together again. I owe another thanks to the both of you together who worked as a team while hardly knowing each other; a collaboration that hopefully will continue. Also, I would like to thank the late Max van der Kamp for first instilling a love of research in me.
But more people were involved in the research process: first of all, I thank Michael Keane, Sandra Haukka, Ruth Bridgstock, and Anne Hudson for their feedback in the Confirmation and Final Seminars at QUT. Also, to Ruud van der Veen for his feedback and advice throughout the process; to all the SILGIS members, Cuthbert, Gideon, Josje, Kees, Maha, Margaret, and Marion for the inspiration and support; and to the members of the participation research group.
7 As writing a thesis is not all about the academic journey, but also about the personal journey, I owe a great deal of thanks to my family and friends: to my sister Marije, who gave me particularly insightful information about the supervision process, but also lots of fun and not to mention a few holidays; to my niece and nephew Merin and Wouter, for being such a wonderful addition to our family; to Maria, for always being interested in all progress or hurdles; to my father, for his unfading support and pride in my achievements, and to Peter, for being a research buddy and reflective partner. Also, my thanks go out to those who made the long journey to Brisbane to attend my Final Seminar: my husband Joost, my supervisor Jacques, my father-in-law Rein, my brother-in-law Chris, my sister Marije and her partner Jacques, and my good friends Peter and Sandrina. An amazing effort and one I’ll never forget!
But most thanks I owe to my husband Joost, who listened to the “what”, “why”, “how”, and particularly the “what next”, who accepted the field trips to exotic countries I made without him, who flew solo at many family and friend gatherings because I was away, working, tired or sick from malaria pills, who joined me on an extended Australian stay when my research asked for it, and who supported me every day through my doubts, mood swings, frustrations, and elations while always keeping a good mood.
8 Chapter 1: Introduction 12
1.1 Background 12 1.2 The Creative Industries in Developing Countries 14 1.3 Educational Implications and Limitations 17 1.4 Research Study 19 1.5 Research Problem 21 1.6 Thesis Structure 23
Chapter 2: Creative Industries in Development 27
2.1 Development through Lifelong Learning 27 2.2 Equal Access in the Knowledge Society 30 2.3 Culture as Resource 33 2.4 Defining the Creative Industries 35 2.5 Dual Perspective 41 2.6 Cultural Reconversion 42 2.7 Creative Industries Sector in Developing Context 43 2.8 Summary 47
Chapter 3: Learning for the Creative Industries 49
3.1 Education and Creativity 49 3.2 Learning Society 51 3.3 Workplace Learning 54 3.4 Barriers to Learning 58 3.5 Summary 62
Chapter 4: Methodology and Design 64
4.1 Recapturing 64 4.2 Choosing a Research Methodology 65 4.3 Designing the Case Studies 67 4.4 Case Study Protocol 72 4.5 Conducting Case Studies 73 4.6 Data Processing and Analysis 76
9 4.7 Project Organisation and Feedback 81 4.8 Reflection 81
Chapter 5: Quantitative Data, Inventory and Comparative Case Studies 87
5.1 A Broad Overview 87 5.2 Case Study Selection 94 5.3 Inventory Case Studies 96 5.4 Final Case Study Selection 101 5.5 Comparative Case Studies 103 5.6 Research Questions Readdressed 113
Chapter 6: Felt Connection 118
6.1 Introduction 118 6.2 International Context and Policy 122 6.3 Vision, Goal(s) and Target Audience 129 6.4 Approach and Activities 133 6.5 Participants´ Reflections 149 6.6 Results and Effects 170 6.7 Analysis 171 6.8 Research Questions Readdressed 178
Chapter 7: Le Grand Cru/ Walô 182
7.1 Introduction 183 7.2 International Context and Policy 186 7.3 Vision, Goal(s) and Target Audience 190 7.4 Approach and Activities 198 7.5 Participants´ Reflections 218 7.6 Results and Effects 237 7.7 Analysis 241 7.8 Research Questions Readdressed 246
Chapter 8: Final Analysis 250
10 8.1 A New Intersection: Creative Industries, Development and Education 250 8.2 Connecting Spaces of Learning 252 8.3 Accommodative and Transformative Learning 260 8.4 Research Questions Readdressed 264
Chapter 9: Conclusion and Recommendations 266
9.1 Practice-Related Outcomes 266 9.2 Implications for Learning and Education 270 9.3 Implications for the Creative Industries in a Developing Context 277 9.4 Research Questions Readdressed 281 9.5 Limitations to Research 285 9.6 Further Research 286
References 289
Figures
Figure 1: Theoretical framework on the Intersection of Creative Industries, Development and Learning 19 Figure 2: Illeris’s Model of Learning for Working Life 57 Figure 3: Research Design 72 Figure 4: Performance 220 Figure 5: Organisation 221
Tables
Table 1: Classification Systems for the Creative Industries Derived from Different Models 38 Table 2: Inventory Case Studies 98 Table 3: Comparative Case Studies 105
11 1 INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background
“Globalization and connectivity are new realities that have brought profound changes in lifestyles worldwide. This is reshaping the overall pattern of cultural production, consumption and trade in a world increasingly filled with images, sounds, texts and symbols” (UNCTAD 2008a, iii). Within this new reality, the challenge is to ensure that economic development is sustainable while simultaneously avoiding social exclusion. This study will explore the centrality of culture as an activating force for development through the concept of the Creative Industries. Some development challenges in Mongolia (Asia) and Benin (Africa), and creative development initiatives dealing with these challenges are summarised below, in order to illustrate how the Creative Industries can improve lives and economic circumstances for people in developing countries.
Development Challenges in Mongolia Mongolia, Asia, needs more diverse economic and social development to prevent excess urbanisation and avoid overuse of natural resources through excess livestock, hunting, and timber (van der Bol 2010, 21). This is currently counterproductive and costs herders (Donkerlo 2010, 12). One way to address these challenges is to encourage local arts and crafts, such as the highly skilled felt1 workers, and to work with other raw materials, like horse hair – a very valuable resource which is now mostly sold (informally) to China unprocessed (WTO, ix-x). This strategy fits with the concept of the Creative Industries and the Mongolian government’s focus on the tourism sector for economic growth (van der Bol 2010, 21). The challenges of the local arts and crafts scene, in particular in the felt industry are diverse. There are, among others, challenges concerning quality of products, limited creativity, limited development of skills, limited diversity, high-cost of products due to time-consuming work, and lack of standardisation for raw materials.
Felt Connection One project that deals with these challenges is Felt Connection; a collaborative project managed by Mongolian and Dutch partners aiming to connect Mongolian traditional felt producers with the demands of the European market. It builds on local UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) training programmes that trained herders in felt making as well as business development, and currently has connections with the Mongolian Chamber of Commerce. Dutch designers worked with Mongolian felt workers/ artists to develop a new collection of “design” products together, using wool and horse hair. These
1 Felting is a technique for wool processing
12 new products are presented to a wide audience in the Netherlands and Europe through (interior) design and textile fairs. In workshops organised at different rural and urban workplaces, the designers worked with the local felt workers/ artists in an interactive setting, where the designers learned about the ancient techniques, designs, and the use of materials, while the felt workers/ artists learned different approaches to their designs as well as demands (measurements, colour, etc) of European contemporary tastes in (interior) design and fashion. The skills and materials used in felt production are not suitable for large-scale cheap and small products, but need to be targeted to a higher segment of the market. The creative and innovative background of a design product line offers the opportunity to develop products that are appealing to those consumers that usually would not be interested in “traditional arts and crafts” or “ethnic products”. It, therefore, meets a certain consumer demand in the Netherlands. Through this project, Felt Connection aims to open up a new market for Mongolian local producers, establish institutional partners and networks, and attract private investment (van Staden 2009).
Development Challenges in Benin The African country of Benin has a chronically weak economy (Bertelmanns Stiftung 2009). Future plans for economic development include attracting more foreign investment, placing more emphasis on tourism, facilitating the development of new food processing systems and agricultural products, and encouraging new information and communication technology (eStandards Forum, 2009). In terms of social development, an important challenge is gender (in)equality (UNDP 2009). Benin still struggles with high adult literacy rates, particularly for women, low enrolment, and high levels of early school leavers. The Creative Industries is still a very minor player in Beninese economic and cultural policies. Despite government policies to extend the tourism industry, currently there is a very limited connection between tourism and the Creative Industries and no policies in place to connect the two. The main challenges for performance-based cultural groups are a lack of facilities to rehearse and perform in, no government recognition, limited cultural exchange with other countries, and limited development of dance and theatrical techniques.
Collaboration Le Grand Cru and Walô ‘La directrice’ of Compagnie Walô, a local dance company, sought collaboration with Dutch foundation Le Grand Cru to introduce contemporary dance to her dance group. She felt that the ingredients of contemporary dance, such as consciousness of space and contact techniques can make the traditional dance more dynamic without losing its essentials, and allows people to express themselves through improvisation. Le Grand Cru’s method of mapping, sampling and connecting with modern concepts and current European forms gives rise to a hybrid form that gives ancient dances new and current power with local, recognisable, and socially critical themes that are linked to ethnic dance and music. In the continuing
13 collaboration, the activities contribute to the artistic development of the dance company and to the emancipation of female Beninese dancers in professional dance. Cultural identity and heritage drive traditional Beninese dance companies and are connected with other dance and theatrical techniques in order to reach a larger audience – local and international – and participate in the international dance scene, which is also an essential element of any group’s professionalisation process. Involving youth stimulates creative expression and improvisation at an early age, and also instils the importance of art and culture in young people. Therefore, participants were trained as dance instructors for primary school children to introduce Beninese dance tradition and the newly developed hybrid forms to a younger generation. Involving the children in a final performance created further commitment from the schools, the children, the parents, and the community. In addition, cultural exchanges and international collaboration have resulted in new performances suitable for international stages (Bijvoets et al 2008; Bijvoets and De Geus 2008).
1.2 The Creative Industries in Developing Countries
Debates in development are diverse and a variety of models have been applied, adapted, and adjusted over past decades. Youngman (2000, 49-90) identifies and classifies the major ones as follows: modernisation theory; dependency theory, often referred to as neo-Marxism; neo-liberal theory, and populism incorporating feminist perspectives, sustainable development and ethnoculturalism, and political economy. This study is positioned within the realm of sustainable development, however, in this thesis I do not intend to revisit these extensive debates. The main goal of this study is to explore learning through particular initiatives. The development context is therefore viewed from a lifelong learning perspective.
Sustainable Development The development challenges described in Mongolia and Benin can be viewed through the lens of sustainable development. In 1972, the United Nations (UN) Conference on the Human Environment expressed a growing realisation of the needs to balance economic and social progress with a concern for the environment and the stewardship of natural resources. With the phrase “sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs” (WESD 1987, 43) the hard-to-grasp concept of “sustainable development” was first defined. This definition contains two concepts: “human needs” with priority given to the world’s poor, and the environment’s limits for meeting the state of technological and social organisation (WESD 1987, 43). At the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development (UN 2002a), the focus on environmental protection broadened to encompass social justice and the fight against poverty as key principles of development that is sustainable. Three interdependent and mutually reinforcing “pillars” were recognised: economic
14 development, social development, and environmental protection. These pillars must be established at local, national and global levels. The complexity and interrelationship of critical issues such as poverty, wasteful consumption, urban decay, population growth, gender inequality, health, conflict and the violation of human rights are addressed in all three pillars (Pigozzi 2003, 3). In addition to these three pillars, Hawkes (2001) argues that the emerging focus on issues such as sustainability, well-being, community building and civic engagement also needs a clear cultural perspective (a fourth pillar) as a basis for successful implementation. A whole-of-government cultural framework, operating in parallel with social, environmental and economic frameworks, is essential for the achievement of a sustainable and healthy society (Hawkes 2001). Following the concept of sustainable development, I therefore argue that the challenge for developing countries in contemporary society is to meet the very real need for economic development and opportunities for income generation, while at the same time avoid unintended and unwanted consequences of economic development and globalisation. These consequences include social cohesion and social exclusion, loss of cultural heritage, and environmental/ ecological problems.
Creative Industries The concept of the Creative Industries may be a way to promote a development that is sustainable and avoids social exclusion of groups-at-risk. “The interface among creativity, culture, economics and technology, as expressed in the ability to create and circulate intellectual capital, has the potential to generate income, jobs and export earnings while at the same time promoting social inclusion, cultural diversity and human development” (UNCTAD 2008a, iii). In line with this, I argue that the Creative Industries sector could, in fact, link economic development and the continuation and evolution of local traditions and cultural heritage.
There have been different views on “culture” throughout history and they vary geographically depending on local heritage and circumstance. Within these different views “culture” has also been closely linked with “creativity” (Hartley 2005, 5). Understandings of culture have been extended and broadened in the past two decades. McCarthy et al (2004) discussed the instrumental and intrinsic benefits of culture, stating that not only are intrinsic effects satisfying in themselves, but many of them can lead to the development of individual capacities and community cohesiveness that are of benefit to the public sphere (17). Yudice states that “today it is impossible to find public statements that do not recruit instrumentalized art and culture, whether to better social conditions, as in the creation of multicultural tolerance and civic participation through UNESCO-like advocacy for cultural citizenship and cultural rights, or to spur economic growth through urban cultural development projects” (2003,11). Yudice’s view does not reject the notion that everyone’s culture has value (in an aesthetic sense and from a cultural heritage point of view), but his
15 analysis focusses on the questions of culture as a resource, which recasts long-standing understandings of the role of cultural production and consumption. It is within this context that the new concept of the Creative Industries can be placed.
The Creative Industries are at the crossroads of the arts, culture, business, and technology, comprising the cycle of creation, production and distribution of goods and services that use intellectual capital as their primary input (UNCTAD 2008a, 13). Today’s Creative Industries involve the interplay of traditional, technology-intensive and service-oriented sub-sectors. They range from folk art, festivals, music, books, paintings, and performing arts to more technology-intensive sub-sectors, such as the film industry, broadcasting, digital animation and video games, and more service-oriented fields, such as architectural and advertising services (UNCTAD 2008a, iv). UNCTAD (United Nations Conference on Trade and Development) (2008b, 1) proclaims the Creative Industries as the “key driver of economic growth with trade nearly doubling this decade”, and it is joined by other UN agencies in its recognition of the importance of the Creative Industries for economic development. UNESCO’s (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) Convention on Cultural Diversity (UNESCO 2005) is a major policy tool for activities related to the Creative Industries and the International Labour Organization is studying the Creative Industries and employment (UNESCO 2009). The European Commission is investing development and research into the Creative Industries (EUROPA 2009) and the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO 2005) is revisiting intellectual and property rights as part of a development agenda.
Creative Industries in Developing Countries As can be derived from the interest these institutions are taking in the Creative Industries, they are indeed becoming increasingly important components of developing economies who cannot escape the emergence of the knowledge-based economies (Barraclough and Kozul-Wright 2008), but not without complications. While Creative Industries’ exports in advanced economies are expected to flourish, others are being left behind, particularly in developing countries (Barraclough and Kozul-Wright 2008, 10). This is important, because, as Barraclough and Kozul-Wright (2008, 11) state: “being left out matters; not least because of the role that Creative Industries play in the global knowledge economy. Skills that are developed in Creative Industries tend to be generic, i.e., they can be readily directed or transferred into other high value-added activities and vice versa”. Another reason being left out matters is situated in the risk that the global convergence of culture (Beck 2000) entails for developing countries: the risk of losing their own “voice” when importing content instead of producing it. Cultural homogenisation can lead to a narrowing of choice, voice, and opinions (Barraclough and Kozul-Wright 2008, 12). Another reason for safeguarding diversification is that the Creative Industries are industries that feed off each other, through experimentation,
16 imitation and cross-fertilisation. However, when a combination of first-mover advantage and market forces dictate the pattern of industrial development, (cultural) diversity is likely to be victim.
1.3 Educational Implications and Limitations
To avoid fundamental inequalities between the peoples of the world and opportunities offered by the information or knowledge society, there needs to be equal access to the opportunities offered by the knowledge society, in this case the Creative Industries, as well as equal ability for critical analysis of its implications and value (Jarvis 2007, 78-85). Education has been promoted as an “indispensable element” (UN 2002b) for sustainable development and also as one of the major strategies to enable people to fulfil their potential and take better control over decisions that affect their lives (Finger and Asún 2001). It is argued that development is harmful for a nation as it may lead to the elimination of traditions and cultural heritage (Sen 1999). Therefore, Sen (1999, 31) posits that the people directly involved with development issues should participate in deciding what solutions should be chosen, i.e. societal and cultural decisions. Since participation requires knowledge and basic skills, the role of education is important in this scenario.
More specifically, education has indeed been conceived by UNCTAD (2008a, 26) as a critical enabler to the growth and success of the Creative Industries sector in both developed and developing countries. Two roles of education are distinguished:
In schools, the role of the arts in forming children’s social attitudes and behaviours is well recognized. In adult education, many possibilities exist for using education in culture and the arts to enhance understanding of society and its functions. There is a two-way relationship between the education system and the creative industries. On the one hand, education and training institutions are responsible for turning out individuals with the skills and motivation to join the creative workforce. On the other hand the creative industries provide the necessary artistic and cultural inputs into the education system to facilitate students' education in the society in which they live and, in the longer term, to build a more culturally aware population.
Policy Context International educational policies, adopted by governments, Non-Government Organisations (NGOs) and international agencies, range from literacy to sustainable development, from poverty reduction to education for all. The major policies are: . The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) 2000-2015
17 . Education for All (EFA) 2000-2015, including the United Nations Literacy Decade (UNLD) 2003- 2012 . United Nations Decade of Education for Sustainable Development (DESD) 2005-2014 These policy programmes are well intentioned and the objectives are valid, yet results still leave ample room for improvement. “We are steering the right course but as education systems expand, they face more complex and more specific challenges,” says Koïchiro Matsuura, previous Director-General of UNESCO, about EFA progress in 2007. The latest EFA report clearly identifies these challenges: reaching the most vulnerable and disadvantaged, improving learning conditions, and increasing aid (UNESCOPRESS 2007). Regarding the UNLD, his message is similar: “We are far from the goal of halving the number of illiterate persons around the world by 2015. Even though literacy rates have risen, the absolute number of illiterates has increased in some regions due to population growth. This represents a genuine threat for human development” (Matsuura 2008). Also, the main message of the 2008 MDG report is that while there has been progress on several counts, important gaps remain in delivering on the global commitments in the areas of aid, trade, debt relief, and access to new technologies and affordable essential medicines (MDG 2008).
In addition to the limitations of these policy plans, Zeelen et al (2010, 3) have raised concerns about the “emphasis such policies placed on access and enrolment in education and the neglect of the issue of retaining learners at school and drop-out processes”. Their research concludes that in addition to poverty- related and health-related causes, there are also problems within the education system, such as difficulties with following education in a second language, lack of parental involvement, lack of guidance and counselling, and the gap between the education system and the labour market. In many African countries (for example), mainstream education is seen as the only solution for everyone, while vocational school and polytechnics, which may be more suitable for many learners, are not focal points for educational policies (Zeelen et al 2010, 3).
As suggested in the previous arguments, though education is essential to development, it is crucial to be aware that neither education generally, nor a specific type of education, is a magic tool to overcome all obstacles. Boundaries and limitations to gains from education should be clearly defined as power struggles and political priorities cannot be ignored (Opschoor 2003). I argue that this also applies to the Creative Industries in developing countries. The main obstacles and opportunities for Creative Industries in developing countries are concerned with copyright, infrastructure, digital networks, intermediaries, partnerships and networks, and financial issues (UNCTAD 2008a; Oakley 2004; Oakley 2006; Wallis 2008; Cunningham et al 2008a; Fleming 2008). Supporting the growth of the Creative Industries cannot be fixed
18 by education alone. These obstacles are varied and exist on policy, institutional, and individual levels. When enacting creative development initiatives we must take note of these obstacles as well as of the characteristics of the creative sectors, such as small firms, self-employment, informal agreements and clusters, and the mix of market and state (Barraclough and Kozul-Wright 2008,13).
1.4 Research Study
Current guidelines and reports on the role of education for Creative Industries in developing countries are scarce and often anecdotal. Figure 1 shows the theoretical framework of this study. It can be drawn from figure 1 that parts of the intersection of Creative Industries, development and learning are well studied: research has been undertaken on learning and Creative Industries, Creative Industries and development, and learning and development; however, the intersection of all three is not well studied, even though there are projects and initiatives that are located at the intersection.
Figure 1: Theoretical Framework on the Intersection of Creative Industries, Development and Learning
19 Therefore, the theoretical framework of this research starts by taking a very broad scope in order to map this intersection. Analysis of creative development initiatives are then more focussed within this broad intersection. As obstacles to further advancement of the Creative Industries in a development context are varied and exist on policy, institutional and individual levels, this study aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of a number of creative development initiatives with education or learning at its core. In line with this, there is a need to explore what the participants in these development initiatives need in terms of learning in order for these projects to be successful.
An important addition to the theoretical analysis is a staged empirical analysis. This starts with an overview of quantitative data collected by UNCTAD (2010) of the current situation of the Creative Industries in developing regions. Inventory desk research of creative development initiatives is then conducted to gain a broader understanding of the variety of creative development initiatives and identify some preliminary issues. These then lead to the selection of two more in-depth case studies. Based on this preliminary research, two small-scale creative development initiatives – the aforementioned Felt Connection in Mongolia and the collaboration between Walô and Le Grand Cru in Benin – are studied in-depth and analysed in a case report to further explore the central question. In addition, three similar initiatives are studied in an extended desk-research for comparative purposes. The analysis from the two in-depth case studies is integrated with the quantitative data, inventory, and the comparison.
There are a number of tensions in the research agenda. For example, there is a tension between Creative Industries approaches with economic and human. This is also reflected in the tension between for-profit initiatives and not-for-profit initiatives. In the UNCTAD view, the cultural industries make up a subset of the Creative Industries, and incorporating this, this study samples both not-for-profit and the for-profit initiatives. In the selection for both the desk-research and the in-depth case studies, there is a balance of projects with perspectives of cultural diversity and social inclusion and those focussed on business opportunities and income generation. This selection is also contextualised by globalisation in order to strike a balance between projects based on the past (e.g. craft and performance-based disciplines) and those based on new forms and concepts (e.g. more technology-intensive or service-oriented disciplines), or projects that bridge this gap. A number of criteria are important when selecting the projects for the in-depth case studies research. First, selected projects are well placed in the intersection of the Creative Industries, development, education – meaning that something can be learned from all of them. A spectrum of enterprises is included inside the Creative Industries definition, although this study focuses on small-scale interventions instead of larger multinational Creative Industries initiatives. Therefore, the focus is also not on BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India, China) countries, as is often the case in the Creative Industries sector. Furthermore, projects take a
20 participatory approach, based on learner’s needs. Finally, project initiators are also interested in learning. The selected creative development initiatives are not normative for all contexts, but they provide grounding for the empirical analysis.
Within the debates on learning in the knowledge society, the terms are shifting from issues of information and technology to those of human capabilities and the sources of motivation, creativity and problem-solving skills in the new economy. The importance of informal communities is captured by the concept “communities of practice” (Lave and Wenger 1991; Wenger 1998), which grounds innovation and identity. When focussing on formal education and specified educational programmes, the risk exists that other interventions and opportunities are missed. The theory of communities of practice considers neither the individual nor the social institutions, but the informal communities of practice that people form as they pursue shared enterprise over time.
Collaborative and participatory research means that different stakeholders can be directly involved – participant’s perspective is central in this study. Though the research design is explorative, the participatory approach is reflected in application of the following methodologies: creation of genuine dialogue and participation for all stages of the research, use of a variety of data collection instruments and a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods, and follow-up and feedback cycles. Although, the paradigm of action research is used, action research is not carried out in this study; however, I was an observer of the action phase of the intervention and case reports are “voiced” to represent this. These reports therefore take a more direct, action-related perspective than if it they were solely based on secondary and retrospective sources.
1.5 Research Problem
In the UNCTAD Creative Development Report (2008a; 2010) there is an emphasis on the Creative Industries as a key driver in promoting job creation, international trade opportunities, and poverty alleviation. However, the loss of “voice” and diversity matters. Within the context of the Creative Industries, I argue that there are ample opportunities to look at development from a different perspective: to take the centrality of culture as the activating force of development. Not only to increase a country’s GDP (Gross Domestic Product), but as a contribution to placing individual freedom at the centre of a broad, integrated framework. Therefore, I argue that the role of the Creative Industries in development includes aspects of cultural diversity and inclusion and, in that way, can link economic development and the continuation and evolution of local traditions and cultural heritage.
21
Given this, the thesis focuses on learning within and outside of education, in which learning is understood to give someone meaning to new experiences (Jarvis 2007) and education is a structural context in which people learn (Jarvis 2007), for example, course programmes, curricula. I argue that lifelong learning – formal, informal, non-formal learning – or the connection of learning spaces is at the core of Creative Industries initiatives in a developing context. Lifelong learning is often viewed from a perspective of employability; however, in this research it is also viewed as a personal way out of social exclusion. Three different levels are included in the analysis of the learning perspective, which I will soon discuss.
The constraints faced by creative enterprises in developing countries and the weaknesses these inhibit are diverse. The aim of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of learning processes in two creative development initiatives. These learning interventions will therefore be analysed on three levels: policy, institutional, and individual. This is based on the assumption that in order to gain a holistic perspective of, in this case, learning processes, one needs to be able to address all three levels and, moreover, be able to move between them. Therefore, the outcomes of this research project are twofold. The first is the practice- related outcome which takes the form of a frame of reference for the operation of Creative Industries initiatives in developing contexts, in which the local context setting is primary. Conducive elements for, and characteristics of, these initiatives are analysed from a policy, institutional, and individual level. The second outcome is the contribution to the academic debate. Theories of the connection of learning spaces, transformative learning, and the implications for the Creative Industries in a developing context are further analysed through the empirical evidence from the case studies. The analysis from the quantitative data and desk-research is used to support findings, but the most important empirical contribution is the case studies.
The main research problem is: what elements are conducive for individual learning processes in creative development initiatives? I argue that it is crucial to determine what ingredients and characteristics contribute to making these initiatives successful, that is. to meet their specific goals in a developing context.
Research Questions The first five research questions are situated on the aforementioned three levels, while the final research question is situated on a more general level that ties the other levels together:
Policy Level 1. What factors in (inter)national policies and contexts influence these initiatives?
22 Institutional Level 2. What educational concepts and learning strategies are used in its specific development context? 3. What are the institutional and organisational implications?
Individual Level 4. What do participants in these initiatives need in terms of learning? 5. How can they be involved in its design?
General 6. How can initiatives contribute to social and economic improvement?
1.6 Thesis Structure
The research problem will be described through literature and empirical research as summarised in this paragraph. Chapters 2 and 3 form the theoretical framework of the study, chapters 4, 5, 6, and 7 address the methodology and empirical research, while chapters 8 and 9 focus on the research outcomes.
Theoretical Framework Chapter 2 discusses issues of contemporary society in a developing context. Possible actions and future scenarios need to be designed by taking the full picture into account; therefore, the complex issues of contemporary society and the implications for developing countries must be addressed. The first section briefly addresses the broader development debate with a focus on sustainable development through lifelong learning, which is where this study is positioned. These issues are tied to the next section, which adresses issues surrounding globalisation, such as the knowledge society, the convergence of a global culture, and analysis of the evolving understanding of culture. These topics are discussed through the lens of culture-as- resource, and concepts like creative arts, cultural industries and cultural diversity are introduced. The chapter continues to discuss the Creative Industries in developing countries by introducing the concept of the Creative Industries, and different definitions and current debates. Defining the Creative Industries is a matter of considerable inconsistency and disagreement in academic literature and in policymaking circles, especially in relation to the concept of ‘cultural industries’. The focus on development issues makes the 2008 UNCTAD Creative Economy Report’s definition useful for studying the Creative Industries in a developing context and is, therefore, adapted in this study. From this perspective, cultural industries are a subset of the Creative Industries. The next section explores the economic analysis of the Creative Industries
23 and its connection to the knowledge society. This section further explains the position of this study on the role of the Creative Industries in development contexts, following the realm of sustainable development. The implications for the Creative Industries discourse are that although essential, job creation, trade, and poverty alleviation alone is a limited view on development, while within the context of the Creative Industries there are ample opportunities to look at development from a different perspective: to take the centrality of culture as the activating force of development. The last section focuses on the implications for Creative Industries in developing countries by introducing recent trends (estimates of current Creative Industries activities in developing countries, reasons for stimulating activities, etc), characteristics of the Creative Industries sector (what makes this sector different from other economic sectors), and obstacles and opportunities for Creative Industries in developing countries.
Chapter 3 focusses on educational concepts and learning strategies for the Creative Industries. These are not only viewed from a perspective of learning new skills and knowledge, but also as a process of social transformation, participation, and identity. The central question is: how can education and learning contribute to creating a context in which talent can flourish? The first section discusses the learning society and addresses how education fits into the possible scenarios: how does this impact on the Creative Industries sector and vice versa? In this light, the section introduces adult education and its role as an agent of change and different educational concepts are discussed to address the question “what kind of learning is needed for creativity?” The needs of the creative workforce in the light of identity construction are also addressed by discussing the protean career, craftsmanship, and career identity issues. Here it is emphasised that a strong connection to the workplace is important for the creative workforce to learn how to manage their protean careers. The concept of workplace learning is then discussed as this is traditionally the discipline that explores education and learning outside the classroom. This discussion begins with an exploration of the notions formal, non-formal and informal learning, and moves on to adopt Illeris’s holistic model of workplace learning (2004). In this model it is precisely in the overlap of the elements of working practice and working identity that the important interaction takes place, which can provide valuable lessons to building a career identity. This is particularly important when dealing with the so-called low-skilled (Illeris 2004), which I argue is often the case in developing countries. Issues of identity formation of the creative workforce in developing countries are addressed through the concepts of accommodative (Piaget 1980; Nissen 1970) and transformative learning (Mezirow 1999). This section also considers how to overcome the learning defences and resistances that are invoked by these types of learning.
24 Methodology and Empirical Research Chapter 4 addresses the justification for the choice of methodology, the action research paradigm, the case study research design, and a personal description and reflection on the research process.
Chapter 5 starts out with a broad quantitative overview of the state of the art Creative Industries in developing countries. There is also a need for qualitative research, which this study will focus on through a staged analysis. This is carried out by studying communities of practice, specifically creative development initiatives. The next section, therefore, includes the criteria for a first inventory of possible case studies that were considered for desk-research, the justification for selection of the two in-depth case studies, and the three comparative case studies examined using extended desk-research. The creative development initiatives selected for desk-research will then be introduced. The final section includes outcomes of the desk-research, as well as an initial consideration of what an intervention needs to take into account, and what makes an intervention successful, based on outcomes from the theoretical framework and desk- research. Two tailor-made approaches are studied more extensively in Mongolia (chapter 6) and Benin (chapter 7) to gain an holistic insight into the specific context and policy issues, organisational forms, process and approach, learning strategies, participants’ reflections, activities and effects, and findings. These studies will reveal how those initiatives cope with these specific issues and challenges. The chapter concludes by readdressing the research questions.
Chapter 6 and 7 further the analysis. These chapters feature the case study reports of Felt Connection in Mongolia and Le Grand Cru-Compagnie Walô in Benin. These case studies enable an in-depth insight into the elements that are conducive for learning processes in creative development initiatives and what ingredients and characteristics contribute to making these successful in a developing context. The case reports are not purely descriptive, but include case-related analysis. Participants’ voices are considered particularly important and, therefore, their perspective plays an important role in the case reports. The case reports conclude with an analytical section and an analytical summary which recaptures those issues in the particular cases that are the most relevant for learning processes in creative development initiatives. The chapters conclude by readdressing the research questions.
Research Outcomes Chapter 8 finalises the staged analysis by integrating the analytical themes from the two in-depth case studies. The main issues that are addressed are (1) the cultural gap between traditions and contemporary concepts and form, (2) the connection of learning spaces (professional facilitation), and (3) transformative
25 learning processes. The comparative analysis is fed back into the theoretical framework to clarify how the issues invoked in the literature review relate back to the two cases. The chapter concludes by readdressing the research questions.
Chapter 9 encapsulates the two research outcomes: (1) practice-related outcomes and (2) the contribution to the academic debate. Discussion of the practice-related outcomes deals with the identification and analysis of current issues on a policy, programme and learner’s level. This chapter also addresses the pressing question: what are the broad implications for learning and education and for Creative Industries in a developing context? The main issues raised in chapter 8 are revisited and analysed further. In this analysis the tension between economic and social goals and the dynamics of the market, as well as the role of cultural hybridism and negotiation identities, is discussed. The chapter then readdresses the research questions a final time. In the last section the limitations to the research are explained, as well as the recommendations for further research.
26 2 Creative Industries in Development
Contemporary society is in transition, undergoing radical changes that challenges all that was once understood to be certain. Globalisation is reshaping the pattern of cultural production, consumption and trade in a world increasingly filled with images, sounds, texts, and symbols (UNCTAD 2008a, iii). Within this new reality, developing countries cannot escape the emergence of the knowledge-based economies and need to deal with consequences of post-traditional society, modernity, and globalisation. In line with the argument in UNCTAD (2008a, iii) that the Creative Industries have “the potential to generate income, jobs and export earnings while at the same time promoting social inclusion, cultural diversity and human development”, I argue that, in the context of sustainable development, the Creative Industries have a crucial role in readjusting the imbalance of whose voice is heard.
2.1 Development through Lifelong Learning
In the introduction I referred to sustainable development as the most suitable concept from which to view development issues in relation to the Creative Industries. I particularly relate sustainable development to lifelong learning, as we need to find a way of retaining the best of modernity (e.g. gender equality and technology) while avoiding its deficits (e.g. intolerance, injustice, and environmental degradation) (Hoppers 1996). Through the concept of sustainable development local needs are linked to a global context, and as such moves towards a multidisciplinary approach to development issues. I, therefore, argue that lifelong and life-wide learning is crucial for sustainable development, particularly when viewed from a broader perspective than employability alone, which has been the predominant view of lifelong learning in the last decades, followed by institutions like the World Bank and the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development in the market-oriented views on development. In this thesis, I view lifelong learning as a personal way out of social exclusion, which does incorporate, but is not limited to, employability issues.
“Lifelong learning contributes to helping people make sense of the world around them, and is a way of critiquing and contributing to social development” (Preece 2009, 51). The majority of current development theories have neo-liberal, market-focussed goals, and are predominantly based on Northern or Western perspectives of what constitutes development (Preece 2009). The two most dominant development models have been modernisation and neo-liberal theory. Modernisation theory (Rostow 1960) was the dominant view on development until the 1980s, and sees capitalist development through intervention by the state. Capital growth would “trickle down” to the masses. The more egalitarian approach to modernisation included the concept of the welfare state (Myrdal 1958). Modernisation theory is based on the assumption that there
27 is a single process of social evolution, that is, the stages of development countries gradually need to move through (Youngman 2000, 49-59). Neo-liberalism (Friedman 1962; Bauer 1972) became dominant in the 1980s and is positioned on the right of modernisation theory. It is rejecting the state intervention of modernisation theory and instead focusses on a reliance on private enterprise and the market (Youngman 2000, 67-72). These views were reflected in policies from international institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. In these primarily Western perspectives, education for development has mostly been limited to basic and primary education (Preece 2009), while learning on a lifelong and life-wide basis is more appropriate (Jolly 2007).
Another approach to development theory is dependency theory (e.g. Baran 1957; Frank 1969; Amin 1975), or neo-Marxism, which argues that the export of surplus from the centre (Europe, USA, etc) blocks capital accumulation in the periphery. Socialist revolution and disengagement from the world capitalist economy would be needed to gain socio-development in developing countries (Youngman 2000, 59-67). An alternative and more recent approach to both dependency theories is classified by Youngman (2003, 72-81) as the populist approach and is characterised by an analysis of ordinary people’s actual experience of the development process. This approach is influenced by feminism, environmentalism and ethnoculturalism. It is within this realm of the debate where sustainable development is positioned. Sustainable Development is still often perceived as putting environmental issues at the forefront, but in recent years it is increasingly about balancing environmental with social, cultural, and economic purposes. In the Creative Industries context, the social purposes emphasise social transformation, cultural heritage and identity, while the economic purposes emphasise income, jobs, and trade. The social and cultural dimension, in which issues like indigenous knowledge and cultural heritage are addressed, is close to the discourse of ethnoculturalism. It is also within this understanding of sustainability that I argue for the lifelong learning approach as described by Preece (2009). Preece argues that the effect of external development (mostly based on American and European agendas) has meant that the recipient populations do not own their development process. Preece (2011) suggests that African traditional value systems relate more closely to the critical social purpose of lifelong learning and less to that of instrumentalism, though there are pragmatic reasons for addressing both concerns since they are complementary in today’s fast changing world. “This results in implementation failures and resistances to change as well as a failure by the developers to recognize indigenous knowledge, skills and understandings” (Preece 2009, 66). Her core argument is, therefore, that “in spite of the influence of international aid agencies for pursuing narrow, neo-liberal, market-focused goals for lifelong learning, it should be possible for countries in the South to articulate a coherent vision for their own learning societies that embrace indigenous philosophical world views, but in a way that also recognizes the hybrid nature of the contemporary world” (2009, 1). Because of colonial histories, this means that people
28 must recreate their sense of self on their terms and within their own cultural contexts (Preece 2009, 51), therefore, critical analysis is an important part of learning. “Whilst lifelong learning is not the only contributor to development, its contribution underpins the individual’s ability to confront global and political structures and systems that hinder development – such as trade inequities, discriminatory practices, corruption and poor governance” (Preece et al 2007, 156). Preece et al (2007, 156) argue that we therefore need a more holistic view on development on the basis that poverty is increasingly seen as multidimensional and multidirectional in relation to participatory and capability ‘unfreedoms’ as well as income (Sen 1999): “While Sen does not address lifelong learning specifically, he does provide a political economy approach to constructing some broader visions for education and development within a social justice framework” (Preece 2009, 60).
Sen’s (1999) most pressing argument is that we must go beyond the concept of human capital and should take note of the instrumental role of capability expansion in bringing about social change and include social and political development, so people can lead lives they have reason to value (quality of life) and expand the set of choices they have. Sen’s theory of development as freedom looks at the removal of substantial unfreedoms (poverty and tyranny, poor economic opportunities and systematic social deprivation, neglect of public facilities and overactivity of repressive states) as constitutive of development. Freedom is therefore viewed as both the basic end and the most effective means of sustaining economic life and countering poverty and insecurity in the contemporary world. “A variety of social institutions – related to the operation of markets, administrations, legislatures, political parties, NGO’s, the judiciary, the media and the community in general – contribute to the process of development precisely through their effects on enhancing and sustaining individual freedoms” (1999, 297).
It should be noted that, according to other views, Sen’s individualistic approach creates its own problems, particularly the weakening of local communities. For example, both Ghandi’s and Nyerere’s alternative development paradigms are based on the collective with a focus on human well-being instead of profit. Ghandi combined spirituality with practical learning and Nyerere used education for “self reliance” through the concept of village as a family, requiring a commitment to the whole community rather than the individual (Preece 2009, 52). The question is whether these ideologies sufficiently reflect world-wide contemporary challenges. “Their ideological downfall perhaps reflects the need for a more hybrid view on development that acknowledges the need to interface with a fast changing and globalising world. Lifelong learning somehow has to capture southern and context-specific world views within this wider framework” (Preece 2009, 52).
29 It can be argued that development is harmful for a nation as it may lead to the elimination of traditions and cultural heritage. Sen (1999, 31) argues that the people whose lives are affected by development issues should participate in deciding what kind of solutions should be chosen, i.e. societal and culturally-led decisions. Evans (2007, 56) stresses the importance of collective action and social interaction to attain development as freedom. Sen sees that the real conflict is between: “the basic value that the people must be allowed to decide freely what traditions they wish or not wish to follow; and the insistence that established traditions be followed … or that people must obey the decisions by religious or secular authorities who enforce traditions” (1999, 32). Since participation requires knowledge and basic educational skills, the role of education is important in this scenario (Sen 1999, 32).
Although Sen’s vision of development broadens the scope for lifelong learning as it reflects education as a multi-dimensional process, he does not specifically recognise the need for continuous learning to achieve the freedoms he envisions (Preece 2009, 62). This issue is becoming more pressing as we live in a knowledge-based society in which globalisation is increasingly affecting our everyday lives. In this contemporary society there are no fixed solutions, with a right or wrong way and there are no tangible guidelines (Beck 1999). Solutions may be sought in a global dialogue between cultures; a dialogue that takes into account that local connections should be developed to become part of global culture and realises that even though risks and threats affect all social groups, classes and categories, some groups are more vulnerable to these threats than others. To further explore these solutions we must look at the implications of the knowledge society and the convergence of global culture.
2.2 Equal Access in the Knowledge Society
Information or Knowledge Society Through the development of the computer and electronic means of transfer, mass communication turned contemporary society into something what is often called the information society, and with it, the network society – the social structure of the information society (Castells 2001). Information that has potentially the most use-value is most valuable in this new society. Wealth is no longer created from manufacturing, but from information. But it is not purely the technology that defines modern societies, influences, such as religion, cultural upbringing, political organisations, and social status also shape the network society (Castells 1996). Hearn et al (2005, 1) posit that, in addition to knowledge in the context of science and technology, “there are much deeper and fundamental social, cultural, and communication processes that
30 condition knowledge creation and use, and that predispose groups to different levels and kinds of outcomes in quality of life, learning, creativity, and innovation”.
“Information societies are those societies that ultilise advanced technologies to convey knowledge (information) within or between societies, whereas knowledge societies are those societies that utilise specific forms of knowledge in order to function or produce commodities” (Jarvis 2007, 77, italics in original). UNESCO differentiates between the information society and the knowledge society and invokes the importance of equal opportunities for all:
The new information and communication technologies have created new conditions for the emergence of knowledge societies. Added to this, the emerging global information society only finds its raison d’être if it served to bring about a higher and more desirable goal, namely the building, on a global scale, of knowledge societies that are the source for development for all. (UNESCO 2005, 27, cited in Jarvis 2007, 85, italics in original)
Therefore, an important concern in dealing with implications of the knowledge society is the risk for a fundamental inequality between the peoples of the world and opportunities offered by the knowledge society (UNESCO 2005, cited in Jarvis 2007, 81). The challenge is how to avoid this from happening in the context of globalisation. We need to determine what is required to create more equality in the knowledge society and what the role of knowledge in social change is. It is the control of knowledge and the desire to create new knowledge that lies at the heart of social change (Castells 1996). Learning information transforms it into knowledge; however, as information is not value-free it has to be acquired critically (Jarvis 2007, 78-85). A crucial implication is that as access to information and knowledge-sharing is not equal, the ability for critical analysis is also unequal. One needs to be able to fall back on the regular and constant use of knowledge – reflexivity – (Giddens 1994; Beck 1999) not only to gain equal access to the economic opportunities offered by the knowledge society, but to be able to participate in society and be able to handle societal problems regarding social cohesion and social inclusion in contemporary society.
New Opportunities One opportunity arising in the knowledge-based economy is the Creative Industries (see also paragraph 2.4). The Creative Industries are already significant components of advanced economies, not only in scale and growth, but more importantly as “drivers of the knowledge economy and enablers for other industries and services” (Hartley 2005, 2). “The aim is to readdress the imbalance of whose voice is heard” (Preece
31 2009, 24), something she connects to the need for lifelong learning in the face of development issues; however, I argue that it is also something the Creative Industries can entail.
Boosting local production will help ensure that local communities hear their own “voice”, through home-grown music, screen, and television products that would not otherwise have been produced. It will also, in this approach, contribute to a country’s ability to export through regional and global markets, which can add further to diversity, based on the creation of an increased range of consumer “choice”. Cultural diversity is a valuable public good, providing benefits for all. (Barrowclough and Kozul-Wright 2008, 6)
Global Convergence of Culture While Creative Industries export in some countries is expected to flourish, others are being left behind, specifically in developing countries. This is important because, as Barrowclough and Kozul-Wright (2008, 11) argue: “being left out matters; not least because of the role that Creative Industries play in the global knowledge economy. Skills that are developed in Creative Industries tend to be generic, i.e., they can be readily directed or transferred into other high value-added activities and vice versa”. There is another reason for safeguarding diversification: the Creative Industries are industries that feed off each other, through experimentation, imitation and cross-fertilisation. However, when a combination of first-mover advantage and market forces dictate the pattern of industrial development, (cultural) diversity is likely to be a victim.
This leads to the risk entailed by a global convergence of culture. Geertz (1973, 89) defined culture as “a historically transmitted pattern of meaning, embodied in symbols; a system of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by means of which people communicate, perpetuate and develop their knowledge about and attitudes towards life”. Cultures are not static entities, but are in interaction with their external environment. According to the view of the global convergence of culture there is now “an even greater uniformity of lifestyles, cultural symbols, and transnational modes of behaviour” (Beck 2000, 42): globalisation in the cultural sphere. This view is closely related with the so-called “Americanization” (Moffet 1907), a term commonly used to describe the influence of the US on culture, media, business-practice, politics, language, etc. of other countries (though this phenomenon is by no means limited to the US) and can be considered as the result of inequality between the peoples of the world and opportunities offered by the knowledge society. The influence of institutions and brands like Hollywood, Coca-Cola, or the world- wide broadcasting of British Premier League leads to the fear of losing local traditions, customs, and institutions. Evans (2002, 56) stresses that collective action is central to the expansion of freedom and argues that Sen does not pursue the question “of how distribution of economic power over cultural
32 processes in the modern economy might undermine the processes he advocates”. He argues that access to information in order to evaluate the range of choices available is crucial and that we should not underestimate the influence of the “various empires of Coca-Cola and MTV” to promote preferences and priorities different from those that arise from individuals autonomously deciding what they “have reason to value” (Evans 2002, 58). Therefore, the loss of cultural diversity is a risk of the global convergence of culture for developing countries; a the risk of losing their own “voice” when importing creative content instead of producing it. Cultural homogenisation can lead to a narrowing of choice, voice, and opinions (Barrowclough and Kozul-Wright 2008, 12).
2.3 Culture as Resource
Both the Creative Industries and culture were previously explored. It is time to consider how these relate to each other and in what cultural context we can view the Creative Industries. Yudice (2003, 1) states that conventional notions of culture (such as Geertz 1973) have been largely dismissed and that culture is increasingly viewed as resource, “invoked to solve problems that previously were the province of economics and politics”. This notion has displaced or absorbed other understandings of culture. There have been different views of “culture” throughout history and they vary geographically as it depends on local heritage and circumstance. Within these different views “culture” has also been closely linked with “creativity”’. Generally speaking, “in the USA, creativity is consumer – and market – driven, while in Europe it is caught up with national culture and cultural citizenship” (Hartley 2005, 5). The history of this opposition can be found in two terms: the creative arts and the cultural industries.
Creative Arts Creative arts is a term associated with the early modern philosophy of “civic humanism” (Hartley 2005, 6). Within this context, Shaftesbury, Reynolds and others “constructed an intellectual ideology for ‘public art’, which linked it with the community capable of understanding and appreciating it, and conflated that community of taste with the political public” (Barrel 1986, 70, cited in Hartley 2005, 6). Creative arts became synonymous with sponsored or subsidised arts. Creativity was rationalised as worthy of ongoing subsidy because of the arts’s humanising and civilising influence over the populace. Despite its aristocratic origin, civic humanism remains a strong driving force in the rhetoric and the infrastructure of the creative arts, motivating the distinction between “fine” arts and commercial entertainment (Hartley 2005, 6-9).
33 Cultural Industries The term “cultural industries” started as an expression of contempt for popular newspapers, movies, and magazines (Hartley 2005, 11). The industrialisation of culture was denounced as the commodification of the “human mind” (Hartley 2005, 11). The term is originally associated with the radical critique of mass entertainment by members of the Frankfurt school, following a time of mass totalitarian politics and the success of fascism through propaganda and mass ideological persuasion (Hartley 2005, 10-11). Europeans persisted in seeing culture in national terms, with the understanding to preserve and promote national cultures without overwhelming the cultures of others, while Americans defined culture in market terms: “Americanisation”. Globalisation became synonymous with “Americanisation”. The international expansion of American consumerism was seen as a global threat to freedom and democracy (Hartley 2005, 11-12).
Cultural Diversity In the present day, there remain different interpretations of culture as an industry. The proposition that the cultural industries are simply those industries that produce cultural goods and services has gained greater acceptance. An important aspect of the cultural industries, according to UNESCO is that they are “central in promoting and maintaining cultural diversity and in ensuring democratic access to culture” (UNESCO 2011). “The cultural wealth of the world is its diversity in dialogue”, notes UNESCO in its Declaration on Cultural Diversity, and notes that culture is at the heart of the contemporary debates about identity, social cohesion and the development of the knowledge-based society. Cultural diversity is described as a factor in development: “it is one of the roots of development, understood not simply in terms of economic growth, but also as a means to achieve a more satisfactory intellectual, emotional, moral and spiritual existence” (UNESCO 2005b, 2).
Cultural Movements The combination of the cultural and the economic can lead towards a broader interpretation of the cultural industries than that implied by traditional notions of the “cultural sector” (UNCTAD 2008a, 11). Yudice states that “today it is impossible to find public statements that do not recruit instrumentalised art and culture, whether to better social conditions, as in the creation of multicultural tolerance and civic participation through UNESCO-like advocacy for cultural citizenship and cultural rights, or to spur economic growth through urban cultural development projects”(2003, 11). Though relations between culture and politics or economics are not new, Yudice feels that globalisation is responsible for its accelerated transformation. In Yudice’s focus of culture-as-resource, culture is something that needs management (maintenance and investment), not (only) from a preservation point of view, but for its contribution to contemporary problems of social relations, as has been the case in cultural policy movements.
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Yudice’s view does not reject the notion that everyone’s culture has value (both in an aesthetic and cultural heritage sense), but his analysis focuses on the questions of culture as a resource, which recasts long- standing understandings of the role of cultural production and consumption. It is within this context that the new concept of the Creative Industries can be placed.
2.4 Defining the Creative Industries
Defining the Creative Industries is a matter of considerable inconsistency and disagreement in the academic literature and in policymaking circles, especially in relation to the aforementioned concept of “cultural industries” (Hartley 2005, 10-12). The concept of the Creative Industries varies geographically as it depends on local heritage and circumstance (Hartley 2005, 5). The opposition between creative arts and cultural industries has been described in paragraph 2.3. A combination of the European and American perspectives (consumer and culture, market and citizenship) is present in the view on creativity in the “intermediate” countries (e.g. Hong Kong, Singapore, New Zealand and Australia). These countries are the early adopters of the term Creative Industries (Hartley 2005, 5).
Creative Industries “The term Creative Industries was first articulated in 1997 as a way of integrating sectors of the British economy in which creative intangible inputs add significant economic and social value” (Hearn et al, 2007, 3). The concept of the Creative Industries emerged in Australia in the early 1990s, but the term gained recognition when the UK Department for Culture, Media and Sport (DCMS 2001) set up a Creative Industries Unit and Task Force. Originally, DCMS looked at all industries based on creativity which produced Intellectual Property (IP) as outcome; however, it later narrowed its definition to those industries with an artistic or cultural input and limited IP to copyright, thereby excluding science, marketing, etc. – those which result in patents, trademarks, and designs (Howkins 2005, 118). To this day it is difficult to distinguish between what DCMS calls “creative industries initiatives” and the “enterprise and innovation initiatives” (DCMS 2001). Therefore, Howkins (2005, 119) prefers not to restrict the term “Creative Industries”, but to include all industries where “brain work is preponderant and where the outcome is intellectual property”.
Fundamental to an understanding of the Creative Industries – what the concept comprises and how it functions in the economies of both developed and developing countries – is an overview of concepts, such as “creativity”, “creative products”, “cultural industries”, “creative industries” and “creative economy”
35 (UNCTAD 2008a, 9). The complexity and interrelationship of these factors makes the Creative Industries difficult to define. However, exploring these concepts can give us a basis for comparative analysis and informed policy-making. Creativity can be explored in different ways: artistic creativity (imagination and original ideas expressed in text, sound, and image), scientific creativity (experimentation), and economic creativity (innovation). “Creativity”, therefore, can be defined as the process whereby ideas are generated, connected and transformed into things that are valued (Boston's Creative Economy, cited in UNCTAD 2008a, 10). But with such a broad description, what constitutes the Creative Industries?
A sensible way to make a distinction between the Creative Industries and cultural industries is to begin by defining the goods and services that these industries produce. Cultural products (such as artwork, musical performances, literature, film and television programmes, and video games) require some input of human creativity, convey symbolic messages, and contain some intellectual property attributable to those producing the good or service. Additionally, it can be suggested that these goods and services have cultural value (aesthetic considerations or contributing to cultural identity) as well as commercial value. Cultural goods and services can be seen as a subset of a wider category of goods that can be called creative goods and services. Creative products and services are man-made products whose manufacture requires some reasonably significant level of creativity, extending from the cultural industries to include products such as fashion and software (UNCTAD 2008a, 10).
Different models The long history of movement from arts and culture to Creative Industries raises the question: why is the term Creative Industries useful? Cunningham answers this as follows:
It mainstreams the economic value of the arts and media. It does this through recognizing that creativity is a critical input into the newly developing sections of the economy – the so-called “new economy”. It brings together in a provisional convergence a range of sectors which have not typically been linked with each other. The sectors within creative industries – the established visual and performing arts, dance, theatre, etc.; the established media of broadcasting, film, TV, radio, music; and new media, including software, games, e-commerce and e-content – move from the resolutely non-commercial to the high-tech and commercial. This continuum moves from the culturally specific non-commercial to the globalized and commercial, where generically creative, rather than culturally specific, content drives advances. (2005, 284, italics in original)
36 However, the Creative Industries have been slow to name themselves as such, and it has been mostly public institutions in government and education that are adopting the term. A number of different models have been put forward over recent years as a means of providing a systematic understanding of the structural characteristics of the Creative Industries. Table 1 (next page) is adapted from UNCTAD (2008a), supplemented by Higgs et al (2007), and highlights the different classification systems that are suggested for the creative economy.
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Table 1: Classification Systems for the Creative Industries Derived from Different Models UK Department for Culture, Symbolic Texts Model Concentric Circles Model World Intellectual Property Centre of Excellence for Media and Sports Model (Hesmondhalgh 2002) (Throsby 2001) Organization Copyright Model Creative Industries and (DCMS 2001) (WIPO 2003) Innovation Model (Higgs et al 2007) Approach to CI: Virtually all of the Approach to CI: This Approach to CI: This model is Approach to CI: This model is based on Approach to CI: below could be seen as “cultural” approach sees the “high” or based on the proposition that it is industries involved directly or indirectly in Identifies the segments in the terms defined earlier; “serious” arts as the the cultural value of cultural goods the creation, manufacture, production, containing occupations however, the Government of the province of the social and that gives these industries their broadcast and distribution of copyrighted and activities that are United Kingdom has preferred to political establishment and, most distinguishing characteristic. works. A distinction is made between either closely related or use the term “creative” industries therefore, focuses attention The proportion of cultural to industries that actually produce the aligned in a production to describe this grouping, instead on popular culture. commercial content decreases as intellectual property and those that are chain apparently to sidestep possible one moves through the concentric necessary to convey the goods and high-culture connotations of the circles outwards from the centre. services to the consumer. word “cultural”.
Advertising Core cultural industries Core creative arts Core copyright industries Segments Architecture Advertising Literature Advertising Music and performing arts Art and antiques market Film Music Collecting societies Film, TV, radio Crafts Internet Performing arts Film and video Advertising and marketing Design Music Visual arts Music Software, web and Fashion Publishing Performing arts multimedia development Film and video Television and radio Related industries Publishing Writing, publishing and Music Video and computer games Advertising Software print media Performing arts Architecture Television and radio Architecture, design and Publishing Borderline cultural Design Visual and graphic art visual arts Software industries Fashion Television and radio Consumer electronics Interdependent copyright industries Video and computer games Fashion Blank recording material Software Consumer electronics Sport Musical instruments Paper Photocopiers, photographic equipment
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UNCTAD does not adopt one of the models in table 1, but gives the following definition of the Creative Industries (2008a, 13):
Box 1: UNCTAD Definition of the Creative Industries The Creative Industries: . are the cycles of creation, production and distribution of goods and services that use creativity and intellectual capital as primary inputs; . constitute a set of knowledge-based activities, focussed on, but not limited, to arts, potentially generating revenues from trade and intellectual property rights; . comprise tangible products and intangible intellectual or artistic services with creative content, economic value and market objectives, and . are at the cross-road among the artisan, services and industrial sectors, and constitute a new dynamic sector in world trade.
The UNCTAD classification of Creative Industries is divided into four broad groups: heritage, arts, media and functional creations. These groups are in turn divided into nine subgroups. The UNCTAD approach to the Creative Industries relies on enlarging the concept of “creativity” from activities having a strong artistic component to “any economic activity producing symbolic products with a heavy reliance on intellectual property and for as wide a market as possible” (UNCTAD 2004). However, it does not go as far as including all enterprise and innovation initiatives with IP as outcome, as Howkins (2005) suggested. UNCTAD makes a distinction between “upstream activities” (traditional cultural activities, such as performing arts or visual arts) and “downstream activities” (much closer to the market, such as advertising, publishing or media- related activities) and argues that the second group derives its commercial value from low reproduction costs and easy transfer to other economic domains. From this perspective, cultural industries make up a subset of the creative industries (UNCTAD Creative Economy Report 2008, 13).
The UNCTAD Creative Economy Report 2008 takes development issues into account, moreover it actually focuses on the opportunities of the Creative Industries for developing countries. I argue that this focus makes it the most suitable definition for studying the Creative Industries in a developing context.
Creative Economy Not only is there disagreement on what the term Creative Industries covers, there is also lack of convergence of the sectors that can be considered to be part of the Creative Industries (Hartley 2005, 26).
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Through meta-perspective the shape, interrelationships and trends of the Creative Industries can form larger patterns. It can, in fact, form an economic sector. “Cultural economics” is the application of economic analysis to all of the creative and performing arts and the heritage and cultural industries, whether publicly or privately owned. It is concerned with the economic organisation of the cultural sector and with the behaviour of producers, consumers and governments in this sector. The term “creative economy” was introduced by Howkins in 2001 and referred to the relationship between creativity and economics. What is new, for Howkins, is how creativity and economics are combined to create value and wealth.
Box 2: UNCTAD Definition of the Creative Economy The “creative economy” is an evolving concept based on creative assets potentially generating economic growth and development. . It can foster income-generation, job creation and export earnings while promoting social inclusion, cultural diversity, and human development. . It embraces economic, cultural and social aspects interacting with technology, intellectual property, and tourism objectives. . It is a set of knowledge-based economic activities with a development dimension and cross-cutting linkages at macro and micro levels to the overall economy. . It is a feasible development option calling for innovative, multidisciplinary policy responses and inter-ministerial action. . At the heart of the creative economy are the Creative Industries. (UNCTAD Creative Economy Report 2008: 15)
How relevant is the creative sector to the economy – what makes it such an interesting economic opportunity for developing countries? “The dynamic significance of the Creative Industries may well be of greater analytic and policy significance than its static role with respect to the level of jobs, aggregate output, exports and cultural value” (Cunningham 2008b, 4). Economic multipliers arising from the Creative Industries are higher than for most other categories of economic activity, as the sector is becoming a strategically important enabler of intermediate inputs to other industry sectors. Recent research shows that the creative sectors grow through their value-adding relationships by interfacing cultural and technical knowledge parts of the local economy. Understanding the relevance of the creative sector to all of the economy enables the growth of creative value add and capture in traditional sectors as well as in the core creative sectors (Hearn and Rooney 2008). Cunningham et al (2008b, 1) argue that a new economic framework is needed to “bring together the diverse agendas of those who look to culture and creativity as
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supports for economic development”. Cunningham et al (2008b, 8) proposes the “innovation model”, in which the economic value of the creative industries stems from “their contribution to the coordination of new ideas and technologies and thus to the process of economic and cultural change”.
2.5 Dual Perspective
I argue that the close link between creativity and culture suggests that the recent concept of the Creative Industries may be a way to promote a development that is both sustainable and inclusive. As argued in previous paragraphs, the Creative Industries are relevant to the economy, which leads to the argument that they are a feasible option for enhancing economic, creative and cultural opportunities for developing countries. After all, there is no lack of creative talent anywhere. However, we still need to establish which approach to Creative Industries is applicable in a developing context.
I argue that within the concept of Creative Industries there are ample opportunities to meet the needs of developing countries for job creation, trade and poverty alleviation and to make a contribution to placing individual freedom at the centre of a broad, integrated framework. I, therefore, take a dual perspective towards the Creative Industries in this study. Granted, aspects of cultural diversity and inclusion are not neglected in the current discourse about the role of the Creative Industries in development:
Because CI can draw from the creative expressions of communities based on the wealth of their historical and contemporary values and symbols, support for the industries should be seen as an integral part of the preservation, protection and promotion of cultural diversity. As many women work in the production of arts and crafts, fashion-related areas and the organization of cultural activities, the creative economy can also play a catalytic role in promoting gender balance as well as for others risking social exclusion. (UNCTAD Creative Economy report 2008)
Nonetheless, the central discourse of the Creative Industries in an international development context is more concerned with increase of trade opportunities and job creation as the way forward for developing countries. The perspective of lifelong learning advocates the chance for groups-at-risk to find their personal way out, and recognises the importance of reducing the imbalance of whose voice is heard. I argue that these issues need to have a much more central role within the discourse on the role of the Creative Industries in development than they have now from the UNCTAD view, particularly as the Creative Industries have ameliorated these issues in some cases. For example, through case studies on “the funkification of Rio” and the activism of citizen action initiatives and youth cultural organisations, Yudice
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(2003) shows how popular music and dance can be used by grassroots movements within civil society to influence development agendas and opportunities for public participation (or citizenship). They attract artists, musicians, professors and scientists to the Creative Industries and broaden the social base of enterprise culture, extending opportunities to sections of the population previously characterised by low entrepreneurial activity and various forms of social dependency (Hartley 2005). Even though I take UNCTAD’s (2008a) definition of the Creative Industries as a starting point, as it the definition that is most developed both from a Creative Industries and a development perspective, I deviate from UNCTAD when it comes to its trade-oriented perspective of Creative Industries in a developing context. I argue that from a sustainable development point of view we need a more holistic perspective of the Creative Industries; one which is based on local context and “ordinary people’s experiences”, pays attention to its application within a lifelong learning approach and addresses the imbalance of the voices being heard in debates on development, the Creative Industries, lifelong learning, indigenous knowledge, and social equity.
When taking this dual perspective we also need to be aware that it is not sufficient to look at the Creative Industries as the single way to create sustainable and inclusive development. Oakley argues that there is little evidence to support the recurring statement in UK policy documents that the Creative Industries contributes to social inclusion and widening participation (2004, 72) or that “an ‘economically competitive’ society cannot be one with a great degree of inequality and injustice” (2006, 271). She stresses that “creative industries developments … cannot be disconnected from the cultural policies that nurtured them and the social policies that can help sustain them” (Oakley 2004, 67).
2.6 Cultural Reconversion
How can the Creative Industries contribute to the preservation of cultural heritage and simultaneously meet the concerns of modern life and changing lifestyles, which are dealing with global convergence of culture through mass production and a focus on trade? Canclini (1992) states that cultural products and institutions traditionally were divided into two camps: artworks went to museums of modern art while crafts went to traditional museums. Currently this separation no longer works: “As recent changes in the symbolic market have made clearer, modernization is not a matter of replacing traditional high and popular forms but of reformulating their functions and meanings” (Canclini 1992, 30). He calls the transition of tradition and its articulation to modern processes “cultural reconversion”. This is in line with the idea that local connections must be developed for global issues to become part of a respective and, in the end, global culture – the so- called “glocalisation” (Robertson 1992). Canclini (1992, 32) claims that groups whose skills and values become obsolete are able to recycle them by transferring them to another area, that is, cultural conversions
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are “hybrid transformations generated by the horizontal co-existence of a number of symbolic systems”. As a consequence, he claims, high, popular and mass art nourish each other:
Reconversion thus challenges the assumptions that cultural identity is based on patrimony, and that this patrimony is constituted by the occupation of a territory and by collections of works and monuments. It further undermines the belief that the secularization of cultural spheres – their autonomy and autonomous development – contributes to the expansion, experimental innovation, and democratization of societies. It questions the notion that popular sectors achieve emancipation and are integrated into modernity by means of the socialization of hegemonic cultural assets through education and mass dissemination. Finally reconversion casts into doubt the idea that localistic and nationalistic fundamentalisms can be overcome by new global technologies of communications that also encourage creativity. (Cancilni 1992, 32)
Rennie (2005, 48) notes: “The development aspects of the creative industries endorse creative participation as a means towards scarcity. This promotes an open-ended view of culture in which people can pursue opportunities through self-expression and creative production”. In line with this, Nyamnjoh (2002) argues that culture and tradition are not static; people are constantly renegotiating tradition with modernity. Also, Venturelli (2005, 395) argues: “the most significant question about any culture is not the legacy of its past, but the inventive and creative capacities of its present”. She finds that there is no need to protect national cultures from global influences and competition, but for the development and maintenance of a creative infrastructure. Indeed, I argue that creativity cannot exist in a vacuum and neither can cultural heritage; however, there is still the need for balance between economic growth and cultural diversity as “a valuable public good” and opportunities for local communities to hear their own “voice”. “In the post-colonial space discourses and identities are hybrids” (Preece 2009, 27), context-specific experiences are, therefore, important.
2.7 The Creative Industries Sector in Developing Contexts
I posit that we need to know more of the current state and role of the Creative Industries in developing countries – its characteristics and the opportunities and obstacles it entails. Presenting an estimate on the overall size of the Creative Industries economy world-wide, and particularly in developing countries, is difficult. Current data is at best patchy and at worst non-existent. Additionally, as addressed previously, there are definitional problems to what the Creative Industries constitutes. Therefore, UNCTAD and UNESCO are calling for the collection of accurate and comparable trends data and analysis of policy
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information for developing countries (see also chapter 5). Generally speaking countries, such as India, China and Brazil are experiencing rapid growth in exports of the audio-visual sub-sector (which can be called one of the most important under the Creative Industries umbrella, excluding ICTs and software), while others, mostly Latin American and African countries, are losing market shares (Barrowclough and Kozul- Wright 2008). The prognosis is not much different: while Creative Industries export in some countries is expected to flourish, others are being left behind, particularly in developing countries.
Characteristics of the Creative Industries Sector An important characteristic of the Creative Industries sector is the mix of market and state as they play an important social, political, and cultural role. The concerns about the role of public intervention are often mentioned in the discussion about the tension between “commerce” and the “commodification of culture”. It is a challenge to create content that appeals to both global and local tastes without it becoming de- contextualised and meaningless to both audiences. In some cases, the creation of “own stories” has been the reason to establish state cultural institutions. The traditional argument that public policy is needed to ensure that local Creative Industries exist at the national level can be extended to the global level – a kind of global public goods argument.
Another aspect of the Creative Industries sector is that artists tend not to be fond of the market, nor be proficient in dealing with it, leading to a call for intermediate agents or agencies.
This effort will require building a good dialogue between the creative and the business communities, overcoming social differences between the creators and the business community, addressing the marginal status of key players, diminishing the dominance of big, corporate players and of intermediaries in the supply value chain, altering the highly uneven power distribution within creative communities and recognising the economic contribution of the sector. The challenge for policy makers is to rethink their political priorities and identify potential growth opportunities of this sector and position it at the centre of the new development paradigm within the knowledge economy. (Barrowclough and Kozul-Wright 2008, 31)
Their main message is as follows: “Striking the balance between exit, voice, and diversity is the challenge facing local policy-makers in the developing world, the international development community, and the developed world alike” (32). These characteristics of the creative sector apply to a developed and developing context; however, the obstacles and opportunities are different and often of another scope.
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Obstacles and Opportunities in a Developing Context “Many opportunities for value creation, employment expansion, technological upgrading and market development in the creative sector have gone unrealised in developing countries because of obstacles such as lack of investment, lack of entrepreneurial skills and inadequate infrastructure to support the growth of the creative industries” (UNCTAD 2008a, 40). Penetration of existing (international) distribution channels can be difficult, therefore, many creative entrepreneurs set up their own distribution networks, with varying success. Digital technology may decrease barriers to market entry; however, this hypothesis remains to be tested. Thus it is crucial to know what are the main obstacles and opportunities for the Creative Industries in developing countries.
Sub-Sectoral Strengths and Weaknesses Oakley (2004, 72) argues that different industries work in different ways (with regards to the role of individual creativity, the market, the need for teams of people, etc.) and, therefore, need different sorts of interventions. The conditions needed to support the growth of localised creative economies are high levels of human capital, a developed consumer market for local creative products, institutional understanding and collaboration (Oakley 2006, 262). She suggests that the notion of the Creative Industries as a homogenous group needs breaking up and sub-sectoral strength and weakness needs focussing on (Oakley 2006, 269): “Where barriers to entry are relatively low or require modest capital input – such as in crafts or some forms of new media … participation is growing. Where barriers to entry are qualification or education based and hence the influence of social class is stronger, less progress has been made (Oakley 2006, 264).
Digital Networks Global digital networks are of growing importance for making a variety of cultural products available; however, internet penetration in the poorest nations is still low and will remain so in the foreseeable future. Models that brought television to remote areas (one TV set in the local cafe) could apply, and the fast adaptation of mobile technology witnessed in some developing countries could also shift this trend (Wallis 2008).
Copyright In terms of copyright issues, there are many examples about content being “stolen” from countries which are poor in financial terms, but rich in heritage, talent and modes of expression. What are the opportunities for smaller players to find markets? Wallis (2008) recognises the need to be aware of new legal developments and states that there is a need for knowledge, which could be made available through education. He further
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suggests that “creative workshops” could be organised to consolidate exchanges and experience and learn about potential problems as well as opportunities.
Infrastructure The obstacles surrounding infrastructure is another area that needs support measures and policy formulations. These can be summarised as: re-appraisal of the operators’ claim to enjoy a lack of responsibility in telecommunications; establishment of resources that will encourage entrepreneurs to produce local cultural products, such as production facilities/ studios; support for live performances, and support for actions that can raise the status of local products/ services (Wallis 2008). Wallis also mentions local traditional media policy as a factor: there is a need to focus on range of media choices and to include goals of diversity.
Finance Cunningham et al (2008a) suggest that financing in developing countries cannot be considered in isolation of other interrelated issues. Creative enterprises require specialised business support, marketing, management development, attention to innovation, copyright protection, and rights management. The emphasis of finance should be directed towards those segments of the value chain that inhibit growth and information flows – and not necessarily towards content creation and creative input (Cunningham et al 2008a). Finance is closely linked to a need for awareness and of types and potential markets for export. They describe barriers and modes of finance as follows: (1) there is no one specific creative industries finance model, but a multitude of models adapted to the unique situation; (2) institutional and informal people networks are important in levering financial support, and (3) private partnerships and strategic alliances, such as peer networks, rather than direct capital investment are becoming important means of overcoming distribution and other market barriers (micro-finance model) (Cunningham et al 2008a). Public subsidy still remains the most important source of investment; however, this can shift with networked information infrastructures. Oakley (2004) also mentions the importance of public funding, in the form of business support of creative industry firms. Within public funding, network support is vital. This links creative workers to higher education, government and sources of funding; however, public funding needs to be long- term and not concerned with measurable outputs as “successful networks take a long time to develop and trust between partners is a crucial ingredient … and ‘outputs’ of successful networking are hard to measure” (Oakley 2004, 75).
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Intermediaries/ Partnerships/ Networks Oakley argues that in “a sector heavily dependent on social networks for entry and advancement and where ‘experience’ is often gained in unpaid first jobs … the disadvantage to those who lack friends or relatives in these sectors, or cannot afford to work for ‘free’ is very clear” (2006, 265). Fleming (2008) draws from lessons from the UK to suggest that the “establishment of a coherent landscape of intervention is a key issue: linking agendas and different parts of the sector to support a complex local, regional, or national creative ecology” (278, italics in original) in which the role of the intermediary is essential. A creative intermediary acts as a gatekeeper, a broker, an information resource, an initiator, a provider of business support, and an advocate (Fleming 2008, 278). So, how can creative intermediaries lead processes of change in developing countries? A creative intermediary service must be able to operate across a range of cultural paradigms and maintain a cultural credibility across different creative communities. The challenge in developing contexts is to establish appropriate support that emerges from existing institutions and needs relatively small resources. Fleming (2008) cites four key issues: (1) utilising the capacity and expertise of existing institutions – the higher education sector can provide a vital role; (2) mapping and intelligence are primary – knowledge of the sector; (3) catalysing networks of intermediaries – arts and cultural organisations, creative businesses, banks, tourist agencies, education institutions, and (4) allowing businesses to take a lead – creative business can and must play a prominent role (293-295). “Key is establishing effective partnership that communicates effectively with a mix of business-led networks to ensure that interventions support the commercial interests of the sector” (Fleming 2008, 298).
2.8 Summary
With the current relevance of the Creative Industries sector to economic opportunities (e.g. high economic multipliers), it becomes clear that it is a feasible option for enhancing opportunities for developing countries. There is no lack of creative talent there; the main concern is how to make it flourish. The central discourse of the Creative Industries in an international development context is currently mostly concerned with increase of trade opportunities and job creation as the way forward for developing countries. However, I argue that, within the context of development as lifelong learning (Preece 2009) and development as freedom (Sen 1999), we need to look beyond the focus on employability and put more emphasis on the role of the Creative Industries as a tool to readjust the imbalance of whose voice is being heard as well as a tool for a personal way out of a difficult situation.
Therefore, I take a dual perspective on the role of Creative Industries in developing countries: (1) the role of income generation and employability (connection of the Creative Industries with business and enterprise)
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and (2) the role of cultural heritage and identity, social inclusion, and cultural citizenship (connection of the Creative Industries with social movements and “voice”). How can the Creative Industries contribute to the preservation of cultural heritage and simultaneously meet the concerns of modern life and changing lifestyles? Cultural reconversion (Canclini 1992) shows how traditions and modern processes can meet in contemporary society by reformulating functions and meanings. Therefore, creative activity should not take place in an isolated setting, but needs equal access to socio-environmental and cultural resources to create openness to other influences without losing their “own voice”, in order for a creative environment to flourish (Venturelli 2005, 395).
To make creative development initiatives operational it is important to also take note of the characteristics of the creative sectors, such as small firms, self-employment, informal agreements and clusters, and the mix of market and state. Obstacles for the Creative Industries in developing countries include lack of investment, lack of entrepreneurial skills and inadequate infrastructure to support the growth of the Creative Industries. Furthermore, creative development initiatives need to take copyright issues, distribution issues, public and private finances, and the opportunities of digital networks into account, as well as make use of networks and partnerships, and sub-sectoral strengths and weaknesses (UNCTAD 2008a; Oakley 2004; Oakley 2006; Wallis 2008; Cunningham et al 2008a; Fleming 2008).
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3 Learning for the Creative Industries
Even when the Creative Industries can connect economic development with the continuation and evolution of local traditions and cultural heritage, they alone cannot provide a magic solution. In fact, as previously analysed, to avoid fundamental inequalities between the peoples of the world and opportunities offered by the knowledge society, there needs to be equal access to opportunities, as well as equal ability for critical analysis of its implications and value. Education and learning is crucial in this process, therefore, this chapter explores how education and learning can contribute to creating a context in which creative talent can flourish.
3.1 Education and Creativity
Education has been conceived by the UNCTAD Creative Economy report (2008a, 26) as a critical enabler to the growth and success of the Creative Industries sector in both developed and developing countries:
In schools, the role of the arts in forming children’s social attitudes and behaviours is well recognized. In adult education, many possibilities exist for using education in culture and the arts to enhance understanding of society and its functions. There is a two-way relationship between the education system and the creative industries. On the one hand, education and training institutions are responsible for turning out individuals with the skills and motivation to join the creative workforce. On the other hand the creative industries provide the necessary artistic and cultural inputs into the education system to facilitate students' education in the society in which they live and, in the longer term, to build a more culturally aware population.
Although this study adopts the two-way relationship between education and the Creative Industries, the emphasis lies on the role of the education system for turning out individuals for the creative workforce. As I argued in paragraph 2.4, I take a dual perspective of the Creative Industries in a developing context and, as such, of the role of education. The added value of creativity and the arts in formal education, adult education, and, maybe most of all, in every-day learning to enhance understanding of society and its functions is inherent to all references to education (UNCTAD 2008a, 26). However, in terms of the contribution of education and learning to creating a context in which talent can flourish, the focus of this thesis is on turning out individuals with the skills and motivation to join the creative workforce, who, as such, contribute to the added value of creativity and arts in society and cultural awareness in the education system or elsewhere (UNCTAD 2008a, 26).
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Creative Workforce and Identity Formation There are distinguishing features in the Creative Industries labour market that are important for the creative workforce. Barraclough and Kozul-Wright (2008) have analysed the recent trends of the labour market in the Creative Industries sector and summarise its implications for developing countries. In terms of industry structure, the Creative Industries sector is characterised by the co-existence of a small number of very large firms and a large number of small, often informal, firms. There is a high-degree of self-employment, with individuals working on a project basis. Much learning is by doing, although in some countries there is some formal schooling in various forms of Creative Industries. Creative Industries’ clusters and collaborative (formal and informal) agreements arise, also between countries; this occurs particularly because most firms are so small. Rennie (2005, 50) calls the new possibilities for creativity in developing countries “as existing between the binary opposition between the state and the market”. It lies instead in a newly constructed public space, where civil society initiatives and social movements can flourish.
Bridgstock (2005) suggests that individuals with careers in the fields of fine and performing arts often fit into the protean careerist model (Hall 2004), as artists often identify strongly with their work and the intrinsic motivations of artists/ creative workers are often strong and they must reinvent themselves continually in the face of a changing labour market. Hall (2004, 2) defines the protean career as “a career that is self- determined, driven by personal values rather than organisational rewards, and serving the whole person, family and ‘life purpose’”. In a protean career, the person is in charge, the core values are freedom and growth and the main success criteria are subjective (psychological success) (2004, 4). One way of being protean is pursuing one’s path with the intensity of a “calling” (Hall 2004, 9). Work becomes a calling when a person sees it that way, when it serves a community, when career decisions involve discernment, when it engages your quintessential self and when you are using your gifts for the common good (Weiss, Skelley, Hall and Haughey 2003). This is connected to the notion of craftmanship or “the desire to do something well for its own sake” (Sennet 2006, 194), which extends the term beyond the traditional connection of craftmanship with manual labour. The most distinguishing feature of craftmanship is the commitment to doing something well, but even more the belief in the objective value of getting something right (Sennet 2006, 195): the pursuit of quality and deepening one’s skills which takes time, is the craftman’s sense of meaningful work – subjective career success.
The idea of the protean career fits in with the change of employment as a lifelong contract to a free agent model (Rousseau 1995). A distinguising feature of the protean career is the need for lifelong learning, being open to new possibilities and opportunities and viewing the career as a series of learning cycles (Hall and Mirvis 1996). People constantly need to reinvent themselves and upscale their career meta-competencies
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and career/ life management skills in the face of the recurrence of finding work in a boundaryless labour market. Hall distinguished two meta-competencies that equip individuals to be more protean: adaptibility and identity (self-awareness), both of which are critical to develop in equal measure (2004, 6-7). Adaptability and self-awareness are needed to determine what is a good fit between identity and life/ career choices. It is important to note that in career changes, adaptation seems to be easier than identity change (2004, 10). Modern identity formation implies that people create their own identities, combining elements of private (personal) identity with public (political) and these with consumer goods and services: “DIY citizenship”, in which the role of creativity in producing both senses of self and products and services is obvious (Hartley 2005, 111). Career identity (Meijers 1998, 191) is “a structure of meanings in which the individual links his own motivation, interests and competencies with acceptable career roles”. In line with the protean career model and modern identity formation, it has been suggested that career identity is an issue for many young emerging creatives: many have limited understanding or unrealistic (romantic) expectations about work and employment in their fields (Bridgstock and Hearn 2011).
Many developing economies are characterised by the importance of the informal economy, that is, employment of people as free agents, instead of lifelong contracts, is common. While people in informal economies often have strongly developed career management skills (such as networking, finding and obtaining work), this is not usually by choice, but as a means to survive, making the notion of the self- directed protean career less common. The main difficulty is the limitation in freedom to choose and opportunity/ ability for self-reflection. As such, Sen’s notion of freedom of choice as the basic means for development includes the intrinsic motivations (Bridgstock 2005) of the protean careerist as well – when a person does not have the option to choose their own career path in such a way that life/ career choices and identity are a match, it is difficult for individual talent to be able to flourish. Development as freedom is crucial for this to succeed.
3.2 Learning Society
In the new economy, to make money from know-how (transferring tacit knowledge into explicit knowledge) it is not enough to have good ideas; one has to be able to appropriate the value in them (Leadbeater 2005, 131). Within this new context, useful knowledge is practical knowledge and competence-based education takes over from the previous emphasis on expertise (Leadbeater 2005, 126). The core competence in the new knowledge society becomes “learning how to learn” (Jarvis 2007, 93-95).
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So, what skills does a protean careerist need and how can educational initiatives incorporate these in their learning strategies? Bridgstock’s (2011, 17) study on skills for Creative Industries graduate success provides support for the notion that artists who have strong intrinsic motivation and who engage in self- directed career choices experience better initial subjective and objective career outcomes. Intrinsic motivations for work were able to be linked with both career management skills and career success. In the quest for career self-fulfilment and maximising employability, the protean may have a portfolio of multiple simultaneous or overlapping employment arrangements requiring them to draw on a variety of their generic and transferable skills and perform a number of different roles (Handy 1994; Mallon 1999).
I argue that in the difficult circumstances in developing countries, the development of a career identity and the intrinsic motivation of a creative worker are even more important for a succesful career in the creative workforce. Educational initiatives, therefore, need to encourage intrinsic career motivations and the development of skills for career self-management (Bridgstock 2011, 18). The career identity issues found with young creatives influence engagement during learning and career-related behaviour. A key task of education is to support learners through a process of adaptive career-identity building (reflection on their own career needs and values) and learning about, and experiencing, various aspects of their intended occupations. This process emphasises the self-management aspects of career management skills, previously mentioned as one of the core values. Therefore, it is crucial to note that for education and learning to contribute to a context in which talent can flourish, they need to be also viewed as a process of social transformation, participation and identity, in addition to learning new skills and knowledge.
Adult education was once seen as the “key agent for social change” (Finger and Asún 2001), which would make it the fitting discipline to use when gaining further insight into education and learning as a process of social change, participation, and identity. However, the role of the adult education has changed in more recent years. The notion of the “learning society” has often been invoked when dealing with contemporary issues. The knowledge-based economy requires a higher proportion of skilled workers; this, joined with the emphasis on lifelong learning, is the reason that a “learning society” is often seen as vital for people to gain the appropriate level of skills and knowledge for the labour market, but also for personal development (Livingstone 2005, 2). But what is a learning society and do we actually live in one?
The notion of the learning society and lifelong learning can be seen as an attempt at establishing a governing principle for the contemporary world dealing with change and particularly the unpredictability to change (Edwards 1997, 22-23). Jarvis (2007) finds that when discussing the learning society we need to see learning as an opportunity to learn specific knowledge and skills – not just as a process. He defines the
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learning society as a society “in which the majority of social institutions make provisions for individuals to acquire knowledge, skills, attitudes, values, emotions, beliefs, and sense within the global society” (100). According to Jarvis, this definition puts learning, not education, at the centre, implying that individuals must take responsibility for their own learning. The downside to this is that it can make the learning society “an unequal society in which opportunities to learn certain things depend upon people’s position in the social structures’’ (Jarvis 2007, 101). Jarvis (2007, 20) argues that a fundamental aspect of learning is that “we always learn in a social context and that the learning processes are themselves affected by the relationships within which we function. These relationships are affected by power so that we tend to mirror the culture(s) of our life-world”. Jarvis states that identity is maintained, retained and developed through lifelong learning, while our identities related to our membership of varieties of communities of practice is maintained through lifewide learning (2007, 153). Illeris (2007) has analysed a number of these social contexts, or learning spaces, and distinguishes everyday life, the school and education system, working life, the net-based learning space and the voluntary interest-driven learning space. Each learning space places some learning opportunities at its disposal: “In modern society it is of key importance that learning contexts are created across the learning spaces, but this is not immediately in agreement with the structure and mode of function of the societies, and attempts to move across the different learning spaces create great organisational learning problems” (Illeris 2007, 233). “Our so-called ‘learning society’ is not yet sufficiently mature for this to take place” (Illeris 2007, 232).
Even in an immature learning society, the complexity of contemporary society, the knowledge-based economy and the different contexts in which we learn still cry out for possible actions and future scenarios that take the full picture into account. Vital questions are: how does education fit into the possible scenarios? How does this impact on the Creative Industries sector? And how does the Creative Industries sector impact on education?
Yearning to Learn For these new circumstances, we need different types of education and different priorities and to keep pace with changes we must learn to be creative (Robinson 2005). To accomplish this, Robinson (2005) states that education needs to be balanced to conform to three principles: balance across the curriculum, balance within the teaching of disciplines and balance between education and the wider world. Though this insight is valuable, a focus on formal education alone may not be the right approach. People entering the creative workforce “need new skills and capabilities in education, but they also need to be avid lifelong learners, returning to education – formal, non-formal and informal – as they navigate through their ‘portfolio career’” (Hartley 2005, 3). Leadbeater and Oakley (2005, 305) conclude that one of the shortfalls in public policy
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regarding the Creative Industries sector is the lack of insight into the need for cultural entrepreneurs to develop a mix of creative and business skills, often at different stages in their lives. “Education institutions are often too inflexible to deliver these skills as and when the entrepreneurs need them. The skills of cultural entrepreneurship … can be learned, but usually from experience and peers rather than a classroom” (Leadbeater and Oakley 2005, 305). The creative economy requires highly-skilled flexible self-learners, while the need to raise standards in educational curriculum in schools has lead to greater emphasis on outputs and targets. The ability to fail is part of the vital training for entrepreneurship and creativity, while school can no longer afford to fail (Oakley 2004, 74). Universities and schools are not necessarily best placed to respond to the need for innovative, creative, adaptive and curious consumers-citizens, education should inspire a “yearning for learning” (Leadbeater 1999, 111), therefore, merely expanding the formal education system is not the answer. “Learning will become a distributed system – not an institutionalised system – dedicated to creativity, innovation, customises needs and networked across many sites” (Hartley 2005, 4). Given this, Harvey (2005, 4) poses the question: “To what kind of people and institutions must the mission of creating a society that is ‘yearning for learning’ be entrusted?” The UNESCO Institute of Adult Education (1999) suggests that the educational programmes should deal with the realities of the learners, in terms of life-story, language, cultural heritage and history.
3.3 Workplace Learning
Can adult education provide the answer to the question of what kind of people and institutions we must entrust the mission to create a context in which talent can flourish? And if so, what approach to adult learning is the most appropriate? As can be derived from previous paragraphs, a strong connection to the workplace is important for the creative workforce to learn how to manage their protean careers. Building a portfolio of work, creating career networks, following specialist training or unpaid internships are all beneficial to young creatives in their protean careers and the building of a career identity.
Workplace learning is traditionally the discipline that explores education and learning outside the classroom, therefore workplace learning will first be analysed briefly through the concepts of formal, non-formal and informal learning. Livingstone and Sawchuk (2004) argue that an expanded notion of work challenges the hegemony of workplace learning, e.g. domestic and community services without pay. This is in line with the distributed system of the creative workforce which is networked across many sites – work, private and social lives are intertwined – as well as Illeris’s argument for creating learning context along the learning spaces. Therefore, in this context, workplace learning refers to an expanded notion of work and includes paid and unpaid activities. Next, I introduce Illeris’s model of learning for working life (2004) as the most suitable
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model for the context previously described, as it takes a holistic view of workplace learning in the sense that it looks at human learning through the social interaction between the individual and their environment. Finally, the difficulties of lifelong learning for the low-skilled and barriers to learning in the context of transformative learning will be explored, as these are closely related to (career) identity issues important in the creative workforce.
Informal, Non-formal and Formal In paragraph 3.2, the concepts of formal, informal and non-formal learning are mentioned by Hartley (2005). But what do they mean? In the exploration of education and learning outside the traditional classroom, the definition, and even more so the use, of the terms informal, non-formal and formal learning or education is a matter of inconsistency in both academic and political circles. Colley et al (2003) argue that the origins can be traced to two dimensions: theoretical, which is mostly rooted in workplace learning, and political. The theoretical dimension emphasises the effectiveness of everyday (informal) learning as opposed to formal education, while the political dimension emphasises the terms non-formal learning and sometimes non- formal education, as a way to empower underprivileged learners.
Though it is beyond the scope of this thesis to discuss the debate extensively, it is indeed useful to clarify the concepts to a certain extent. As Livingstone (2005) draws from a wide range of adult education literature, combines both political and theoretical approaches and takes the changing nature of work into account, his model is included here. This model is characterised by the relationship between teacher and mentor, all forms of learning are considered to be individual rather than social and all forms of learning are seen as intentional (Colley et al 2003). Context, power and control are the primary focus of the Livingstone model while concerns for interactive or situational learning processes are less prominent (Sawchuk 2008) so, therefore, this model does generate criticism.
When a teacher has the authority to determine that people designated as requiring knowledge effectively learn a curriculum taken from a pre-established body of knowledge, the form of learning is “formal education”, whether in the form of a age-graded and bureaucratic modern school systems or elders initiating youths into traditional bodies of knowledge. When learners opt to acquire further knowledge or skill by studying voluntarily with a teacher who assists their self- determined interests by using an organized curriculum, as is the case in many adult education courses and workshops, the form of learning is “non-formal education” or “further education”. When teachers or mentors take responsibility for instructing others without sustained reference to an
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intentionally-organized body of knowledge in more incidental and spontaneous learning situations, such as guiding them in acquiring job skills or in community development activities, the form of learning is “informal education” or “informal training”. Finally, all other forms of intentional or tacit learning in which we engage either individually or collectively without direct reliance on a teacher or an externally-organized curriculum can be termed self-directed of collective “informal learning”. In the most expansive conceptions of human learning, self-directed learning may be seen as coterminous with life experience itself. (Livingstone 2005, 980-981)
The classification of learning as informal, non-formal and informal has raised critique (Billet 2002; Colley et al 2003). Billet (2002) argues that the use of the terms informal, non-formal or unstructured is negative and contributes little to improve the status of workplaces as learning spaces. Billet (1994) suggests that the development of knowledge, understanding and disposition required for skilled vocational practice requires access to planned guided learning experiences and instruction in the workplace that are “socio-culturally authentic” (Brown, Collins and Duguid 1989). The separation of formal and informal learning deflects the attention from the many deliberate pedagogical strategies adopted in workplaces and the ways in which they can be further improved (Billet 2002). In addition, considerations of learning, learning in workplaces and the development of workplace pedagogy need conceptualising in terms of participatory practices (2002, 56). Colley et al (2003) suggest that to think of learning as discrete categories like formal, informal or non- formal is to misunderstand the nature of learning: “Such attributes of formality and informality co-exist in all learning situations, but the nature of that co-existence or, to put it another way, the interrelationships between informal and formal attributes vary from situation to situation” (65). Separating the notions of informal, non-formal and formal learning may cause them to become fixed and isolated from each other, in which the integrated holistic way in which people learn becomes lost, that is, the connection of the spaces of learning that is needed for the creative workforce becomes more difficult. Therefore, a more holistic view on learning is required.
Model of Workplace Learning To account for complex contemporary issues, Illeris’s holistic model of workplace learning (figure 2) “shows the basic elements of workplace learning and their mutual connections” (2004, 431). Other holistic views focus on the idea that learning takes place in a specific context that is co-determinant for both the learning processes and its outcomes – situated learning (Lave and Wenger 1991), or refer to social learning or the social dimension of learning (Wildemeersch 1998). However, Illeris’s model can be characterised as a mediational theory of informal learning and work which, at the same time, pays more explicit attention to the emotional dimensions of the learning process (Sawchuk 2008, 8). It is a fundamental condition to
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distinguish between and connect together the individual and social levels of learning in working life. It is precisely in the overlapping elements of working practice and working identity that the important interaction takes place (Illeris 2004, 438), which can provide valuable lessons to building a career identity.
No matter what influences are present in the learning space, whether they are linked to the performance of the work itself, or to the workplace, or to working life more generally, they are marked by the working practice that the learners experience and are part of, and they are filtered through the individual learner’s work identity to become something that he or she processes and acquires as learning. At the same time they influence the employees’ individual and common perception and relation to everything that takes place at the workplace, and thereby also the way in which the workplace functions and develops as a learning space as a place for learning and production. (Illeris 2004, 239)
Figure 2: Illeris’s Model of Learning for Working Life (2004)
The technical-organisational environmental factors in figure 2 include division of labour, autonomy and application of qualifications, strain and stress, and opportunity for communication/ interaction, while the social-cultural factors include workplace cultures and communities of interest (2004, 432). Learning content refers to the cognitive dimension of learning, while learning dynamic also includes the social and emotional
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dimensions of learning (also shown in figure 2). As mentioned previously, building a portfolio of work, creating career networks, following specialist training or unpaid internships are all beneficial to young creatives in their protean career and the building of a career identity. In this, a strong connection to the workplace is important for the creative workforce. This holistic model can be applied by educational initiatives in their efforts to support learners through a process of career identity building, and learning about and experiencing various aspects of intended occupations in their chosen work field.
3.4 Barriers to Learning
Another crucial element of Illeris’s holistic model is that it allows room for both rational and emotional elements of individuals that are involved in learning as well as individual psychological phenomena like blockings, distortions, defence, resistance, and similar factors (Illeris 2004). These are particularly relevant when the goal of a learning environment is accommodative or transformative learning. Accommodative learning (Piaget 1980; Nissen 1970) is concerned with the restructuring of already established mental schemes, which can be a lengthy and gradual process and is often characterised by anxiety and confusion (Illeris 2007, 41-44). Transformative learning (Mezirow 1999) is more far-reaching and concerns the learning that takes place when a large number of schemes are reorganised simultaneously and with relation to cognitive, emotional and social dimensions of learning at the same time (Illeris 2007, 44-47). “Transformative learning is learning that transforms problematic frames of reference – sets of fixed assumptions and expectations (habits of mind, meaning perspectives, mindsets) – to make them more inclusive, discriminating, open, reflective and emotionally able to change” (Mezirow 2003, 58). Transformative learning is an extremely demanding and often painful process and often only comes out through a lengthy process in which social relations play a significant role. There is a tendency in learners to avoid both accommodative and transformative types of learning, though at the same time these learning processes can be more long-lasting and applicable across several mental schemes (Illeris 2003).
Within Hall’s notion of the protean career (2004), the issue arises that adaptation seems to be easier than identity change. Both are needed in equal measure for protean careerists, which makes both a key factor for a successful career in the creative workforce. In a developing context this is even more apparent, as the freedom to choose a protean career – the freedom for an artist to follow their own intrinsic motivations for work – is harder to come by. With the introduction of a new concept, namely the Creative Industries in developing countries, to people that have previously had little to no access to opportunities offered by the knowledge society, it is a feasible assumption that the goals of this learning environment are often concerned with accommodative and transformative processes. Therefore, barriers to learning are present.
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The protean career is viewed as a series of learning cycles. Illeris posits that “the mainly cognitive approach of transformative learning should be supplemented by an interest in the emotional and social dimensions in order to fully capture the background, character, functions and results of what is referred to as habits of expectations and sets of assumptions, thereby also establishing a more adequate basis for working with the obstacles, inhibitions and blockings at stake” (2003, 4). This is directly linked to the fact that adult education opportunities are not necessarily dominated by people who are there voluntarily, but may feel that their life situation “places” them there, which makes them feel ambivalent towards the learning opportunity. In this, learning obstacles become a more pressing issue and the first step for teachers and mentors is to realise the situation as experienced by the participants, even when this modifies the role of the adult educator to that of a social worker (Illeris 2003).
People at Risk In developing countries we may find people with great creative talent, but with very limited education, know- how and skills (the so-called “low-skilled”), who may, for that reason, never be able to explore their talent. While these people are in all countries, I argue that, due to the limited access to education and resources in the majority of developing countries (Zeelen et al 2010), this is an even more prominent challenge in a developing context As we are exploring what kind of people and institutions we must entrust the mission to create a context in which talent can flourish; we must look at the issues of lifelong learning and the low- skilled. What are the issues that affect learning processes of the low-skilled in creative development initiatives?
Van der Kamp and Pot (1999) make a strong argument for the support of individual learning and emancipation of people-at-risk, that is, they argue to focus on educational projects that facilitate learning of individual people-at-risk to find a personal way out. Therefore we need to consider the individual within a group and approach their learning process accordingly. It is a well-known fact that those who have the weakest educational background also participate less in all kinds of adult learning activities, as for many people education or learning has been a negative experience and participating in more education brings the risk of failing once again (van der Kamp 2000; Illeris 2006). Providing insight into these issues, Illeris (2006, 16-17) distinguishes between three different groups of the low-skilled and their specific issues. I will focus on the first two groups, as the problems of these groups are most prominent in a developing context (see also Zeelen et al 2010). The first is the traditional low-skilled group: “adult early school leavers who have not participated in or completed any formal qualifying education or training” (Illeris 2006, 16). An important feature is poor literacy and/ or numeracy. The second group is concerned with people who have a recognised (vocational) education, but the skills they have are not in demand. The attitude of the low-skilled
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towards education is often ambivalent: they know further education will improve their chances, but at the same time strongly wish this was not the case (Illeris 2003b, 2003c, cited in Illeris 2006, 18). In dealing with this, we enter a paradox: for people to participate there must be a “special incentive, a relevant opening that links up with the needs they have experienced and implying some circumstances that reduce social, practical and financial barriers. And at the same time it is of decisive importance that initiatives deliberately avoid all such arrangements, acts, formulations or references that can in any way be experienced as humiliating, disrespectful, infantilizing or the like“ (Illeris 2006, 18). The “solution” of this paradox is to offer these people, as a starter, non-formal and informal possibilities to learn. If this works (only if it works), such successful learners often become motivated to return to formal schooling of some kind.
Non-Learning What happens when someone in a learning situation does not learn anything or does not learn what was intended? Illeris (2007, 157-175) distinguishes three main types of non-learning and links them to three dimensions of learning, which are often connected and can occur simultaneously. Mislearning is rooted in the cognitive dimension and occurs when the learner does not acquire what they are supposed to learn. Learning defence, rooted in the emotional dimension, and learning resistance, rooted in the social dimension are often combined and difficult to distinguish. Learning defence occurs when our everyday consciousness (Leithäuser, 1976) rejects or distorts the overwhelming number and complexity of impulses and influences that contemporary society faces us with, or takes the form of “identity defence”, which is mobilised in situations where we feel our identity threatened (e.g. clinging to a previous career identity when “forced” to retrain) (Illeris 2007). The main difference is that learning defence is there in advance of a learning opportunity, while learning resistance is an active non-acceptance mobilised in situations where the individual is faced with something that they cannot or will not accept. Learning resistance can lead to important individual learning processes, albeit often of other kinds than intended. All types of non-learning can occur in different learning situations, but in particular learning defence and learning resistance are common in programmes for the low-skilled and are, therefore, the focus of the analysis here. There is also a self-evident close connection between (cognitive) mislearning and (emotional) learning defence. When mislearning occurs, it generally will strengthen the defence to learning.
Overcoming Defence and Resistance The challenge here is how to overcome these defensive tendencies. Continuing education and training must be conducted in such a way that respects the wounded identity at the same time as building up a new
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identity (Illeris 2006, 19). It is important to distinguish the ways to reach people. The following analysis and strategies have been summarised from Illeris (2006).
There is a need to create special initiatives that do not remind people of teaching or school, such as projects, learning oriented networks, job exchange. Regarding learning content and methods, it can be very empowering for participants to find out that a learning initiative can be something where one can make “active use of one’s experiences, where one can play a part in deciding, and where that one contributes is not irrelevant” (Illeris 2006, 24). Simultaneously, it is essential to introduce openings and incentives in relation to general learning and upgrading, e.g. literacy, computer skills. In projects closely related to people’s work or life situation, it is easier for them to come to terms with a more traditional teaching situation as well.
Personal contact that can be experienced as loyal and respectful is also crucial. In addition, “there is a need for a dialogue that takes its point of departure in the individual’s own premises … and time for the individual to accept entering into the project actively and wholeheartedly” (Illeris 2006, 21). It is therefore also important that the ways and means of evaluation and monitoring are chosen carefully and in accordance with participants’ attitudes and preferences, such as, exams may remind participants of painful experiences of failure, attendance monitoring imposes a child-role. Given this, it is very important that evaluation is carried out by the teachers or leaders that have daily contact with participants and to find evaluation forms that support and not inhibit the participant’s independence, responsibility, cooperation, etc.
The task of the teacher goes far beyond the traditional concept of teaching. In addition to references made in previous paragraphs, “a fruitful community must be created at the same time as the individual participant is supported in suitable ways, and space and routines must be created for reflection and reflexivity that ensure that the learning interacts with the interests and qualifications of the individual participant” (Illeris 2006, 26). All this must take place in ongoing interaction with the participants themselves controlling their own learning processes. Most crucial here is the division of responsibility between teacher and learner. In existing activities and systems, participants hesitate to assume responsibility for what they feel that others have decided for them, even when they would have chosen the same themselves. Culture may dictate that important decisions are made for them, and they may find it difficult to do so themselves when they have the opportunity, but responsibility is what the development of competence, to a large extent, is meant to produce. To accomplish this there needs to be a well-reasoned framework and opportunities for participants to navigate within this framework. Forms of teaching need to enable the participants to take on the responsibility for their own learning. The most complex part is not to take over responsibility even when
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participants manoeuvre the teacher back into that role, while at the same time the teachers or leaders are not relieved of their own facilitating responsibility either. In particular forms of informal learning, people learn by doing in collaboration and under the supervision of an instructor, such as the learning of an apprentice craftsman. Master and craftsman start in a situation where the master takes most of the responsibility in their collaboration, only step-by-step the master allows more autonomy to the apprentice, which can last a couple of years before the learner has become completely self-responsible, autonomous. So, making learners independent is not a matter of forcing them to take responsibility if they are, in fact, not ready for such a task (Illeris 2006, 26).
3.5 Summary
In managing a protean career, it is important to create strong links to the workplace. Therefore the creative workforce benefits from building a portfolio of work, following specialist training, networking and internships, which can contribute to building a career identity (Bridgstock 2005). This is connected to the learning society as each individual goes through a series of learning cycles (Hall 2004). In our so-called learning society and in the context of the Creative Industries, it is important to determine how education and learning contributes to creating a context in which talent can flourish. In this, each learning space has its own learning opportunities which means that learning contexts need to be created across the learning spaces. The challenge of contemporary society, however, is that our “learning society” is not yet sufficiently mature for this to take place (Illeris 2007). I, therefore, argue that expanding the formal education system alone is not sufficient. When aiming to stimulate creativity, learning needs to become a distributed system (not an institutionalised system), which connects these different learning spaces (Illeris 2007), i.e. the system is networked across many sites. This system furthermore needs to address creativity and innovation, as well as customised needs (Hartley 2005).
Though the notions of formal, informal and non-formal education and learning are useful to gain insight in political and theoretical approaches to learning, due to the changing nature of work, and its context, power and control, separating them may cause them to become fixed and isolated from each other, and thus the integrated holistic way in which people learn becomes lost (Colley et al 2003), that is, the connection of the spaces of learning becomes more difficult. Therefore, I argue that the Creative Industries requires a more holistic view on learning in which the individual and social levels of learning in working life are connected and which also includes the emotional dimensions of the learning process.
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This is important particularly when dealing with the so-called low-skilled. The risk for many developing countries is that there are many people with great creative talent, but with very limited education, know-how and skills, whom may for that reason never be able to make the most of their talent. I argue that to create an environment where talent can flourish, we need to look at people and institutions that focus on the individual within a group, and approach their learning process accordingly, to allow people-at-risk to find their personal way out. Within the notion of the protean career the issue arises that adaptation seems to be easier than identity change while both are needed in for the protean careerists/ creative worker (Hall 2004). I, therefore, argue that educational initiatives need to support learners through a process of career-identity building, as well as in learning about and experiencing various aspects of intended occupations in their chosen work field. I also argue that the goal of this learning environment is often concerned with accommodative (Piaget 1980; Nissen 1970) and transformative processes (Mezirow 1999), particularly in a developing context where barriers to learning are, therefore, present (Illeris 2006). The challenge of learning initiatives is, therefore, how to overcome the learning defences and resistances that are invoked by accommodative and transformative learning. The task of the teacher goes far beyond the traditional concept of teaching: one must make active use of participant’s own experiences and evaluation and monitoring must be chosen carefully, but the most crucial element may be the division of responsibility between teacher and learner (Illeris 2006).
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4 Methodology and Design
4.1 Recapturing
The aim of this study is to provide a comprehensive analysis of learning processes in creative development initiatives. These learning interventions will therefore be analysed on three levels: policy, institutional, and individual level. This is based on the assumption that in order to gain a holistic perspective of, in this case, learning processes, one needs to be able to address all three levels and, moreover, be able to move between them.
The main research problem is: what elements are conducive for individual learning processes in creative development initiatives? I argue that it is crucial to determine what ingredients and characteristics contribute to making these initiatives successful, that is, to meet their specific goals, in a developing context.
Research Questions The first five research questions are phrased on the aforementioned three levels, while the final research question is phrased on a more general level that ties the other levels together:
Policy Level 1. What factors in (inter)national policies and contexts influence these initiatives?
Institutional Level 2. What educational concepts and learning strategies are used in its specific development context? 3. What are the institutional and organisational implications?
Individual Level 4. What do participants in these initiatives need in terms of learning? 5. How can they be involved in its design?
General Overview 6. How can initiatives contribute to social and economic improvement?
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4.2 Choosing a Research Methodology
In this study the intersection of Creative Industries, development and learning is being explored; an intersection that has not been researched extensively. Although this intersection has been minimally researched, there are a great number of projects, programmes, practices and initiatives that operate in this intersection. This study therefore combines literature with good practices research. A number of creative development initiatives which use learning as a centralised and embedded strategy, are selected and described. Please note that the term “good practices” does not automatically imply a positive evaluation by me, participants, or other parties. A better description may be: good or illustrative exemplars of practices. These practices are not normative for other interventions, but they provide an empirical input to the discussion. The empirical research consists of three parts: (1) desk-research, which includes a quantitative analysis based on the Creative Economy Report 2010, five inventory case studies and three comparative context-setting case studies in preparation for the in-depth case studies; (2) in-depth case study 1 in Mongolia, and (3) in-depth case study 2 in Benin.
Yin (2003, 1) states that “case studies are the preferred strategy when ‘how’ or ‘why’ questions are being posed, when the investigator has little control over events and when the focus is on a contemporary phenomenon within some real-life context”. The formulation of research questions is based on the literature review and a preliminary study of good practices. One of the most important results of the literature review was that the research questions would not be solely focussed on descriptive factors (what, where, when, how many, how much) as these had been carried out to a certain extent already (Creative Economy Report 2008) and may be better suited to more policy-related research projects. Instead, the research questions in this study (see paragraph 4.1) are concerned with how learning in creative development initiatives can contribute to the success of such initiatives and how it can contribute to encouraging creative talent in developing countries to flourish, as this can make a significant contribution to policy-related research as well as academic research. In addition, the questions are also posed to explore why the creative development initiatives do or do not reach the intended results. Given this, the real-life context of the initiative is an important factor; in fact the boundaries between the real-life context and the intervention cannot be drawn rigorously. Therefore, the research clearly focuses on contemporary phenomena and is not a reconstruction of past events. Finally, these creative development initiatives leave little room for the investigator to control events (relevant behaviours cannot be manipulated, such as in experiments). Therefore, case studies are the most appropriate methodology for this research project.
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A common concern about case studies is that they provide little basis for scientific generalisation as it would be impossible to generalise from a single case (Yin 2003, 10). One strategy to target this difficulty is to carry out multiple case studies, however, Yin (2003, 10) supplies another answer: “case studies … are generalizable to theoretical propositions and not to populations or universes … its goals is to expand and generalize theories (analytic generalization) and not to enumerate frequencies (statistical generalization)”. The goal of this research project is to carry out a “generalising” analysis that contributes to theory forming.
Action Research Paradigm The case study aims to create an interactive research process incorporating participatory research. Action research is used as a paradigm for gaining insight into participatory concepts and approaches; however, action research is not carried out in this project. “Action research provides people with the means to take systematic action to resolve specific problems.” (Stringer 1996, 15) Action research favours developing the connection between knowledge production and social change by creating partnerships between researchers, practitioners and a variety of client stakeholders (Boog et al 2008). In this type of research informed reflection is continuous throughout the project (Tacchi et al 2003). I use the paradigm of action research because it is participatory and practice-oriented (Boog 2001), and puts emphasis on the action that needs to take place to produce a successful strategy of improvement in the situation at hand (Tromp 2008). Using participative methods ensures that the problems to be addressed, concepts used and the social processes to be looked at are chosen and developed as part of the research process and that research is focussed on how problems and opportunities are defined by people locally. This approach allows research methods and the project itself to be adapted to the local situation (Tacchi et al 2003). Action research will, therefore, help the actors to rethink their own situation, review and test possible courses of action and learn from such experiences. This type of research turns the people involved into researchers themselves (Tacchi et al 2003).
In order to carry out action research per se, researchers, (particularly in developing countries) have to face hurdles, such as bureaucracy, cultural and traditional divides between population groups, immense logistical (transport) problems, power and the of losing power, interests, pressure to the extended family and sometimes raw political will. Therefore, follow-up and implementation, which are critical to action research, can be hard to deal with (van der Linden and Zeelen 2008). Due to these obstacles, action research is not carried out in this project, but the action loop of the research is described and analysed with some elements of participation of the actors to ensure the case study research is more reflective and practice-oriented. Even though action research per se was not carried out within the in-depth case studies, I was an observer of the action phase of the intervention and case reports are “voiced” to represent this phase. They,
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therefore, take a more direct, action-related perspective than if it they were solely based on secondary sources.
Participatory research can be incorporated to gain a collective insight into the research problem by creating an open dialogue, which may lead to changed insights and the development of new intervention/ learning strategies, but my own intervention strategies were not implemented.
A method that is participatory and cyclical, and amenable to feedback can best address the context of the Creative Industries, new media and local content creation (Hearn et al 2009). Therefore, all efforts are made to incorporate the following elements of participatory research: create genuine dialogue and participation for all stages of the research, which means investing in conversational space and in the invention of strategies relating to power issues; use of a variety of data collection instruments and a mix of qualitative and quantitative methods and undertake follow-up and feedback cycles.
Description of Case Study Research Case study research can take many shapes and forms and can be applied in various academic disciplines. Recently it is gaining more prominence in the social sciences, due to the fact that quantitative or broad research is not always suited to the study of a social phenomenon in its natural state. Quantitative data can cover up certain problems or simplify the complexity of issues; therefore, the case study method can be more suitable. The purpose is to describe what happens with a situation, project, organisations, etc. Through quotes, and “portraits” of the involved people, a case study attempts to transfer the collected information onto third parties (Swanborn 1996). Case studies are characterised by their intensive approach: the collection of information through documentation, archival records, (in-depth) interviews, direct and participant observation, and physical artefacts (Yin 2003). The depth of focus that a case study allows can be used to illuminate the multiple realities of these experiences (in this case a multilevel analysis of creative development initiatives) and the subjectivity that is inherent in the research subject. Yin (2003) states that the case study method is used because the researcher deliberately wants to cover contextual conditions, as they are believed to be very relevant to their phenomenon of study. He defines case studies as follows:
1 A case study is an empirical inquiry that . investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context, especially when: . the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident. (Yin 2003, 11) 2 The case study inquiry
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. deals with the technically distinctive situation in which there will be many more variables of interest than data points, and as one result . relies on multiple sources of evidence, with data needing to converge in a triangulating fashion, and as another result . benefits from the prior development of theoretical propositions to guide data collection and analysis. (Yin 2003, 10-11)
A case study should not be confused with qualitative research or as closely related to ethnographic research. Yin (2003) states that case studies can be based on any mix of qualitative of quantitative evidence and does not necessarily include direct, detailed observation or so-called “field research”.
4.3 Designing the Case Studies
Yin (2003, 21) states that five components of the research design are particularly important for case studies. The first component is the how or why form of the research questions, which has already been explained in paragraph 4.2. The second component is the study proposition. In this research project, the study proposition, based on literature research, focuses on the assumption that learning in creative development initiatives is interactive and connects theory and practice and that lifelong learning is an integral factor. The research questions focus on how or why this learning is or is not successful. The third component is concerned with the unit of analysis. In this research project the cases are programmes or projects – so- called “creative development initiatives”. Another option would have been to do a case study on the learning processes of creative individuals in developing countries, but in this research project the choice was made to focus on a programme level as it would give more insight into the institutional setting and policy context – the multi-level approach described earlier. In this, the participant’s perspective is foremost, which could possibly result in an interactive research process. Therefore, within the case studies the learning process of the individual is critical to the overall analysis. Further, the definition of the units of analysis are included in the case reports. The fourth and fifth components are linking data to the propositions and criteria for interpreting the findings. These are based on the theoretical proposition and comparative logic of case studies in the second phase of the desk research (see also figure 1).
Yin (2003, 28) states that theory development as part of the design phase is essential. In this research project, relevant literature was studied as part of the research design and a preliminary theoretical framework was presented to a QUT internal feedback panel during the confirmation phase of the PhD
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project. However, as stated previously, the existing knowledge base is not extensive when it comes to the intersection of the three disciplines of Creative Industries, development, and learning. Thus, in addition to societal theories and organisational theories, the theoretical framework included literature about all three disciplines separately. As the theoretical knowledge on the intersection of all three is limited, the empirical research takes on the form of exploratory case studies; however, the theoretical framework did function to make a preliminary map of the intersection through which the exploratory definitions were able to be made, the purpose of the exploration, and the criteria by which the exploration was able to be deemed successful.
Generalisation As explained in paragraph 4.1, the mode of generalisation Yin recommends for case studies is “analytical generalisation”, in which a previously developed theory is used as a template with which to compare the empirical results of the case study. The use of theory therefore becomes the main vehicle for generalising the results of the case study. However, the outcome of this research project is twofold: practice-related outcome and a contribution to the academic debate. The case study research in this thesis does not serve to generate general, theoretical (context-independent) knowledge – analytical generalisation – but concrete practical knowledge (context-dependent), which is by no means less valuable (Flyvbjerg 2006, 224). The results of practice-related thinking may not be generalisable, but of individual outcomes, which, again, is not inferior to “pure theoretical thinking” (van Strien 1986, 198) Therefore, though Yin’s approach to case studies is used in the planning, selection, set-up and execution of research activities, I deviate from Yin in terms of analytical generalisation. Smaling (2003) argues that analytical generalisation, or theory-carried generalisation, is insufficient concerning case-to-case generalisation, which is the case in this thesis. Due to limitations in theory on the intersection Creative Industries, development and learning, the theory can not indicate in which cases and under which circumstances the theory holds. In these circumstances a point of theoretical saturation is hard to reach (Smaling 2003, 6). When conducting descriptive, exploratory, or practical research, as is the case in this thesis, case-to case generalisation can be reinforced by setting up explicit analogical argumentation, which is primarily concerned is “with making plausible that research results in a certain situation also holds in a certain other situation” (Smaling 2003, 26). There are six quality criteria for analogical reasoning: the relative degree of similarity (more similarities and not more differences); the relevance of these similarities for the conclusion; support by other, similar cases; support by means of variation; the relative plausibility of the conclusion on its own, and empirical and theoretical support (Smaling 2003, 13-16). Not all these criteria have been equally fulfilled in this study, but within existing limitations all efforts have been made to fulfil them through carrying out desk-research, comparative case studies and predetermining case study selection criteria (see also chapter 5). In analogical generalisation, the question is also who decides whether research results can be generalised: the reader or the researcher. Smaling
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calls this social dimension “communicative generalization”. I have made use of “exemplary generalization” (Smaling 2003, 24), which is closely related to action research. This is when the researcher which chooses a research situation that can be exemplary for a set of situations, “must realize organisation and cooperation in the research activities themselves in such a way that these can become exemplary for the activities that are targeted for improvement by the research”, and finally writes a research report in which the former are illustrated clearly (Smaling 2003, 24-25).
In addition to practice-related outcomes referred to in this section, the research outcomes also include a contribution to the academic debate. In this, theories of the connection of learning spaces, transformative learning and the implications for the Creative Industries in a developing context are analysed through the empirical evidence from the case studies.
Multiple Case Study Design Yin (2003, 46) considers a single and multiple case study design to be variants of the same methodological framework. The main advantage of a multiple case study design is that the evidence from multiple cases is regarded as stronger. The rationale for carrying out multiple case studies is that every case should serve a specific purpose within the overall scope of the inquiry (Yin 2003, 47). He recommends the use of replication logic for multiple case studies; however, more complicated multiple case study designs may result from the number and types of theoretical replications a researcher wants to cover. The development of a rich theoretical framework is needed to determine which design is suitable for the inquiry. In this research a multiple case study design was first chosen in order to build a stronger base of evidence for the analytical generalisation that will be the result of the inquiry. Due to the scope of the Creative Industries sector, it is recommended to study a wide range of practices but, due to time constraints and scope of the research project, it is not feasible to carry out in-depth field research on more than two cases. Also, Flyvbjerg (2006, 228) argues that one can generalise on the base of even a single case, as formal generalisation is overvalued, whereas “the force of example” is underestimated (see also previous section). Before the definite case studies were chosen, a case study desk-research exercise was carried out to review the field and to choose case studies that would give sufficient insight into the intersection (see figure 3).
The inventory case studies led to the final selection of two in-depth case studies. In order to gain more insight into these in-depth case studies, both case studies were extended by including desk-research and some interviews with key informants in comparative case studies, i.e. case studies that predict similar results (see also figure 3).
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In addition, in the theoretical framework two different focal points were distinguished: (1) the role of income generation and employability (connection of the Creative Industries with business and enterprise) and (2) the role of cultural heritage and identity and social inclusion (connection of the Creative Industries with social movements and “voice”). The choice of cases reflects these two perspectives, following Yin’s (2003, 52) statement: “multiple-case rationales also can derive from the prior hypothesizing of different types of conditions and the desire to have subgroups of cases covering each type”. The choice of the two in-depth case studies is, therefore, based on theoretical replication.
The Benin and Mongolia case studies are embedded case studies: within a single case attention is also given to a subunit or subunits (Yin 2003, 42). However, in the case study desk-research a holistic design is used, that is, the case study only examines the global nature of the programmes (Yin 2003, 43). Further definition of the units of analysis is included in the case reports.
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Figure 3: Research Design
4.4 Case Study Protocol
“The protocol is a major way of increasing the reliability of case study research and is intended to guide the investigator in carrying out the data collection from a case-study” (Yin 2003, 67). A case study protocol should have a number of designated sections. The first is an overview of the case study project. An overview of the Benin and Mongolia case studies was presented in the confirmation phase of the PhD project. The second section is the field procedures. Field procedures, such as access to the sites, general
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sources of information (documentation, key informants and participating informants) and ethical procedures were presented in the ethical clearance and in the confirmation phase of the PhD project. Third are the case study questions. A set of questions reflecting the line of inquiry and the potential sources of information for answering each question were determined in the ethical clearance of the PhD project through the development of interview guidelines, which served as reminders regarding the information that needed to be collected and not the actual questions asked of specific interviewees. These guidelines are part of the case study database. And the final section is the guide for the case study report. The overviews of the case studies during the confirmation phase of this study were presented in the intended outline of the case study report. The intended format for the data use and intended presentation of other documentation and bibliographic information was included in this overview. However, during case study report writing some adaptations were made.
Preparation for the Case Studies I did not follow specific research training on conducting case studies; however, I did have previous experience with a multiple case study research project on learning for sustainable development, conducted in 2005-2006 for the National UNESCO Commission in the Netherlands (van Beilen et al 2007).
4.5 Conducting Case Studies
Data collection is carried out through multiple sources of evidence. All cases are researched and described using the same structure and by maintaining a chain of events. A number of different sources were used. First, the academic literature review – this is the first step in the research project and is continued throughout the course of the project. The prior development of theoretical propositions guides data collection and analysis. The second source was documentation – a contextual framework serves as a foundation for the choices which need to be made regarding the selection of case studies, as well as establishing understanding of the (international) context and policy in which the case study is operating. This involved reading and analysing studies on Creative Industries in developing countries, as well as documents of case study organisations and programmes that are involved in lifelong learning in a developing context, and educational implications for the Creative Industries. Data includes archival records, policy documents, annual reports, proposals, promotional materials, internal memos/ documents, press releases, etc. This is mostly done through internet research. In order to find information, organisations with a “helicopter view” of the present situation are consulted. Third, informal and orientating interviews are used to generate information on needs, interests, attitudes and knowledge. They can be used to tap into prior knowledge and beliefs, as well as exploring multiple perspectives of issues affecting people either as individuals or as
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communities. These are instrumental in gathering data from the different stakeholders, consolidating the multi-level analysis. Interviews are conducted with participants, key informants (management, coordinators, policy-makers) and teachers/ trainers. In some cases it may be that only one party is interviewed in person, with additional information obtained through e-mail interviews or through questionnaires. Fourth, in-depth interviews are used to generate in-depth knowledge. Interviews may be repeated after a certain amount of time and added to other, more interactive research and, in some cases, complemented by quantitative research in the form of questionnaires. In-depth interviews are conducted with participants, key informants (management, coordinators and policy-makers) and teachers/ trainers. The fifth source was group interviews – group interviews are a good technique for assessing people’s needs and feelings. Due to their interactive nature, they can reveal spontaneous reactions and ideas that can be used to forge a way forward. The number of group interviews and their depth is limited. Sixth, surveys/ questionnaires were used to get a general idea of the situation and real-life context. In some cases surveys and questionnaires will only be used to complement more interactive methods; however, it may be in other cases that a questionnaire is the only way of reaching certain people. Seventh, (participant) observation – this tool is used during field work and interviews. In some cases I was involved in the activities of the different people involved in the research project; however, the focus is on observation without participation. Field note content will include information on the location and situation, and the actions, interactions and responses of the researchers and research subjects. Eight, physical artefacts – physical artefacts form part of results and findings of these case studies and are, therefore, included in the data collection instruments. Examples are: performance piece and felt productions. The final source was discussion and feedback sessions – this tool is meant to encourage active participation. It is intended to create occasions for key stakeholders to come together and discuss preliminary findings, as well as actively participate in the research.
Principles of Data Collection The most important advantage of using multiple sources of evidence is the development of converging lines of inquiry (Yin 2003, 98). In this research project triangulation is based on data sources, which aims to collect information from multiple sources of information while confirming the same fact or phenomenon. In the Benin and Mongolia case study, (past) events, activities, visions and goals, results and findings have been triangulated through interviews, internal documentation, direct observation, discussion, and physical artefacts. With reference to events and activities, the data has, therefore, really been triangulated. However, other phenomena, such as policy and context are more solely based on documentation, in which some facts are corroborated by personal interviews. Each source of evidence was analysed separately and conclusions
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from different analyses have been compared. Therefore, policy and context data are not triangulated to a full extent.
A second principle is to create a case study database in order to increase the reliability of the case study. The major ingredient of this case study database consists of case study notes, including extensive field notes of the observation period, interview transcripts and interview notes. The case study notes also include photographs. Case study documents are also included in the database and consist of evaluations, project proposals, publicity, PR materials, etc. The database furthermore includes tabular materials, such as surveys. In addition, as the physical artefacts cannot be included in the case study database, all efforts are made to include these through photographs or film.
The third principle is to maintain the chain of evidence, i.e. “to allow an external observer to follow the derivation of any evidence ranging from initial research questions to ultimate case study conclusions” (Yin 2003, 105). First of all, the case study database has been linked to the case study report. Most of the interviews have not only been (partly) included in the report in the section on participant’s perspective, but all the events covered in field notes and citations by people involved in the programme, as well as from documentation, have been referred to and made note of in the report, making it possible to locate it in the case study database. In this way, it is possible for an external observer (i.e. the reader of the case study) to follow the derivation of the evidence in the case study report. Secondly, the database cites dates, locations and circumstances of data collection, making it possible to reveal the actual evidence. Thirdly, these dates are consistent with the procedures in the case study protocol (see also summary in case study reports for case study procedures), as well as the set of questions reflecting the line of inquiry which were included in the ethical clearance phase of the PhD project. Finally, the case study protocol indicates a link between the content of the protocol (in particular the set of questions) and the initial study questions. The initial study questions indicate three levels of inquiry: policy, institutional and learner’s level. These three levels are reflected in the different sets of questions (key informants for the institutional level and project participants for the learner’s level). No set of questions is prepared for the policy level, as most of this level is derived from documentation, supplemented with interviews. However, the main purpose of these interviews not to be a source of evidence in themselves, but merely serve as pointers to find the right information in documentation and gain some insight into the context.
Ethical Considerations The uncertainty of the researched interventions, that is, real-life circumstances, means that specific data collection timeframes cannot be presupposed. This research involves open and close communication
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among the people involved and needs a flexible approach to data collection. Upholding ethical principles are paramount to this research project. My access to confidential information in the form of project documentation and previous research is key and will observe confidentiality agreements. Regarding the primary data collection tools (interviews, participative observation, questionnaires, etc), the relevant persons, committees, authorities and stakeholders are consulted, and principles guiding the study are agreed upon before action is taken. Participants can influence decision-making and activities (i.e. intervention strategies) and those who do not want to participate are respected. Development and progress of the research project will remain visible and open to suggestions, and equal access to information for all people involved is ensured. All efforts are made to observe a high degree of confidentiality. It is not expected that the qualitative data collection methods will pose any undue ethical risk.
4.6 Data Processing and Analysis
Information retrieved during data collection was transcribed and coded. Through this emerging themes and categories were created. Themes were also drawn from document research, observation, and physical artefacts. The analysis strategy used was reliance on theoretical propositions – an example of a theoretical orientation guiding the case study analysis. The theoretical propositions have shaped the data collection plan and, therefore, prioritised to the relevant analytical strategy.
Validity and Reliability All efforts are made to ensure reliability and validity of case studies. First of all, Yin (2003, 35-36) describes construct validity as establishing correct operational measure for the concepts being studied. The tactics for building construct validity are inherent principles for doing case studies and all efforts were made to adhere to these principles. These principles are (1) the use of multiple sources of evidence, (2) establishing a chain of evidence and (3) having key informants review a draft of the case study report. My approach to the first and second principles are described in the section on data collection (paragraph 4.5). Also, in both the Benin and Mongolia case studies, the preliminary case reports, and some of the interpretation and transcripts of interviews, were reviewed by a number of key informants. This is explained more extensively in the case study reports.
As these case studies were of an exploratory nature, internal validity is ensured by applying elements to the data that ensure that the creative development initiatives do indeed meet the definition of previously defined concepts (see also paragraph 5.2). The external validity was ensured through the use of theoretical propositions, which is usually used in single-case studies. However, it can also be applied to single case
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studies as part of a multiple case study design, which was employed in this research programme. The external validity of the multiple case was ensured through cross-case synthesis.
The reliability of the case studies is ensured through the use of a case protocol and the development of a case protocol. This is explained in more detail in paragraphs 4.4 and 4.5.
Research Validation Procedures An important part of construct validation is the review procedure, in which key informants read and comment on a number of drafts of the case study.
Mongolia The procedure for Mongolia has gone as follows (procedure based on Yin 2003): 1. The procedure commenced with desk-research on the case as part of the more extensive desk- research (see also chapter 5). The collection of information/ data is carried out in a systematic manner, on the grounds that it is achievable to work out an adequate “portrait” of a certain practice. Timing: September 2008 to May 2009. 2. More information was collected through an informal and orientating interview in person and through e- mail with the key informant, in this case Matthea van Staden. In this interview mutual interest in research participation was expressed and the case was selected as one of the two case studies (based on criteria as described in paragraph 5.2). Timing: May 2009. 3. The first version of the case description was drafted with the aid of various collected materials, mostly through the key informant, documentation (reports, proposals, project plans, etc) and internet research into the wider context. This short description was reviewed by the confirmation panel in the confirmation phase of the PhD project. Timing: June to August 2009. 4. Field research was carried out in Mongolia, using a variety of data collection methods, including direct observation, interviews with the Mongolian participants and the key informant, and physical artefacts. Contact was established with the Dutch participants as part of the observation and a number of informal interviews were conducted with the Dutch key informant. Timing: August 2009. 5. In-depth interviews with Dutch participants and with the Dutch key informant were conducted. Timing: September to November 2009 6. Observation and field research was conducted in the Netherlands. During these visits there was always contact with the Dutch key informant. Timing: October 2009 to March 2010
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7. The transcripts of interviews conducted with Mongolian and Dutch participants as well as the Mongolian and Dutch key informants were written out (in Dutch) and results interpreted in a first description (in English). 8. Full transcripts as well as interpreted interviews in English (including quotes in Dutch when applicable) were sent to the Dutch interviewees and the Mongolian key-informant for validation. This concerned only their own interview. All were ensured that their interviews would not be made public or read by the key informants before they gave their permission to do so. Timing: January 2010. All were returned and some minor adjustments were made to the interpretation of the interviews. 9. The interviews and field notes were coded and a first draft of the case description, incorporating all the results from the interviews and field research, was written. Timing: January to March 2010. 10. A second field visit was planned which was prepared by contacting the Mongolian and Dutch key informant. Timing: May 2010. 11. During the second field visit, approximately four meetings were held with the Mongolian key informant, Munkhbolor, and a variety of other interviews concerned with policy and contextual issues were conducted. Two Mongolian participants were interviewed again, selected based on their availability and role in the project activities. Timing: May 2010 12. A second draft of the case descriptions was written as well as a first analysis of the case study. This was embedded into a larger context – equipped with factual information. Interpretation, discussion and recommendations form the additional elements of the report. Timing: September to October 2010. 13. A second draft of the case study was reviewed by project supervisors. Timing: October 2010 to January 2011. 14. Interpretation of second round of interviews with the Mongolian key-informant was sent to the Mongolian key-informant. Timing: December 2010 to January 2011. 15. A second draft of the case study, including a first analysis is sent to Mongolian and Dutch key informants for final feedback and validation. Timing: January 2011. 16. A third draft of case study is written, incorporating comments from project supervisors, key informants and a more extensive case study methodology and procedures. 17. Final feedback/ validation.
Benin The procedure for the Benin case has gone as follows (procedure based on Yin, 2003): 1. The procedure started out with desk-research on the case as part of the more extensive desk-research (see also chapter 5). The collection of information/ data is carried out in a systematic manner, on the
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grounds that it is achievable to work out an adequate “portrait” of a certain practice. Timing: September 2008 to May 2009. 2. More information was collected through an informal and orientating interview in person and through e- mail with the two Dutch key informants, in this case Feri de Geus and Noortje Bijvoets. In this interview mutual interest in research participation was expressed and the case was selected as one of the two case studies (based on criteria as described in paragraph 5.2). Timing: May 2009. 3. The first version of the case description was drafted with the aid of various collected materials, mostly through the key informant, documentation (reports, proposals, project plans, etc) and internet research into the wider context. This short description was reviewed by the confirmation panel in the confirmation phase of the PhD project. Timing: June to August 2009. 4. Field research was carried out in Benin, using a variety of data collection methods, including direct observation, conversations/ interviews with the Beninese participants and key informants Agbossou and Totah, and physical artefacts. Contact was established with the Dutch participants as part of the observation. A large number of informal interviews were conducted with the Dutch key informant and teachers/ trainers. Timing: February to March 2010. 5. More interviews with the Dutch key informants were conducted. Timing: March to April 2010. 6. The interviews and field notes were coded and a first draft of the case description, incorporating all the results from the interviews and field research, was written. Timing: June 2010. 7. The second field visit consisted of direct observation, conversations/ interviews with the Beninese participants and key informant, Dutch key informants, and physical artefacts. Timing: July 2010. 8. A second draft of the case descriptions was written as well as a first analysis of the case study. This was embedded into a larger context – equipped with factual information. Interpretation, discussion and recommendations form the additional elements of the report. Timing: October-November 2010. 9. A second draft of the case study was reviewed by project supervisors. Timing: November 2010 to January 2011. 10. A second draft of the case study, including a first analysis is sent to Dutch key informants for final feedback and validation. Timing: December 2010 After comments are reviewed, a third draft of case study is sent to a key informant in Benin for feedback and validation. 11. A final draft of case study is written, incorporating comments from project supervisors, key informants and a more extensive case study methodology and procedures. 12. Final feedback/ validation.
The aim of the case study research is to create an interactive research process incorporating participatory research. Participants and stakeholders of assorted practices are involved from an early stage in order to
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effect change and improvement through empowerment and democracy of the researched group or individual. In the drafting of the case study report extra attention is given to ensure every opinion and point of view is treated equally and carries the same weight.
Limitations on Feedback Loops
Mongolia Feedback loops have proven to be challenging due to language barriers. All interview transcripts and interpretations of the interviews with the Dutch participants have been validated by the interviewees; however, this has proven to be more difficult with the Mongolian participants. Their lack of English language skills and my lack of Mongolian language skills make validation of interview interpretation difficult. To address this issue, the interpretation of interviews has stayed very close to the interview transcripts which are part of the case study database. Also, in order to create some sort of feedback loop, the field research consisted of two visits, in which two participants were interviewed again. In these interviews, the women were asked to confirm their statements of the first interview and to give their opinion on project activities nine months after they occurred. This was done in order to given them the opportunity to review their opinion on the project based on time of reflection and intermediate results. It was not possible to visit all participants again due to time constraints and the availability of the rural participants at the time of the second field visit.
Benin Feedback loops have proven to be difficult due to language barriers. In addition to the language barriers, which could have been overcome by translations, there is also the difficulty of a high degree of illiteracy among the participant group. It was therefore not possible to validate the written interpretation of the interviews with the participants directly, which is a serious limitation to the intention to have feedback loops. This has been approached by making a stronger effort with regards to the triangulation of different sources of evidence. The interpretation of the groups interviews has been discussed with the other people present (Bijvoets, De Geus, and Agbossou) and the report will be validated by three key informants (Bijvoets, De Geus, and Agbossou). I have specifically emphasised that Agbossou is critical regarding the interpretation of the group interviews and, when in doubt of its correctness, to either correct it or approach the person who it concerns with additional questions. Another way to approach the feedback loops with the Beninese participants was to make two specifically-timed field visits. The first visit took place during the preparation for Léwé including the first performances. The second took place during the final performances of the tour and
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the evaluation of the project. In this way, through observation, it was also possible to see a change in the group’s skills, attitudes and in the performances itself.
4.7 Project Organisation and Feedback
The research process was managed in all phases via a consultative and engaged research management process. The aim was to develop a strong collaboration with active parties in this field and to keep up-to- date with activities and progress.
The project supervisors were Professor Greg Hearn (Centre for Creative Industries and Innovation, Faculty of Creative Industries, QUT, Australia) and Dr Jacques Zeelen (Department of Social Intervention and Adult Education, Faculty of Behavioural and Social Sciences, University of Groningen, the Netherlands). The associate supervisor was Dr Jo Tacchi (Faculty of Creative Industries, QUT, Australia)
In addition I received research feedback from Professor Ruud van der Veen (Teachers College, Columbia University, USA) who specialises in community development/ education and urban ethnography. I was also a member of two academic research groups: SILGIS, study and research circle of PhD candidates in adult education at the University of Groningen and the Participation Research Group and a specialised research group on participative research methods at the Centre for Development Studies of the University of Groningen.
PhD Procedures Feedback was also included as part of the official PhD project procedures of the Queensland University of Technology in Brisbane, Australia. These included: a project proposal, with project planning three months into the project, ethical clearance four months into the project, annual reports with project planning annually around 30 September, a Confirmation Seminar including project planning 14 months into the project, and a Final Seminar, including assessment of by two external reviewers as the final stage of the project.
4.8 Reflection
In these case studies I viewed my role as a researcher as an “outsider”, but with an unique insight into the action phase of the intervention through (participant) observation, a focus on the participants’ perspective and the paradigm of action research. I was very aware of my position as researcher and the limitations of the short amount of time spent in participant observation. As, in my experience, the cultural and language
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barriers could not be avoided when doing research into the intersection of Creative Industries, development and learning, I have not chosen an embedded research situation. Embedded, in-depth research would be well suited to the next stage of research, and other researchers (local, familiar with cultural context and language) would probably be better suited to conduct the following stages of research; however, as this was a first exploration of a new intersection I argue that an “outside” view can shed sufficient light on some of the prominent issues that exist in this intersection. To strengthen the voice of participants in the two projects, I have included selections of their interviews in the case reports and consider them crucial to the analysis, and it critical for the readers to have the opportunity to hear the participants’ voices.
Desired Investigator Skills When doing case studies data collection procedures are not routinised, as they are in laboratory experiments. Particularly during field visits, the most apparent factor in the data collection process was the need for a flexible and adaptive attitude. Both case studies were small-scale interventions and pioneers in a previously limited explored area. The Mongolia case could be particularly described as a pioneering project. Complicating factors to the research in general included: planning difficulties, organisation and management difficulties, severe time constraints, problematic group dynamics, transport and unforeseen circumstances, e.g. a near fatal accident of one key person.2 These factors added to complications that are inherent to international collaboration projects (e.g. intercultural communication issues, long-distance collaboration) and carrying out research or work in developing countries (e.g. visa requirement, vaccinations and preventive medication, flights and accommodation arrangements, limited communication facilities). Because of these complicating factors in conducting these case studies, I had to adopt a very flexible attitude to new situations and when encountering unexpected problematic situations. This is in line with Yin’s (2003, 72) analysis that a researcher must cater to the other’s schedule and availability, not their own. These constraints actually increased insight into the situation, as real-life activities are an inherent part of the context being studied. Because of a flexible attitude it was also possible for me to maintain rapport with the people involved in the project and explore newly encountered situations as opportunities instead of threats. But it also made it more difficult to follow the case study protocol, carry out in-depth interviews and ensure feedback loops. Within the possibilities that existed in this research project, I felt it was most important to give priority to maintaining rapport with the people involved, as well as observing the project’s course, because this gave me the unique opportunity to truly get to the core of the project, including its challenges.
2 Not all of these occurred in both cases.
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When carrying out case studies it is important to ask good questions, interpret the answers correctly and, most importantly, to be a good listener. Comments and opinions of the interviewees should be listened to carefully, even when they are different from what one expects to hear. This also helps to interpret results unbiased of preconceived notions (Yin 2003). Listening became even more important because of the different cultural contexts and language barriers. Despite difficulties with language barriers, or maybe even because of them (also described in paragraph 4.6), I increased the focus on listening when conducting interviews. During interviews, the aim was to let the other tell the story they wanted to tell, only guided by question outline. When going too far off the course of the question guidelines, I would steer the conversation back to that point after some time, but remain focused on the story of the interviewee. Interview question guidelines also focussed on the interviewees’ personal stories and opinions, as the research paradigm views the participant’s point of view as the leading source of evidence.
My personal situation may also have had some effect on the work, particularly during the first field visit in Mongolia. It was not my first international field visit (I had done previous research work in Belgium, Australia, and Estonia), but it was the first time for the PhD project and in a more complicated situation. I did not speak the language and people there have limited to no English skills making it more difficult to get around. Also, due to the connection with the project I was dependent on other people to being able to perform my work well, as well as in accommodation, transport, etc. Due to the nature of the project (different locations, large and diverse group) and other responsibilities of the project initiators, this also meant that a very flexible attitude was needed to be able to conduct research, and aptitude in dealing with Mongolian cultural circumstances and limited communication facilities. Many issues were soon resolved; however, it did demand a rather great level of resilience to deal with these circumstances. Also, once the research had started, it went full steam ahead, keeping up with the pace and the circumstances in the project. I made some mistakes in terms of not allowing myself sufficient time for reflection, food and sleep, and the preparation of thorough daily field notes. However, this first visit was a good wake-up call and I improved on this during the field visits to Benin and the second to Mongolia.
Research Procedures My role as researcher has proven difficult to define in these case studies. Is the researcher considered to be part of the group or placed outside it? The main issue here was the perception of the different nationalities. In both case studies there was a Dutch group and a Beninese or Mongolian group. As I have Dutch nationality it meant I was automatically placed within the group of Dutch participants, in the perception of the Mongolian and Beninese participants. This was also physically the case, as I joined the group of Dutch participants in their hotel accommodation. My independence, mostly determined through paying for my own
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expenses, as well as the agreements made with the key informants beforehand, was not always clear to everyone.
Mongolia Uncertainty regarding my role led to one instance where one person became uncomfortable with my presence at certain meetings. I resolved this by repeating and explaining my independent role as a researcher and also the ethical considerations I had to uphold, mostly in terms of confidentiality. For the most part, apart from some occasional initial nervousness, neither Mongolian nor Dutch people had reservations in their interviews with me. The openness and eagerness of the Mongolian felt workers/ artists to talk about their work and their opinion on the collaboration was unexpected. I believe that an important factor in this was also that I came to visit them separate from the design team and project coordinators in their workplace or in the countryside where they lived. I always reserved time for them to ask me about my research as well during the interview, which most of them replied to by wishing me luck, enquiring about my intentions and expressing their wish that I would write about the felt industry in Mongolia, as it needed to be told, but more importantly they hoped my research could contribute to it flourishing in international markets.
Benin In Benin, all activities taking place were group-based, meaning I was seldom alone with the participants. Therefore, there was an even stronger perception that I was part of the Dutch group. All efforts were made to explain that a researcher has a different role, and that I was not there as a trainer, or evaluating the progress the dancers were making, but it became clear from some comments that my role was not entirely understood. It is possible that many of the people involved did not know what a researcher does; therefore my role was often explained as “writing a book about us”. One person in particular was very eager for my opinion on the results (did we perform well, did you like our dancing?). Although my role was difficult to understand for most, my presence was generally accepted without problems in the group, and the dancer’s behaviour did not change from their usual behaviour in my presence. This was most likely due to the fact that they considered me to be part of Le Grand Cru; people they knew and trusted. As the participant group made little distinction between me and the project initiators and trainers, this was another reason to refrain from conducting the interviews with the dancers alone. An additional reason was that the goal of the research was not to evaluate the project initiators’ performance or the effectiveness of trainers and managers, but to gain insight into the intersection of Creative Industries, development and learning in a holistic way.
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Language and Cultural Barriers
Mongolia The Mongolian key informant and some of the people interviewed from different international and Mongolian institutions had high English skills. I used a translator for the interviews with the Mongolian felt workers. During the first field visit the translator was not officially qualified; this was not possible in terms of expenses and availability. Therefore I employed an English-language student, Boggi, as a translator and guide in Ulaanbaatar, making it possible to find my way around the city independent of project initiators. Because of Boggi, I was able to visit people in their work place, see how and where they worked, and speak to them separately. The first interviews were difficult as I had not worked with a translator before and needed to find my way around the project and its participants as well. In the following interviews, I developed a better strategy to build rapport with the person I was interviewing by adapting my style of questioning (more to the point and more focussed on the person’s own experiences), and through spending more time on the introduction and the person and their interests. Other strategies were to maintain eye contact with the interviewee instead of the translator and use more obvious and frequent non-verbal communication (nod and smile more frequently, increase pitch of voice, etc). Another important point of improvement was the increased collaboration and rapport with the translator. Also, during the interviews I sometimes took a few minutes in which I switched off the recording device and thought things through. Despite these improvements, it was still difficult to conduct interviews with a translator, and ambitions to extract a great deal of information were somewhat diminished. Another interesting outcome from these difficult interviews was that the interviewees’ point of view became leading. During the course of the research, I learned that their stories increasingly shaped my perception of the project, which was indeed the intention of the case study.
During the second field visit I used another translator, Bolor, who was also the key informant in the project. She was more knowledgeable of the project; we had already spent some time together and she was an experienced translator with the UNDP. Also due to my own increased experience with translations, this collaboration went very smoothly from the beginning; however, the fact remains that conducting interviews with a translator are not ideal.
Benin Even though the key informant, Agbossou, spoke English, most of the other Beninese people involved in the Benin case study spoke French, though this was not their first language. Although I did study French up to a Pre-University Certificate level and also prepared for the field research by following a one-week refresher
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course in France, French is still my fourth language. The Beninese participants spoke Fon as their first language and French as their second, and the level of French language skills differs among them, although most do have sufficient skills. This complicated communication between me and the participants, particularly as it is more difficult to build rapport when there are language barriers. Therefore, during the observation phase, there were limited in-depth interviews and contact mostly consisted of short conversations. This was also due to the extreme time constraints that existed in the project. The preparation for Léwé had priority, to which the research came second. I had agreed to this beforehand (see also previous paragraph about desired investigator skills); therefore, the research was focussed on observation and short conversations when the opportunity arose. Although all lessons and rehearsals were also carried out in French, this did not create complications for my observation.
The cultural barriers met, particularly during the first field visit, were primarily the difficulty in building rapport with the female dancers, with the exception of key informant Agbossou. It proved to be more difficult to approach the women than the men; they often refrained from making eye contact and seemed to avoid conversation. Apart from the language barriers (more men were proficient in French than the women), these cultural barriers created a larger distance, as it made me uncertain about how to relate to them. After talking to some of the Dutch women involved in the project about this complication it became clear that this was the case with them as well, indicating that it had little to do with my role as researcher, but may be a gender issue. This was confirmed during the second field visit in a group interview with the women when a number of the women mentioned their difficulty to meet new people in general and look them in the eye, and felt that the project had helped them build their confidence to do so.
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5 Quantitative Data, Inventory and Comparative Case Studies
The empirical research focuses on a number of creative development initiatives which use learning as a centralised and embedded strategy; two of these are selected and described in more depth. Desk research is the first phase in the staged analysis of this thesis: it starts out with a broad quantitative examination based on the Creative Economy Report 2010, the focus then changes to list inventory case studies which serve to gain a broader perspective on creative development initiatives in different countries and contexts. Three comparative context-setting case studies have also been carried out to complement the two in-depth case studies that have been selected from the inventory case studies. The preliminary analysis derived from the inventory and comparative case studies are a guide for the deeper analysis of the two selected case studies. The selection process and criteria for selected case studies are also listed.
5.1 A Broad Overview
The Creative Economy Report’s (2010) quantitative economic analysis shows how creativity, knowledge, culture and technology can be drivers of job creation, innovation and social inclusion, suggesting that world trade in creative goods and services has remained relatively stable during the global financial crisis of 2008 (UNCTAD 2010, 128). The report claims that the Creative Industries make a significant contribution to national economies and at the global level; however, lack of reliable and comparable economic indicators and data make it difficult to assess the impact of the Creative Industries. In theory, four groups of economic indicators will eventually assess this impact: primary (GDP and employment figures), secondary (spin-offs in other sectors – multiplier effects), tertiary (spill-over into other sectors) and quaternary (contributions to quality of life, education, and cultural identity) (UNCTAD 2010, 77). However, as this is not yet possible, UNCTAD is currently developing and sharpening its methodology in classifying the Creative Industries based on existing trade data of which validity has improved since an increasing number of countries have began using it since the publication of the Creative Economy Report 2008 (UNCTAD 2010, 126).
Global Trends by Sector Based on their own model, UNCTAD analysed international trade of the Creative Industries by sector: “For developing countries art crafts are the most important creative goods, accounting for 65 per cent of these countries’ share in the world market for Creative Industries. Design and new media also have great potential; exports from developing countries have been growing and accounted for nearly 50 per cent of the
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world demand in 2008” (UNCTAD 2010, 137). The UNCTAD classification includes all aspects of the Creative Industries that can be measured in trade data as an effort to get the full picture of its economic impact, therefore, it includes functional creative services (creative services that intersect with more than one subgroup [e.g. advertising]), royalty and licence fees and related industries in its classification. The most important conclusions with regards to developing countries by sector are summarised below (UNCTAD 2010, 139-165).
Heritage The heritage goods and services (e.g. Brazilian carnival) is the only group of the Creative Industries in which developing countries have strong participation due to the importance of the production and trade of art crafts (UNCTAD 2010, 139). Art and crafts can be utilitarian, aesthetic, artisan, artistic, creative, culturally attached, decorative, functional, traditional and religiously and socially symbolic. As such, distinction between items is seldom made (artisan handmade work and machine-made production). Art and crafts are among the most traditional expressions of creativity and the most important Creative Industry for many developing countries, therefore, they should be supported and enhanced, particularly in disadvantaged communities. Art and craft products with greatest penetration in the market include carpets, celebration items, yarn products, and wickerwork (UNCTAD 2010, 140). The top 10 exporters include China, China Hong Kong SAR, Turkey, Republic of Korea, India, Taiwan Province of China, Thailand, Viet Nam, Egypt, and Pakistan (UNCTAD 2010, 141).
Performing Arts The performing arts are particularly important to the Creative Industries due to their interaction with other Creative Industries like music, costumes, and broadcasting. They encompass forms, such as theatre, opera, poetry, dance, ballet, concerts, circus and puppetry (individual artists to large-scale theatrical productions), and are usually presented for cultural, educational, entertainment, and business purposes. Performing arts are a special case since their products are expressed as intangible or immaterial service and few developing countries collect national data on cultural performances and activities. Income is derived from box-office revenues, touring, royalties, but often resides within the non-profit sector and is funded through subsidies, non-profit organisations, etc. In developing countries there are few such funds, therefore, the focus is on the artist as the provider of the performing services, and there are critical issues relating to the labour market (employment conditions are precarious – project-based, irregular, part-time or self-employed with limited coverage for medical and pension schemes) and mobility (limited access to global markets) (UNCTAD 2010,141-143).
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Music is one of the central Creative Industries. It is an essential instrument of intercultural dialogue, but also a dynamic industry in global trade. The size of the market eludes analysis due to incomplete data. Music is part of the performing arts (live performances), but also of the broader area of audiovisuals. Despite a low level of participation in the world trade of recorded music, exports of developing countries have increased in recent years; however, developing economies are net importers of recorded music, primarily because the music is created, recorded and commercialised by transnational companies. As a result, developing countries import not only foreign music but also their own (UNCTAD 2010, 143-146).
Visual Arts The value of the visual arts is situated in the exclusivity and originality of the work and comprises of antiques, painting, sculpture, photography, engravings, carvings, lithographs, collages, and other ornaments. Art markets operate differently in developing countries: artwork in developing economies is generally traded informally in flea markets and framing stores targeting tourists, instead of in auction houses, galleries, and museums. The limitations in formalised structures, appropriate legislation and social safety nets, make surviving as an artist difficult. Contemporary art from developing economies, particularly when rooted in indigenous traditional knowledge, is receiving increasing attention in world markets. This art market is a multi-million dollar business, but is lightly regulated. Intermediaries tend to benefit more than the artist and few contemporary artists from the South receive invitations from international biennales. The visual arts sector in developing countries suffers from a shortage of art galleries and insufficient economic and infrastructural support (UNCTAD 2010, 146-149).
Audiovisuals Audiovisuals include motion picture, television, radio and other forms of broadcasting. These are among the more complex, politically sensitive and underestimated subgroups, as well as one of the engines of the creative economy. Audiovisuals pose difficult challenges to governments in developing countries due to their economic peculiarities, structural problems and low levels of investment. Many developing countries need to strengthen their regulatory frameworks to encourage high-quality audiovisual production. The key issue is the limited supply capacity and the difficulty of accessing global distribution networks. Developed economies dominate the market for audiovisuals (nearly 90%). India, Mexico, the Republic of Korea, Thailand and Argentina are the main exporters of audiovisual goods from the South (UNCTAD 2010, 149-150).
The dominance of Hollywood in global markets inhibits the expansion of the film industry in developing countries and limits their role in the global market, though an increase in the production of digital films makes distribution easier. India is the world’s largest film producer, but mainly for the domestic market. Latin
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America is experiencing a revival of film production, but domestic films continue to struggle for screen space. The Caribbean has become a popular location for shooting American and European films with all the spin-off benefits, but in the long-run this may inhibit production by local film-makers. The struggle to preserve African roots is well captured in the small, but qualitatively rich iconography of African films. Egypt and South Africa produce along conventional lines, but the Nigerian film industry, Nollywood, is a low- budget, high-volume industry supported by video sales. It is a creative response to satisfy the cultural needs3 of modern Africa. The Middle East is also becoming a major player in the film industry. One constraint developing countries face is that going to the cinema is a relatively costly form of leisure. Many residents are thus excluded from watching films and, combined with the low number of venues, this limits the growth potential (UNCTAD 2010, 150-152).
The opening of television markets to foreign broadcasters in many developing countries has had a two-side effect: it expands choices for consumers, facilitates access to world news and stimulates local business activity, but also reduces space for cultural diversity due to the dominance of foreign programming. In the long term this may impact education and cultural life, particularly in remote areas. The shift to digital TV involves economic and cultural interests more than purely technological ones. In developing countries advertising revenues remain the main source of television financing, though resources from subscription is increasing. Most developing countries are net importers of creative content, though there are some success stories like Televisa in Mexico and TV Globo in Brazil, which are major exporters of soap operas (UNCTAD 2010, 152-153).
In general, radio has high rates of local production with advertising as its main source of income. In Africa, radio is by far the most developed form of media and continues to increase despite problems, such as a lack of training, obsolete equipment, low level of domestic production, financial constraints, limited geographic coverage and the absence of a clear legal framework (UNCTAD 2010, 153-154).
Publishing and Print Media Publishing and print media are important subgroups from both an economic and a cultural point of view; intellectual assets and creativity meet in the form of books (novels, poetry, educational, professional) and print media (newspapers, magazines). They face new challenges due to the growing trend towards electronic publishing; however, growing sales suggest that electronic and print media can coexist. In developing countries the circulation of printed daily newspapers are hardly affected by electronic publishing
3In this context, the term cultural needs refers to the need to see culture expressed in one’s own environment, through cultural products, heritage or otherwise.
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as they are mostly locally focussed and internet access is more expensive. Print media are nourished by advertising revenues and responsible for many jobs, including influential writers, editors and journalists who shape public opinion. Developed countries dominate the market for publishing and print media exports, but developing countries showed great dynamism during the period 2002-2008, mainly due to rise in exports from China. Positive development took place in most developing countries; Asia and Latin America had a presence in world markets (UNCTAD 2010, 154-155).
Design Design deals with the creation of forms and the appearance of products, such as jewellery (luxury items), architectural design (functional service), and interior objects (utilitarian mass-produced items). Design cuts across the artisan, manufacturing and services components of the value chain, interacts with technology and qualifies for intellectual property rights (IPRs). Design products include goods only; industrial design is not covered and architectural services are treated under “functional creative services”. Fashion is a Creative Industry that needs special attention due to its trade potential; a unique, handmade fashion creation is distinct from industrial-scale production. The originality of ethnic textiles, combined with the diversity of work from fashion designers from developing countries is conquering world markets; fashion weeks are being organised in Brazil, South Africa, India, etc. Design was found to be the leading subgroup in the world market for creative goods, partly because it is the sector with the best reported statistics, and it is the third- largest creative subgroup for developing countries, after art and crafts and new media (UNCTAD 2010, 155-158).
New media New media is the newest subgroup and is expanding rapidly. The new media industry plays double roles: as a creative product in itself (cartoons, video games) and as an enabler of connectivity (marketing and distribution of other creative products and services). It is not yet possible to capture the real dynamism of new media as a driving force of the creative economy, due to the novelty embedded in continuing updating of technologies and to a lack of data. In terms of trade, developed economies lead exports, but they are facing growing competition from developing countries with video games. In developing countries there were contrasting trends in exports of new media goods, with Asia dominating. Mexico is the only non-Asian country to make the top ten of exporters among developing countries. Other Latin American and African countries were not active and economies in transition had little output (UNCTAD 2010, 158-160).
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Creative Services To facilitate analysis of demand-driven functional creations, UNCTAD introduced the subgroup of “functional creative services”, which covers creative services that intersect with more than one subgroup, for example, advertising and architecture, but also tourism and cultural and recreational services. The global economic crisis seriously affected income-sensitive sectors like tourism, though services like telecommunications were less affected as they were regarded as essential. Developed economies are recovering faster than developing countries (UNCTAD 2010, 160).
Creative services also include creative-oriented research and development services; these services fit into the broader scope of the creative economy and are closely associated with scientific creations and technological innovations. Developing economies had 11% of the market share and the economies in transition had 6% of the world total (UNCTAD 2010, 161-162).
Royalties and licence fees Copyrights are the most important IPR instrument for the Creative Industries and provide protection for authorship of paintings, sculptures, music, novels, etc. Royalty payments and licence fees are associated with the use of intellectual property for production and consumption of (creative) goods. Since it is currently not possible to disaggregate the overall royalty figures by only identifying the data for the Creative Industries, UNCTAD emphasises the need for data collection on copyright earnings alone (UNCTAD 2010, 162-163)
Related industries As the UNCTAD classification approach is trade-oriented, the focus is on creative goods and services. Therefore, related industries are treated separately as an additional economic indicator. Related industries consist of two kinds: inputs into the creative process (e.g. paint for a painting), and supporting equipment (e.g. television sets for broadcasting). Exports of related goods from developing economies grew at an annual rate of 16%, compared to 4.5% of developed countries, which serves as evidence of the catching-up strategies pursued in a number of developing countries to increase their production and exports of value- added products (UNCTAD 2010, 163-164).
Recent Developments by Region The Creative Economy Report includes an overview of recent developments which impact on the creative economy in developing countries. The most relevant conclusions by region are summarised below (UNCTAD 2010, 41-64).
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Africa Culture (e.g. music, dance) plays an important part in African daily life. Fragmentation of activities leads to incoherent production, marketing and distribution and limited commercialisation. Formal production and circulation is limited, so the majority of production takes place in an informal economy. Artists depend on income from performances, rather than copyright, but a lack of facilities and venues for performances make this difficult. All this leads to leakage of talent to developed economies and the possible the impoverishment of African cultural heritage. Many African countries lack an explicit cultural policy as well as institutions or infrastructure. Policy focus is on heritage and preservation with limited attention to contemporary culture or Creative Industries as a development option, though certain countries are beginning to recognise the potential. In short, the potential of the African market is not realised. This requires coherent multidisciplinary policies, determination in their implementation, financial and human resources and an environment conducive to information communication technologies (ICTs) and IPRs (UNCTAD 2010, 41-47).
Asia-Pacific region Creative Industries are an important element in the development of mature and fast-growing economies (e.g. Japan, Singapore and Malaysia). Most Asian countries are gradually absorbing the concept of the Creative Industries and starting to analyse the potential for job creation, revenue, and trade. Crafts industry and cultural tourism centred on heritage has attracted attention, but activities remain isolated. Economic activities (e.g. crafts industry) fail to maintain economic growth due to constraints in infrastructure and inadequate funding (UNCTAD 2010, 47-50).
Central Asia and Middle East In the transitional economies of the region (e.g. Mongolia) the concept of the Creative Industries does not figure prominently. There are different traditions concerning IPRs and weak institutional support. Cultural and handicraft industries are generally part of the informal economy (UNCTAD 2010, 50-52).
Latin America The region has started to recognise the socio-economic potential of the Creative Industries; also, the debate around the Creative Industries is evolving throughout the region with the dominant understanding that cultural policies are considered to be a key element for enhancing the creative economy. Policies regarding Creative Industries are shaped more actively by cities and municipal authorities than on a federal level. There is some resistance in the region to the emphasis of IPRs in the creative economy. The suitability of IPRs for communitarian and traditional knowledge is contested; in a wide range of cultural goods, services
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and expressions that produce socio-economic impact and sustain cultural diversity, IPRs are not applicable (UNCTAD 2010, 52-56).
The Caribbean Sustainable heritage tourism generates important revenues for local communities and provides opportunities for creative expression and ethnically diverse communities, so linkages between tourism and Creative Industries should be further reinforced. There is recognition that trade in the creative sector needs to move beyond the goods sector to incorporate services as well as copyright and royalties. The Caribbean Copyright Link is an important success factor (UNCTAD 2010, 57-61).
Eastern European economies in transition The transition economies are having difficulties in dealing with cultural assets, tangible as well as intangible, which were formerly state-owned and are now part of the private sector. The creative cities approach is emerging, but has an over-reliance on a single organisation (e.g. the Hermitage) to entice tourism. The way forward includes introducing Creative Industries on city planning. Some countries have taken a more pro- active approach to enhancing culture and Creative Industries in their development strategies (UNCTAD 2010, 61-64).
5.2 Case Study Selection
As mentioned previously, the UNCTAD classification (2010) of creative goods and services is primarily trade-oriented. In this thesis this classification has been used in favour of the more culture-oriented UNESCO-UIS (2009) classification, although this would possibly have been better suited when taking a sustainable development perspective to the Creative Industries. The reason that I use the UNCTAD (2010) classification is that it is currently the only classification with comprehensive quantitative statistics and an overview of the current state of the Creative Industries world-wide with an emphasis on developing countries. However, in addition to quantitative data, as UNCTAD 2010 does argue, there is also a need for qualitative information, particularly to frame it within a sustainable development context. Therefore, I will now take a more focussed look at creative development initiatives based on qualitative research – case studies. As stated previously, this study aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of a number of creative development initiatives and the learning processes that take place in these. I argue that doing so means exploring what the participants in these development initiatives need in terms of learning. An important addition to the theoretical analysis is, therefore, the empirical input for this study, which is derived from the collection and analyses of case studies.
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Criteria of Selection To make a suitable selection of projects, we need to have some understanding of what initiatives are currently carried out world-wide and what their innovative characteristics are. Internet searches and consultation of organisations with a helicopter view (e.g. UN agencies) lead to a large number of interesting initiatives. As the number of case studies that could be studied worldwide was very broad and could not be explored extensively, a set of criteria was established before the determination of a shortlist. The criteria were derived as focal points from the theoretical framework. The most important criterion derived from the theoretical framework is that selected projects will be either based on the perspective of cultural diversity, social inclusion and personal development or on the connection with small and medium enterprises (SMEs), employability, and income generation. This criterion is the foundation for the theoretical replication of the multiple case-study design.
Preliminary Selection Criteria The Creative Industries are at the core of the educational intervention. The definition of the Creative Industries is drawn from UNCTAD 2008a (see also paragraph 2.4). “Lifelong learning” – in a formal, informal or non-formal sense – is part of the approach and stimulates participants to continue to learn, including those who are in risk groups. Given this, lifelong learning is perceived as finding a personal way out of social exclusion (see also paragraph 2.1). The project involves partnerships, networks and related – regional, local, national or international – institutions. This is based on views from UNCTAD 2008a. The learning strategy or project approach is innovative, characterised by interaction and attempts to connect “thought” and “action” (see also chapter 3).
Additional Selection Criteria A set of additional criteria were then applied to come to a conclusive selection of appropriate interventions. The selected interventions demonstrate a variety of activities which vary in participants’ backgrounds, type of Creative Industry, vision, and learning strategy. The additional criteria are as follows: there is a balanced distribution of projects with regards to disciplines and levels of technology and there is a balanced distribution of projects with regards to formal, informal and non-formal learning and diversity in educational level, methods, and approach. Finally, the selection is exemplary for the situation in the country it is set in (based on UNCTAD data covered in paragraph 5.1). These criteria were used to make an inventory of good practices (see table 2). This inventory also serves as a starting point for a qualitative analysis: the exploration creative development initiatives and the learning processes that are part of it. Based on this first inventory, two creative development initiatives were selected for in-depth study to gain insight into what
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elements are conducive for learning processes in creative development initiatives, and what ingredients and characteristics contribute to making these successful in a developing context.
5.3 Inventory Case Studies
Employability and Income Generation
Artists for Development The Creative Economy Report (2008a, 40) states that “many opportunities for value creation, employment expansion, technological upgrading and market development in the creative sector have gone unrealized in developing countries because of obstacles such as lack of investment, lack of entrepreneurial skills and inadequate infrastructure to support the growth of the Creative Industries”. This is supported and elaborated on within the framework of UNESCO’s Artists for Development. Kamara (2004, 15-22) analysed the constraints faced by cultural enterprises in developing countries and the weaknesses these exhibit: artists do not see their enterprise as a business, leading to a lack of specialisation and professionalism, a survival mentality and short-term strategies, weak business and managerial skills, lack of confidence, lack of information, or lack of awareness of the wider context of their activities, poor market and audience development, and financial constraints. As a result, access by developing countries to the benefits of growth in the global creative economy has been limited at best. Indeed, there is a danger that when these countries are brought into international market networks by large transnational corporations, they will tend to be relegated to the lowest value-adding stages in the production chain. Within the same framework, Guille (1999) developed strategies to combat these constraints and weaknesses. Some recurring focal points are: collaborative partnerships between formal and informal sector, accreditation of prior learning, marketing, communication, project development and management skills, continuous monitoring of design and product development skills, isolation of creative workforce, access to capital and micro-finance and collaboration with local population.
Artisans d’Angkor These findings are also reflected in the programme Artisans d’Ángkor, a highly successful arts and crafts initiative in Cambodia. In 1992, a programme was established, to train unschooled rural youth between 18 and 25 years of age in skills that would allow them to make a living from handicraft production (Artisans d’Angkor 2011). In 1998, Artisans d'Angkor was established with financial support from the EU, as an
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offshoot of the earlier project and as a school-to-work transition for the young craftsmen that had been trained (Artisans d’Angkor 2011). The skilled artisans could thus be organised into a self-sustaining handicraft network. This project is currently completely self-financing and independent. Its innovative strategy is to work closely with craftsmen to create, produce and market a collection of authentic, upscale products. It conducts research efforts to select local materials, colours and textures that reflect Cambodian cultural aesthetics. Since its establishment, Artisans d'Angkor has pioneered a new social policy in Cambodia with guaranteed levels of pay along with social and medical benefits. The craftsmen have formed an association known as Artisanat Khmer, which holds a 20% share in the company (Artisans d’Angkor 2011). Artisans d’Angkor has a triple function: its activities include training and workshops, product research and development, and an intermediary service to bridge the gap between the artisan and the market. It provides training to young Cambodians, allowing them to make a living from their skills while remaining in their villages and also includes (and even specifically targets) youth with disabilities. Still, their craftsmanship and creative talent is the main criterion for participation in the programme (Artisans d’Angkor 2011).The most interesting aspect of Artisan’s d’Angkor is the holistic approach: the promotion of Cambodian cultural aesthetics, training for youth-at-risk and high quality products, and sound knowledge of local tourism opportunities, business and marketing. This approach is apparently financially successful, as the company keeps expanding, now has international points of sale and has provided over 1000 local jobs.
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Table 2: Inventory Case Studies Context Practice Description Innovative aspect Participants Education Creative Country Research Industry Perspective of employability and income generation (connection with SME and business)
New Artists in Programme designed to foster skills among Integrated programme: Diverse Formal/ Non- Diverse artistic Worldwide Academic concepts and Development artists and creators in developing countries series of workshops, formal disciplines literature forms UNESCO that can be turned into income-generating diverse groups, countries activities and creative activities
Past Artisans Training programme for talented young people Highly structured Disabled and Formal/ Non- Arts, crafts Cambodia Website, D’Angkor and company for revival and preservation of programme: four-year orphaned children formal personal visit Cambodian traditional arts and crafts apprenticeship system 2006
Past / new Felt Connection Exploring an international market for (Design) workshops and Rural (women) Informal/ Non- Arts, crafts/ Mongolia In-depth case concepts and Mongolian “design” (felt and horsehair) sales formal design/ fashion study forms
Perspective of cultural diversity, social inclusion and personal development (connection with cultural movements)
New Finding a Voice Research project investigating creative A network of 15 local People from Non-formal/ Multi-media India, Nepal, Academic concepts and QUT engagement between underserved media and ICT initiatives marginalised Informal Sri Lanka, literature forms University of communities and information and with locally embedded communities Indonesia Adelaide communication technology (ICT) to empower researchers Swinburne poor people to communicate their “voices” University within marginalised communities UNESCO UNDP
New Cirque du Monde Programme meant to build self-confidence and Circus techniques are Youth-at-risk Non-formal Performance- Africa Website concepts and Cirque du Soleil social skills through social circus used together with based arts forms educational intervention (circus)
Past/ new Caine Prize for Prize to encourage recognition of African Workshops combined Young authors Non-formal Literature Africa Website, e-mail concepts and African Writing writing in English and bringing it to a wider with PR activities winner 2007 forms audience.
Past/ new Le Grand Cru / Training programme to professionalise dance Capacity-building, Professional Formal/ Non- Performance Benin In-depth case concepts and Compagnie Walô company/ teacher-training international collaboration dancers/ school formal based arts study forms children (dance)
98 Cultural Diversity, Social Inclusion and Personal Development
Finding a Voice One of the main activities of research project Finding a Voice is participatory local content creation using multimedia technologies. Embedded researchers, trained in ethnographic action research (EAR) (Tacchi et al 2003), are feeding into and reporting and reflecting on these content creation processes (Tacchi 2007). In this study “voice” is significant in terms of poverty itself – “‘voice poverty’ can be understood as the inability of people to influence the decisions that affect their lives and the right to participate in decision making” (Tacchi 2007, 2). This also reflects Sen’s (2007) approach of development as freedom. One of the conclusions of the research project is that digital inclusion is increasingly measured by technological fluency and multimedia content creation and that the development debate should therefore extend beyond immediate physical access to technologies (Tacchi and Watkins 2007). In the preliminary findings of the research project, it was concluded that grounded longer term research methodologies are needed to understand the potential for poverty reduction in the context of diverse ICT initiatives (Skuse et al 2007). ICTs can contribute to development, but need to be introduced in ways that recognise local social networks and cultural contexts (Tacchi 2007). The way in which “information workers” (embedded researchers) “act as a bridge between ICTs and the poorest adds an interesting human interface to otherwise technologically dominated debates concerning ICTs and the poor” (Skuse et al 2007: 48). Also, content needs to be locally specific (i.e. use elsewhere is limited) (Skuse et al 2007, 48).
Cirque du Monde Jeunesse du Monde and Cirque du Soleil are the entities behind the social circus programme Cirque du Monde, founded in 1995, in which circus techniques are used together with educational intervention to help young people. The programme targets at-risk youth to help these vulnerable young people get their self-confidence back, enable them to realise their strengths and discover their hidden talents. For instance, in South Africa, it was used as a tool to motivate kids born with HIV to follow their treatments. In the United States and Mongolia, workshops were held in juvenile prisons. Cirque du Monde neither claims to be a panacea for all social problems nor is it entertainment designed to make young people forget the difficulties of their situation for the duration of a workshop. It is an opportunity for its participants to experience positive personal growth, to achieve their full potential, and can be a catalyst in boosting self-confidence and a sense of personal identity. Through this educational experience, young people build a different relationship with society and the world (Cirque du Soleil 2011).
99 Cirque du Monde includes the following ingredients for a social circus programme to be successful: . Local partnerships – social workers who know about the clientele for whom such a program should be offered. They work with the youth in their city, from their neighbourhood. . Appropriate training – social circus instructors who know the tricks, safety rules and best learning methods adapted to these participants. . Training the trainer – people who train the instructors to ensure that they all know the best practices, apply the same rules and achieve the same positive results. . Coordination – Cirque du Soleil coordinators who facilitate networking and help train the instructors and social workers, provide their support on special projects and work with partner organisations on ensuring the longevity of the program. (Cirque du Soleil 2011)
Caine Prize for African Writing The Caine Prize for African Writing is open to writers from anywhere in Africa for work published in English. Its focus is on the short story, which reflects the contemporary development of the African story-telling tradition, and consists of £10 000 prize to be awarded annually. The winner is announced at a dinner to which the short-listed candidates are all invited. This is part of a week of activities for the candidates, including book readings, book signings and press opportunities. The writers’ workshops are directed at writers who have been short-listed for the Caine Prize and others who have come to attention through the selection process. Each workshop consists of 12 writers from different African countries who convene for ten days to read and discuss work in progress and to learn from two more experienced writers who act as tutors or animateurs. Each participant is expected to write a short story for publication in the annual Caine Prize anthology and these stories are automatically entered for the following year's Prize. Although each workshop is by nature a retreat, there is an open-day halfway through providing an opportunity for the participants to meet other local writers and interested personalities, and a public reading at the end of the workshop to reach a wider audience. Participants have benefited enormously from working with other African writers as few of them have the opportunity to meet writers from other African countries or have their work commented upon by those more experienced. They maintain contact with one another thereafter, exchanging texts and critical comments by e-mail and thus establishing a network of aspirant writers in Anglophone Africa (Caine Prize for African Writing 2011). In a personal e-mail exchange Monica Arac de Nyeko, Caine Prize winner 2007 (April 19, 2010) states, in reference to her participation in the workshop of an earlier year, that she wrote two short stories in her time there, and learnt that she was able to deliver creative work under pressure. She was very pleased with the workshop initiative and in particular its professional approach: “Everything was great, the venue and the food was great, the atmosphere were terrific and the tutors were helpful. It was extremely well organized both the professional and fan element”, and feels that the workshops work very well in its current format. “The writing constituency is growing on
100 the continent as a whole and I look forward to seeing several good books in the coming years”. Does she believe her career perspectives have improved due to her participation? Yes, but she states also: “Writing is a process, an apprenticeship. No one single initiative accounts for one’s growth. It is a process which takes time and patience. So much work goes into the formulation of a writer”.
5.4 Final Case Study Selection
In the final case study selection, the choice was made to research the collaboration between Le Grand Cru and Compagnie Walô in Benin and the project Felt Connection in Mongolia. Both these case studies meet the preliminary selection criteria described in paragraph 5.2. These criteria were extended on to make a final selection of two case studies. This extension included: small-scale interventions, sustainable development, globalisation context, intersection, participatory approach, interest to learn, and logistics.
Small-Scale Interventions I include a spectrum of enterprises falling inside the Creative Industries definition, while this study focuses on one end of the spectrum – the cases are small-scale interventions. The tension between the Creative Industries agenda and agenda for development make it difficult to look at the Creative Industries from a broad development point of view (apart from economic development), which is also reflected in the tension between the for-profit initiatives and the not-for-profit initiatives. Both the Benin and the Mongolia case study are small-scale interventions. The reason for this focus is that small-scale interventions can be studied in more depth within the limitations of this research and, therefore, multiple case studies can be examined. Also, there are a great number of small-scale interventions that can benefit from this research, while large-scale interventions may have their own evaluative programmes. However, this does not mean that some of the issues raised in this study cannot apply to large-scale interventions.
Sustainable Development Within the context of sustainable development, the focus of the selection of programmes is on “minority cultures” or groups-at-risk. This research project is interested in those programmes that are dealing with truly challenging circumstances in terms of financial security, economic development, and social equality. The focus of recent Creative Industries research and the quantitative data of UNCTAD has been on developed countries and emerging economies, such as the so-called BRIC countries4. The circumstances of less developed countries; however, are very different. As it is my belief, also based on the theoretical framework, that Creative Industries can be an important opportunity in these countries, the focus of the selection of programmes is on countries that are at the lower end of the
4 Brazil, Russia, India and China
101 development spectrum, and groups or subcultures that can be at risk in these countries. Both Benin and Mongolia meet this criterion.
Globalisation Context An additional reason for the selection of both these case studies was that the projects were located in a globalisation context. The globalisation context – knowledge society and learning society – was an important factor regarding contextual conditions of the Creative Industries and development that came out of the theoretical framework. In both case studies, an important feature is the transition from ethnic traditional arts and culture into a contemporary form, in which preservation of the traditions is still central. In both case studies this is accommodated by collaboration between a Dutch partner and foreign partners. The international collaboration and the rejuvenation of traditional arts and culture by introducing it to new concepts and forms locates the projects in the context of globalisation.
Intersection Another important feature of both projects is that they are well-placed within the intersection, meaning that something can be learned with regards to all disciplines (Creative Industries, learning, and development) and gives the opportunity to explore the intersection of all three. Many creative development initiatives are focussed on the Creative Industries and development alone and, in addition, learning for Creative Industries often focuses on formal education or learning is only implied in the intervention. This research project looks at learning in a more holistic way, as derived from the theoretical framework; to explore the intersection properly, the case studies also needed to incorporate learning in their approach. In Mongolia informal and non-formal learning was part of the approach while the Benin case incorporated all three types of learning. For both case studies, the unit of analysis that was chosen for the case study was that part of the approach that was most suitably located in the intersection.
Participatory Approach Another reason the projects were initially chosen was that they take a participatory approach. The international partnership is considered to be equal and learner’s needs are at the base of the intervention.
Interest to Learn Obviously in order to do research, it is necessary to gain access to activities. Therefore a crucial criterion was the willingness of initiators to collaborate with me, allow access to the site and the ability to speak freely with people involved. Some of the other listed projects were approached as well; however, would not collaborate because of time constraints or other reasons. An added feature was the interest of the key informants, project co-ordinators and participants to learn. Those people
102 exploring this intersection can be considered to be pioneers. Therefore, one of the criterions was that project initiators are interested in learning more about this intersection, as it would create a more open environment in which the research can take place.
Logistics The selection finally needed to be feasible in terms of time constraints and geographical constraints, therefore, it was crucial that the project can be partly researched through the internet and e-mail, complemented by personal interviews and field visits when feasible. The projects were also selected based on proximity of key informants or through personal contacts. This has lead to both projects having Dutch collaborative partners as I was located mostly in the Netherlands during the research.
Evaluation of Selection Why the projects were initially selected is outlined above; both selections were evaluated after the first field visit based on preliminary findings. After this visit, the main criterion for continuation of the research was whether the results were rich enough and gave insight into the intersection. The perceived “success” of the intervention was not considered as long as complications in the intervention did not make continuation of research impossible. As mentioned before, case studies do not necessarily receive a positive evaluation by me, participants, or other parties. The most important factor is that they are illustrative examples of current practices, which are not normative for other interventions, but provide an empirical input to the discussion. The Mongolia case is particularly illustrative of a current trend. Therefore, even though some of the initial expectations were not met during field research, preliminary findings of the case showed sufficient depth to continue research. This choice was discussed with the academic supervisors after their perusal of preliminary findings.
5.5 Comparative Case Studies
Both case studies are discussed extensively in the case reports covered in chapter 6 and 7. In addition to these in-depth case studies, I have also included comparative case studies in order to build a stronger analogical generalisation for the in-depth case studies (see table 3).
These comparative case studies are creative development initiatives that predict similar results. These initiatives were mainly pointed out by the initiators or participants of the in-depth case studies as similar approaches. Although these comparative case studies extend somewhat from desk-research (i.e. each includes a personal interview with a key informant), the comparative case studies are still included here as part of the desk-research mainly because neither field visits nor interviews with participants were carried out.
103 Dutch Design in Development This information is based on a personal interview with M. Thoonen, Director DDiD, April 13, 2010.
Fair Trade and sustainable development (e.g. cradle-to-cradle) are increasingly used in northern European (interior) design and decorating (DDiD 2011). Handmade high-quality products, such as embroidered fabrics, felt, etc are currently very trendy and new applications for ancient techniques are constantly being sought after. This is reflected in an increasing number of organisations, projects and designers operating in this field (see for example, Return to Sender 2011; DDiD 2011; More than Hip 2011) and is also reflected in retail choices carrying the products (e.g. Hema5). In addition, these types of designs are increasingly part of retail brand positioning.
This trend for sustainable and fair design tends to be instigated by both producers and consumers. Dutch Design in Development (2011a) acts as a matchmaker between clients, Dutch designers and SMEs in developing countries. DDiD works by order of importers, retailers, NGOs, export organisations and government agencies to stimulate the sales of sustainably-produced products from developing countries to Europe. During these matchmakings, Dutch designers work together with designers and craftspeople to develop unique and innovative product ranges that are “tuned” for the European market. Design products are not used for local sales (tourists, foreign visitors) (DDiD 2011a). The meaning of design in the Dutch economy is substantial and the Fair Trade concept is more “trendy” in the Netherlands than in other countries, and also puts high demands on quality. Therefore, in the developed products the design itself is the focal point, products are not necessarily authentic of the country. They do always ask for local designers to be involved, but the DDiD director does not consider this the role/ goal of DDiD. DDiD believes that the unique cooperation between designers and producers create commercial and differentiated products that can create sales opportunities for small and medium enterprises in developing countries. DDiD works all over the world: Africa, Latin-America, Asia, Middle East and Eastern Europe, though it does sometimes make a choice for “easier” countries (price-wise, easier to negotiate, etc) and DDiD prefers to work with commercial partners. Collaboration with foundations and local NGOs often turn out unsuccessful, which results in products the clients have little use for. Examples of problems include: limited abilities in craftsmanship, limited business skills and low motivation from producers due to the lack of understanding of goals. DDiD is an initiative from Dutch National Commission for International Cooperation and Sustainable Development (NCDO). The non-profit institution Association Dutch Designers (BNO) is a partner of DDiD.
5 Large Dutch department store chain
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Table 3: Comparative Case Studies Context Practice Description Innovative Participants Education Creative Country Research aspect Industry Comparison Felt Connection
New Dutch Design in Designers work with craftsmen to Matchmaking Community- Informal Arts and crafts, World- Website, documentation, concepts Development develop unique and innovative organisation based design wide newspaper articles. and forms product ranges “tuned” for the craftspeople Interview Monique European market Thoonen (director)
Past/ new Penduka! Train and educate Namibian women Holistic Disabled women Formal/ non- Arts and crafts, Namibia Website, documentation. concepts with limited opportunities to create approach, local formal/ design and Interview Christine and forms new chances for income generation ownership informal fashion Toxopeus (project initator) through needle work and embroidery products
Comparison Le Grand Cru
Past/ new Theatre Strengthening local theatrical International Young actors Non-formal/ Performance Worldwide Website, documentation, concepts Embassy productions and groups collaboration informal based arts newspaper articles and forms Network (theatre) Interview Debbie Straver organisation (business director)
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Process and Approach To begin with DDiD sent out a survey to monitor interest of designers to participate, which resulted in a list of approximately 300 designers. The main problem during the first mission was the lack of guaranteed sales which caused a difficult collaboration with the producers, that is, lack of motivation due to uncertainty of sales. After this experience, it was decided that missions would only be planned when there was a direct order from a client. DDiD keeps two databases: (1) designers who are interested to participate and (2) producers in developing countries. When a producer fits the request of a client, DDiD tries to make a match between the client, producer, and designer. The client decides on the type of products they want developed and in which price segment (design briefing). In general the client is an importer or retailer and distributes the products in Europe. Producers can also initiate a project; they need to pay for the project fee and are involved in the designer selection and design briefing, in which the designer can also give input based on their knowledge of the European market. Generally, the designer will make a draft design proposal matching the requirements of the client. Based on this proposal, the designer will travel to the producer and work together with the producer to develop (a range of) product(s) matching EU market needs. By the end of the exchange (minimum two weeks, maximum four months), the prototypes are developed. Within the restrictions of the design briefing, there is room for creativity. Local techniques and materials can be integrated into the design, which can create new, unexpected, and innovative designs. Direct collaboration also causes very different product development than when it is based only on drawings. Although the client is responsible for the majority of fees, producers are also expected to make a contribution in fees and local arrangements, such as local transport, accommodation designers. This is particularly important to create mutual commitment when everyone invests their time in the project; however, arrangements are not always made properly. Designers get a share in the profits through royalty arrangements (standard arrangement between designers and companies).
Knowledge Transfer and Training Besides matchmaking and the generation of publicity, DDiD also provides training and knowledge transfer. The knowledge transfer is twofold: (1) new skills in product development and (2) better knowledge on how to collaborate with European partners and access to market. The director explains that the main focus of DDiD is to use the Creative Industries to increase export in developing countries; there are no opportunities for local craftsman to become designers. As a designer you need to build collections/ concepts and turn those into a product line and this cannot be taught in a few weeks. Product development trainings are pre- developed and carried out by the designers. Criteria for participation of designers include knowledge of training, (work) experience, and specialising in certain techniques. The framework of training can be adapted when needed. Designers need to be able to handle the discussion, and break through certain
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barriers. When facing difficulties, designers are guided by DDiD through Skype, e-mail, phone etc. The training is divided into two weeks. In the first week there is a combination of visual presentation and visual explanation of product development (based on design briefing). After that, there are workshops working with materials. In addition, they work with “imaginary business creation”. All the participants choose a product, create their own “imaginary business” and learn about marketing, etc. In the second week, there are visits to all the companies, they present their work and the designers give their feedback. The training is carried out in half-days because they need to be able to do their own work and usually includes three to 10 people. The main problem for local producers is that they all make the same products; they need to work with the designers to start doing this differently.
Successful Example Projects One example is a project of a belt decorated with small metal studs in Nepal, produced by Manushi. Local producers were reluctant to make them as they considered the studs to be too small. The designer had to solve these motivational problems and teach them about quality demands and different fabrics. They have learned to manage expectations now that there have been sales. The collaboration is very professional and there are clear agreements about quality of orders. The main input/ advice of DDiD to the designer has to focus on feasibility of projects. In the first year, 100 000 studs were produced (DDiD 2011b).
A project that has generated a lot of publicity in the Netherlands was well-known designer Piet Hein Eek’s mission in Viet Nam for Fair Trade Original. His mission was to develop new products with local craftsmen in which new solutions would be integrated for dealing with “moving wood”, that is, wood that changes size in another (dryer) climate, which caused problems in export before. He designed a series of baskets made with several pieces of wood strung together, creating room for movement (DDiD 2011c).
Penduka! Information is based on a personal interview with C. Toxopeus, initiator Penduka!, April 8, 2010.
Penduka’s goal is to train and educate Namibian women with limited opportunities to create new chances for income generation through needle work and embroidery products, such as embroidered and quilted bedroom furnishings, table linen, rucksacks, bags and wall-hangings as well as a number of unique fabric designs. There is also a wide selection of other craft items, such as hand woven baskets, wooden carvings,
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dishes and trays. It is based in Katutura, the former black township of Windhoek, and started with six women in 1992 as a non-profit making and non-governmental organisation. It has known an exponential growth since then. As of March 2010 (time of interview), there were 670 members and 110 employees. Penduka! serves both as a centre and as a network. The centre hires regular employees who work for Penduka! and receive a regular salary. Members are paid by the amount of work they finish each week or month.
Penduka’s vision is to explore women’s own skills and interests and use resources they already have. Products and merchandise reflect women’s own experiences, creating both an unique product (brand position) for the customer and a way for the women to express themselves creatively and tell their story to the world. The ultimate goal of Penduka! is to achieve a strong brand position with a socially relevant background. Therefore, Penduka! also serves as a community centre and network with advice/ programmes on (mental) health, nutrition, and family matters. The criteria for membership are limited: there are no specific skills or knowledge required before participation, but there is a preference for women with a (physical) handicap, and sometimes they’re in counselling for sexual abuse. There are also some logistical criteria – members may need to be close-by, so they can be part of a group. Currently not all the women applying for membership can be admitted as there is the risk of Penduka! growing too fast. This has sometimes led to poignant situations – one woman chopped off her finger when she found out there was a preference for handicapped women.
Process and Approach Penduka centre serves as a training, logistical and service centre. Employees prepare the materials here: fabrics are cut into the right shapes, e.g. aprons, cushions, and prepared into packages to be sent to the rural members. The members embroider the pieces of fabric in their own home or elsewhere. The members send the finished pieces of fabrics back to Penduka where they are made into the final products in the central craft shop. The centre also serves as a tourist destination and point-of-sale for the products; there are some bungalows there for overnight guests, a restaurant and conference facilities. Penduka also serves as a training centre for its members, ranging from sewing and batik workshops to measuring, costing and pricing. Training features very practical (workshops): tools include learning by example and through experience and (peer) group learning. Peer group learning is particularly important; women who attend the workshops are encouraged to teach their skills to other members.
The starting point of Penduka! is always the women’s personal situation and life stories, which also lead to the selection of handicrafts as a suitable activity for women for income generation. Through exploring the
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women’s own skills and interests, the project workshop started focussing on needle work and embroidery. It was a very new approach for the women involved to be asked their own interests and what they wanted to do, therefore, it was not an easy task to get them to express interests. The method they used was not predetermined, but was more borne out of a need to get started. The project was concerned with identity from the beginning, and this was also as a way to make the products unique. The main message to the women therefore was: “embroider your own story and when you tell your own story, don’t make it too difficult”. The embroidery is based on their own life story; they make what they see around them and what they experience in their daily life. The product should reflect their identity through their personal story, experiences, and dreams, through using their own materials and through looking at symbolism in products. The first results this approach generated were very basic, i.e. stick figures. This was the point of departure, and working with these first designs has resulted in the current product line. All products are still unique and tailor-made.
Even though Penduka centre serves as a distribution centre in order for the women to work from home, it is also necessary for the members to see the finalised products at the centre and meet the customers. This is important for getting an idea of the broader picture. In addition, every year two women come to the Netherlands (both employees and members are eligible) to get a better idea of the destination of their products, to understand the European homes (shape, materials, etc), interior design choices and European taste and contemporary trends, as well as for fundraising by organising workshops for Dutch people in cooking, embroidering, etc .6
Fostering Local Talent In April 2010, a special training programme, “Fostering Local Talent”, was introduced. The goal and vision of this programme is “design-driven human empowerment”. There is a lot of artistic talent in Namibia, but they are not yet able to make the translation into the customer and functionality of products. To help make this translation Penduka! has design students who carry out workshops twice a year. The vision of storytelling is continued in this project: how to stimulate people to tell stories and how to translate these stories into design. Based on story development, three workshops were organised. First, a design workshop aimed to stimulate young Namibian designers to realise the importance of knowing their own culture and stimulating them to project their perspectives into the designs. Second, a crafts workshop aimed to empower women who have craft skills in order to utilise their skills as tools of speaking their stories and communicating with the world. Finally, a workshop for craftsmanship and design to create an example that shows fusion of traditional craftsmanship and modern use (to serve as a platform for consistent design follow-ups). In this
6 Namibian homes are round; it’s not easy to adapt to the square shape of European homes when imagining new products.
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last workshop participants also create an example of work that shows how a personal story can be translated to symbols and finally be applied to products (Toxopeus 2010).
Results and Effects Penduka! is a local, self-supporting and a fast-growing network, providing work, training, and health care to many members. Activities are based on needs of the women themselves, and (handicapped) women are extremely motivated as it is an opportunity out of poverty. Women who have been involved for longer are noticeably changing. They are more confident, proud, stable and able to help others. Their children can go to school or even study. A major problem in Namibia is the lack of appreciation of themselves, their own products, and traditions. Too often people will look at foreign countries as the example of how to live and feel victimised by events in past (colonial era), which prevents a culture of self-help. Therefore, it is also important to the women that their products are received well. The most threatening factor is the exponential growth which may make it difficult to control locally. Activities are becoming too diverse and too many people from outside are involved. Management issues are crucial in keeping this under control.
The goal is for Penduka! to be fully self-supporting within five years. Current activities are already self- supporting; however, plans for expansion in design and the training necessary to do this is still dependent on public funding (from the Netherlands). After five years, the sales of developed products should take over the expenses of training facilities. Penduka! is fairly confident this will successful. Local sales will possibly decrease due to political and security factors (Penduka! sales are dependent on tourism), which means exports should be increased. Currently, only 10 to 15% of sales are from exports (mostly Norway). Products from Namibia are rather expensive, therefore, the craft market is not the most suitable for turnover. Through collaborating with the design scene Penduka! wants to expand export. In Norway this strategy is already successful. Through Isandi, Penduka! has become a brand there. Currently Penduka! is exploring opportunities for micro-credit in order to create more opportunities for individual loans and initiatives. At the moment there is a joint system in place: all women share in the profits, besides getting paid for their individual work. In addition to this joint system, micro-credit would be a good opportunities for individual needs.
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Theatre Embassy Information is based on a personal interview Debbie Straver, business director Theatre Embassy, February 17, 2011.
Foundation Theatre Embassy (TE) (2011) uses the performing arts as a tool for development cooperation. TE operates from a professional artistic point of view and their goals are focussed on the development of the theatre profession in developing countries, instead of more generalised social and economic development goals. As economic and social development goals are, in fact, conditions for projects to be successful, their work does include broader development goals, such as technical knowledge, but also organisational and management issues, and communications, funding, and sponsorship. TE works in five areas. First, folklore: ethnic rituals and theatrical forms as preservation of cultural heritage as well as stimulating these traditions to keep developing and moving. Second, theatre for education: using the power of theatre as a way to transmit messages, around themes, such as health, violence, water, conflicts, children’s rights and the environment. Third, theatre art: investing in the quality of professional theatre on a technical and artistic level. Fourth, theatre processions: street theatre as a way to make theatre more accessible to audiences. Finally, cultural management: creating the financial and organisational conditions for artistic development (Theatre Embassy 2011).
Process and Approach TE’s direct involvement with projects is limited: they serve as a network organisation, which coordinates and links different international theatrical partners together. Partnerships need to be long-term, reciprocal and create new dynamics. They have more than 15 partners worldwide. When considering a new partner they determine their needs (e.g. professionally, how to involve more women in theatre, how to experiment with documentary theatre, or how to create theatre in public space – this is particularly important when groups want to find new audiences) and find a suitable partner to match this need. In this, they increasingly stimulate South-South partnerships, particularly because of the lack of language barriers, cultural recognition and geographic location. The need of their developing partner is leading; TE is not a travel agency for Dutch theatre groups.
The projects they manage are very diverse and range from small-scale workshops and short-term training programmes to international co-productions and performances for large audiences. Their goal is not necessarily for a partnership to result in a performance, but often serves as inspiration and knowledge transfer to local theatre groups. Their work also includes programmes for management and organisation (cultural management), as this creates conditions for sustainable cultural entrepreneurship. One recurrent
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issue is that a group/ project that depends on one strong leader. Their goal is not to change this, or take away from their leadership, but to introduce opportunities for creating a core team around the key person, mostly in supporting roles, such as publicity, sponsoring or finding connections with the tourism industry. The connection with the tourism industry is encouraged to revolve around local current theatrical concepts, and not solely based on ethnic perceptions (e.g. dancing in grass skirts).
Local recognition is crucial for TE. They don’t necessarily aim international success or economical viability. Local partners are responsible for their own goals, whether it is professional or amateur theatre, and decide on which role theatre has for them. Although because they do pay attention to management issues and viability of theatre groups (as a condition for continuity), there is also an emphasis on local leadership and the role artists have for social cohesion – as a role model for youth and a person that connects others.
Development agencies often focus on demand-oriented policies, but TE view themselves as performance artists/ theatre makers. They therefore encourage partners to expand their frame of thinking. For example, if you are not aware of puppet theatre, how can you ask for it, even if this form of theatre may be conducive to your group and theatrical goals. Therefore, their collaboration is always decided on in dialogue, not purely focussed on a request from the partner. Sometimes they are unable to meet a partner’s needs, in which case collaboration does not occur.
TE is also interested in looking at different organisational models that are better suited to the dynamics of the performance-based arts, in terms of network organisation, different partners, finding new ways to link and connect with others, use intermediaries, etc. In many (African) countries cultural organisations are structured very hierarchal (such as managing director, secretary), while it may be more conducive to think in terms of collectives (like in South America).
Knowledge Transfer and Training Training programmes are carried out by TE, by theatre people in the field or by other partners (depending on needs, e.g. costume makers, technical work [lighting, stage making]) or specific work with symbols and rituals. One goal in their work is to transform ancient rituals, dance, music, costumes through contemporary input (not necessarily Westernised). This is carried out from the perception that cultures and traditions don’t solely need to be preserved, but can be built on and transformed into new concepts and forms, thereby actually keeping the ancient traditions alive. One example project in Bolivia also includes educational goals, in which elderly people teach children ancient techniques and art forms, through the formal education
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system. In India, something similar happens, but in an informal setting. In these approaches the contemporary input is always derived from the local partner: it is their project and process.
There is no blueprint to their project approach (e.g. educational stages) as there are so many very different projects with varying scale, scope, activities, and contexts. Also, in each partnership, goals are determined and programmes are tailor-made for each project, always based on the core values. Larger projects do have a more or less set process and methods. The basic principle for all collaborations is to first get in touch with where you are and assimilate, through research, into the local environment and adapt your strategies accordingly. It is not sufficient to just take from your own experience and tool box; it needs to be applied to the local context.
Finances TE is not a funding organisation; the main goal is international collaboration. Projects/ theatre groups need to exist independently already before they get involved and TE contributes by strengthening their existence. Most funding comes from the Netherlands and other advanced economies. They stimulate their local partners to collaborate, also in finding funding, but this remains a struggle. International collaboration also gives foreign partners higher status and local recognition (not always in positive way, i.e. jealousy and the idea that they receive a lot of money). This creates better opportunities for networking, therefore, connection with TE sometimes opens doors without it being connected to a price tag. It is also often difficult for partners to be suddenly part of a large project: they are not accustomed to financial structures the way Westerners perceive them (e.g. money may be spent on family health care or other pressing issues), so this can lead to problematic situations.
5.6 Research Questions Readdressed
The following section readdresses the research questions to look at some of the issues that can be derived from the (extended) quantitative data, inventory and comparative case studies. These preliminary findings are by no means sufficient to be conclusive, but do provide a general idea of the type of issues that arise in creative development initiatives. The empirical input of the case studies in Benin and Mongolia provides further focus on these issues.
What factors in (inter)national policies and contexts influence these initiatives? There are a number of important implications that can be derived from the quantitative summary. First of all, it is crucial to note that creative development initiatives do not take place in an isolated setting, but have
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equal access to socio-environmental and cultural resources to create openness to other influences without losing their “own voice” (Venturelli 2005, 395). From a policy level the most important implication may be that the Creative Industries are positioned in an inter-ministerial setting (Cunningham 2005) and this calls for innovative multidisciplinary policy measures in order to address multi-dimensional objectives. These are the removal of obstacles for trade and export, safeguarding cultural heritage and diversity, and enhancing social inclusion. In this, I argue that cultural policies are also considered to be a key element for enhancing the creative economy. Another implication with regards to financial matters is that Creative Industries need incorporate a new mix of public/ private partnerships and create opportunities for micro-credit to meet individual needs (Cunningham et al 2008a).
What educational concepts and learning strategies are used in its specific development context? A very interesting factor in Artisan d’Angkor is that they even when they target youth with disabilities and operate as an association, creative talent is still the main criterion for participation. This is not the case in all initiatives, such as Penduka!, DDiD, Finding a Voice and Cirque du Monde, in which participation is more focussed on economic profit or social participation. Other initiatives in which creative talent is a criterion are the Caine Prize and the Theatre Embassy. Generally, the different initiatives are targeted at a wide range of societal groups and ages, including the low-educated, minority groups, and the socially excluded. Another interesting finding from the Caine Prize is that contact between participants is stimulating and instigates valuable and innovative creative production. This can also be witnessed in Penduka!.
What are the institutional and organisational implications? There are a number of different organisational forms possible. DDiD and Theatre Embassy operate more as a match-making organisation. The Theatre Embassy wants to further explore organisational forms: network organisation, different partners, new ways to link and connect with others, use intermediaries, etc. Other approaches can be witnessed in Artisan d’Angkor and Penduka!. They take a holistic approach (promotion of cultural aesthetics, training and workshops, research and development, and a connection to the market) and include a social policy and/ or operate as an association. This creates further commitment, loyalty in its participants and self-sustainability. Penduka! is also a strong brand position for export purposes, particularly when products are unique, reflect the creator’s identity and are tailor-made. Another very strong facet of both Artisan d’Angkor and Penduka! is the link with tourism and integration of creative production with tourism purposes. Both sites can be visited by tourists and products are sold to tourists in local shops, creating a stronger connection of producers with consumers.
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A professional approach in project organisation and coordination is also an important factor in the success of many creative development initiatives. This is reflected in DDiD, Penduka!, Artisan d’Angkor, the Theatre Embassy, the Caine Prize, and Cirque du Monde. Cirque du Monde also emphasises, in this context, that training should be carried out by professional trainers and training-the-trainer is part of the overall approach. The Theatre Embassy, therefore, sees a need to create a core team around the local leader/ key person in order to spread out responsibility and also includes extended services in its approach, such as technical training. In addition to the focus on locality, many of the initiatives also see a need for international collaboration. The Theatre Embassy sees international collaboration as an important factor for (local) networking, status, and funding opportunities. What can be derived from both the Theatre Embassy as DDiD is that mutual commitment is crucial within international collaboration (financial, coordination, time or otherwise). The Theatre Embassy also stimulates South-South partnerships because of a lack of language barriers, cultural recognition, and geographic location. Through a number of initiatives, such as the Caine Prize, Theatre Embassy, Penduka! and DDiD, it can be derived that (international) appreciation of creative production can also lead to more confidence, pride, stability and the ability to help others.
What do participants in these initiatives need in terms of learning? The academic research on Artists in Development (Guille 1999; Kamara 2004) demonstrates some of the most important learning outcomes for participants in creative development initiatives. This is very important in designing new initiatives or programmes. These are: creative skills, values and competences, which includes product development skills and continuous monitoring and design; skills, values and competences for (self-) employment and income generation, which include specialisation and professionalism, long-term strategies, business and managerial skills (e.g. project development, marketing, communication); confidence, information and awareness of context (e.g. entrepreneurial environment, global digital networks, copyright issues and the role of the internet, change of contracts/ legal arrangements, technological infrastructure, and traditional media policy); market and audience development, financial opportunities (creating access to capital and micro-finance), and finally knowledge of (alternative) distribution networks (Kamara 2004).
An important finding from DDiD is the importance of better knowledge regarding how to collaborate with (international) partners and access to international markets, while Penduka! also emphasises knowledge about the point-of-sale of products (what does the local shop/ stage look like, what do consumer’s homes look like, etc), such as through cultural exchanges and connections with tourism. Additionally, DDiD and Penduka! stimulate access to and knowledge on capital and micro-finance. The Theatre Embassy stimulates the ability to form public/ private partnerships, institutional networks, connections to
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intermediaries and use of clusters and (informal) collaborative agreements, and collaboration with local population.
How can they be involved in its design? What can be derived from experiences of the Theatre Embassy is that strategies are tailor-made to fit the local context. This is also an important message in Finding a Voice, ICTs can contribute to local development, but need to be introduced in ways that recognise local social networks and cultural contexts. And, in addition, that the development debate should extend beyond physical access to technologies and include local content creation. The emphasis of Finding a Voice on locality is also important in Theatre Embassy’s approach. They felt that there is a need for collaboration with the local population and local partnerships, and that local recognition is important for creative production. Penduka! concurs with this: their approach is based on participants’ previous knowledge, strategies are based on local needs and use resources that are already there. This also connects to the findings from Artists in Development on the need for recognition of prior learning.
How can initiatives contribute to social and economic improvement? What can be derived from the analysis by region (UNCTAD 2010) is that the potential of Creative Industries in regions like Africa and Asia are not being explored. Most of the activities take place informally, and due to lack of facilities, investment opportunities, logistical and distribution issues, infrastructure, etc., creative talent often does not lead to social and economic improvement, although it does have that potential. An interesting finding from the Cirque du Monde initiative is the idea that Creative Industries can be catalyst in boosting self-confidence, a sense of personal identity and positive personal growth. In that way, self- expression and creative production can lead to (increased) social and political participation, social involvement and the recognition of different identities (active citizenship). Artists have a role in social cohesion, as a role model for youth and as a person that connects others.
Implications There are a number of important implications that can be drawn from this preliminary analysis. First of all, it is interesting to see that these creative development initiatives are directed at a wide range of societal groups and ages (current practitioners of one [or more] of the Creative Industries, but also the low-educated, minority groups, and the socially excluded) to offer them new skills and opportunities of expressing their own voice. No two projects are the same; some are not even similar. However, they are all dealing with creative talent in a developing context. Tailor-made approaches are crucial to fit with the target audience as well as the (local) context of the initiatives. This counts for the programme level (organisation, participants,
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organisational forms, educational strategies, etc.) as well as the individual level (learning outcomes, personal development). As stated before, how to make that talent flourish in those challenging circumstances is one of the most important questions for the qualitative research in this study. Two of these tailor-made approaches are studied more extensively in Mongolia (chapter 6) and Benin (chapter 7) to gain a holistic insight into the specific context and policy issues, organisational forms, process and approach, learning strategies, participants’ reflections, activities and effects and findings, and to see how these initiatives cope with these specific issues and challenges.
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Chapter 6: Felt Connection
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6.1 Introduction
In Mongolia, Asia, Dutch designers worked with Mongolian felt workers/ artists to develop a new collection of “design” products together, using wool and horse hair. These new products were presented to a wide audience in the Netherlands and Europe as part of (interior) design and textile fairs. In workshops organised at different rural and urban workplaces, the designers worked with the local felt workers/ artists in an interactive setting, in which the designers learned about the ancient techniques, designs and the use of materials, while the felt workers/ artists learned different approaches to their designs and the demands (measurements, colour, etc) of European contemporary tastes in (interior) design and fashion. Through this project, Felt Connection aims to open up a new market for Mongolian local producers, establish new connections and attract private investment (van Staden 2009).
6.1.1 Unit of Analysis
The unit of analysis in this case study are the activities under the name of Felt Connection. Felt Connection is part of a larger campaign, Made in Mongolia, which is part of the context; however, these activities are not part of the unit of analysis. The main reason for focussing on Felt Connection is that this project is well- placed in the intersection of Creative Industries, development, and learning. Learning is part of the approach and learner’s needs are paramount, which is not the case in other activities of the Made in Mongolia campaign. International policy and recent developments with in the Creative Industries and the arts and crafts in Mongolia are also part of the context, but these are not part of the unit of analysis.
6.1.2 Fieldwork Mongolia
The project took place between 5 August and 25 August 2009 in Mongolia. My research there was carried out from 19 August to 25 August 2009. A second research visit took place between 21 May and 29 May 2010.
Observation In August 2009 the following Dutch participants were present: 1. Design team member 1: expert in horse hair weaving – horse hair designer. 2. Design team member 2: expert in felt techniques – felt designer. 3. Design team member 3: interior design and furniture/ objects – interior designer. 4. Design team member 4: eolouring of felt and horsehair – colouring expert.
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5. Design team member 5: visual designs/ combination of felt with horn and animal bones. Mongolian Origin – Mongolian/Dutch all-round designer. 6. Design team member 6: artist/painting/free work – artist. 7. Dutch project initiator: coordination. Meeting with key organisation on production and international development. Observation consisted of visiting different locations in Ulaanbaatar, watching the work process, informal meetings and chats with participants, observing the situation in the country side, and visiting work places of Mongolian participants and observing one colouring workshop.
Observation 2010 In May 2010, a number of visits to museums, art galleries and local souvenir shops with felt products were made to improve insight into traditional and contemporary Mongolian art and crafts.
Interviews 2009 Interviews in Mongolia focussed on felt workers and design students as well as the Mongolian organising partner of Made in Mongolia. Interviews in Mongolia were carried out in English with a Mongolian translator. The interview with the Mongolian organising partner was carried out without a translator, as she is a professional translator herself. A total number of eleven interviews were carried out with: three Ulaanbaatar- based independent designers (a felt artist, a teacher/ business woman/ felt designer, and a business woman and designer of [predominantly] leather products); one Ulaanbaatar-based independent felt maker; a fashion design student; a sculpting student; a rural-based felt maker and manager of tourism business; three rural- based felt cooperation members (designer, maker of horse hair ropes and the leader/ felt maker), and the Mongolian organising partner.
Interviews 2010 Interviews in 2010 were focussed on the Mongolian organising partner to gain a better understanding of the situation in Felt Connection from a Mongolian point of view and into the Mongolian felt industry in general. Two Ulaanbaatar-based independent designers (the teacher/ felt designer and the leather designer) were interviewed again about their reflections on the project activities, its outcomes and their recent activities a year after their project participation. A group interview took place with eight members of the Handicraft Council of the Mongolian Chamber of Commerce, to gain insight into some of the issues and opinions of a larger section of the handicraft sector.
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Visits to institutions 2010 To gain a better understanding of Mongolian policy and context, a number of institutional visits were made, including the Arts Council of Mongolia, UNDP, UNESCO and the Mongolian University of Arts and Culture
6.1.3 Fieldwork the Netherlands
Activities in the Netherlands within Felt Connection were carried out from September 2009 to March 2010. My research was carried out from June 2009 (first contact) to June 2011 (last contact).
Observation Observation was carried out through visiting the following events: . Woonbeurs Amsterdam (interior design fair) – September 2009. . Dutch Design Week Eindhoven – October 2009. . Wonen & Co Beurs Groningen (interior design fair) – March 2010. During these events, there were a number of informal meetings/ interviews with the Dutch project initiator.
Interviews A total number of eight interviews were carried out with the Dutch project initiator (3 interviews), the colouring expert, the horse hair designer, the felt designer, the interior designer and the Mongolian/ Dutch all-round designer during the period May to November 2009. These interviews were carried out and transcribed in Dutch. The interpretation of this interview was translated into English and sent to each person for validation, together with the transcript in Dutch. All original Dutch quotes in the English interpretation were included as footnotes. Prior to returning to Mongolia, another formal meeting took place with the Dutch project initiator to find out about recent developments.
6.1.4 Information Sources
This case study report has drawn its information from multiple sources (see also chapter 4). Information drawn from several sources has often been combined to form sentences and paragraphs. No specific references are made in the report, as it would make it difficult to read the report. All information can be found in the case study database. References are made to individual statements in the text and in the interpretation of interviews. These interviews (mostly included in the section on participant perspective) are a crucial part of the case report, as I found it most important for readers to hear the voices of the learners. Also, some of the issues raised contribute to the final analysis and generally create a sketch of the situation of the participants.
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6.2 (Inter)national Context and Policy
Mongolia is located in north-central Asia, landlocked between Russia and China. The Mongolian People’s Republic was established in 1924 with Ulaanbaatar as the capital, but when the country adopted a new constitution in 1992 it shortened its name to Mongolia. Some four-fifths of the population are Mongols; minorities consist of Kazakhs, Russians, and Chinese. Its landscape consists of three mountain ranges stretched across the north and west, while the south and east are occupied by the Gobi Desert. Livestock raising, especially shepherding, accounts for nearly three-fourths of the total value of agricultural production; wheat is the major crop. Mongolia’s rich mineral resources include coal, iron ore, and copper (Encyclopaedia Britannica 2009).
6.2.1 Development and Trade
Mongolia is a formerly centrally planned economy and began its transition to a market-based economy in 1991. Reforms have been implemented speedily, such as farm privatisation, price deregulation, financial sector liberalisation and significant privatisation of state entities (WTO 2005, vii).
“Current” Situation The gross domestic product (GDP) per capita in 2006 was US$2 100. Although GDP has risen steadily since 2002 at the rate of 7.5% in an official 2006 estimate, the state is still working to overcome a sizable trade deficit. A massive (US$11 billion) foreign debt to Russia was settled by the Mongolian government in 2004 with a US$250 million payment (Mongolian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade 2009). Despite growth, the proportion of the population below the poverty line was estimated to be 32.2% in 2006; however, Avirmid Battur, Mongolian Ambassador for the Benelux, estimates that they are closer to 50% (van der Bol 2010, 21). In 2006, both the unemployment rate and inflation rate were relatively high at 3.2% and 6.0%, respectively (Mongolian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade 2009). Currently, Mongolia’s major export countries are China (69%), Canada (7%), France (6%) and other countries (18%) (Mongolian National Chamber of Commerce and Industry 2010). Mining, mainly of gold, copper, coal, and fluorspar, is the economy's industrial backbone. Mineral processing (gold and copper) accounts for two thirds of exports and most foreign investment is in mining (WTO 1995, x).
Mongolia has been hit hard by the global financial crisis, rendering its economy unstable and vulnerable. With its limited ability to capitalise on economies of scale, high import content, export dependency and
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inability to influence international prices, Mongolia’s economy is highly dependent on copper export. The budget has gone into a downward spiral, imports have been declining and productivity of domestic production has been decelerating. Economic growth in 2009, compared to 2008, is expected to slow down considerably: from 8.9% to 2.7%, in real terms. In addition, the crisis situation threatens macroeconomic stability, increasing unemployment and poverty, and halting progress toward the MDGs (Asanova et al 2009).
Policy Objectives “Mongolia’s overall trade policy objectives are to support economic growth through an active trade policy, promote the industrial, agricultural, and services sectors, and increase exports” (WTO 1995, viii). As the concentration of its current economic base is mainly in mining and agriculture, making it highly dependent on external economic factors and vulnerable to fluctuations in world commodity prices and weather conditions, the Mongolian Government has adopted a policy to diversify its industrial structures into manufacturing and services (WTO 1995, xi). Therefore, greater domestic processing for the export of cashmere, meat, hides and furs is a high priority. Unprocessed cashmere exports are taxed to provide incentives for domestic processing. However, such measures may have contributed to excess processing capacity, as up to half of Mongolia's raw cashmere is smuggled into China to avoid the tax at the expense of herders. Exports of raw hides and skins are prohibited, also with the intent of encouraging domestic processing by lowering prices to processors, but again at the expense of herders and with little economic merit (WTO 1995, ix-x). Similar issues exist concerning horse hair export and production.
Urbanisation and Livelihoods Excess processing is also damaging to the natural environment due to overgrazing of the land. Additionally, large herds are not economically viable due to harsh weather conditions; cold winters often cause herders to lose all their livestock and, with that, their entire income. Young people are moving to the major cities to flee from these harsh conditions. As there is not enough employment there, they often end up in prostitution or crime. Battur (van der Bol 2010, 21) suggests that people should be encouraged and supported to remain in the rural areas, as the cities cannot sustain the number of people and the Mongolian traditional nomadic lifestyle should be protected. Economic development in the country is, therefore, needed to prevent excess urbanisation, but also to avoid overuse of natural resources through excess livestock, hunting, and timber. Namkhai (Donkerlo 2010, 12) notes that herder communities, therefore, need a variety of activities: livestock for dairy products, combined with agriculture, tourism, and handicrafts. Previous projects directed at biodiversity and environmental protection (e.g. UNDP) regularly include alternative income generation in
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their approach, with small investments and training, such as in the felt industry and tourism. However, Munkhbolor (Donkerlo 2010, 11) argues that although these projects contribute to gathering knowledge, understanding and capacity-building, to become economically viable they need to be properly researched and open up markets. These factors are often not included in environmental protection projects.
As an instrument for economic growth in the country, the Mongolian government also focuses on the growth of the tourism sector. According to Battur (van der Bol 2010, 21), the capacity for foreign visitors has increased five times since 2000. Mongolia avoids mass tourism, instead focussing on tourists who want to get to know the authentic lifestyle of the nomadic population. The Mongolian Government is making an effort to improve conditions in rural areas; however, it is currently still dependent on development aid to fund this. Battur (van der Bol 2010, 23) feels that the increase of tourism and trade partnerships should make Mongolia more self-sufficient.
6.2.2 Education
The Ministry of Science, Technology, Education and Culture (MOSTEC) formulates educational policy and sets the standards for each level of formal education. The Ministry provides guidance and advice for the operation of local public and private educational institutions, as well as financial assistance. It defines policies for education, science and culture and it is responsible for the implementation of these policies. In addition, the Ministry publishes and approves textbooks and curricula and provides support for the supervision of local educational centres and national universities (UNESCO 2010b).
The Education Law from MOSTEC, revised in 1995 and amended in 2002, states that Mongolia must gear itself towards a public education system grounded upon equality in educational opportunities: “every citizen has equal rights to his or her education, regardless of race, ethnicity, nationality, sex, religion, social status, and economic condition”; “compulsory education is provided to everyone of school age free of charge.” The State Education Policy defines education as a priority sector of society, as well as an important source of rapid growth of scientific, technical, economic and social development. For the first time, the importance of non-formal continuing education for all is recognised (UNESCO 2010b).
The educational structure consists of pre-primary education (not compulsory), primary education (compulsory), lower secondary education (compulsory) and upper secondary education (not compulsory). The upper secondary level also includes options for technical and vocational education. More than 20% of children drop out of primary school due to high travel or meal costs, lack of interest in study, poor living
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standards and health problems. Schools generally offer primary, lower secondary, and upper secondary levels (UNESCO 2010b). Previously the educational structure encompassed 10 years of schooling; however, since the 2008-2009 school years, new first graders are using a 12 year system (Mongolian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade 2009).
With the urgent need for highly trained manpower for national development, the government pays significant attention to the reform of higher education. Higher education institutions include universities, colleges and institutes: . Universities – until 1990, there was only one university, the Mongolian State University. With the reform of higher education, the higher education sector has changed from an essentially single, multipurpose university, into a decentralised set of specialised universities. They enjoy more academic freedom, appoint their own teachers and decide their admission policies. In 1992, the degree structure was changed introducing the B.A (four to five to six years), M.A (one to two years) and PhD degrees (three to four years). . Some colleges at the tertiary level offer vocational training courses leading to the Higher Education Diploma (two to four years); colleges offering vocational training courses are mainly state-owned. . Public or private higher education institutes offer Bachelor’s and Master’s degree courses. They also conduct research and teaching in specialised subjects. (UNESCO 2010b).
The broad liberalisation of the 1990s led to a boom in private institutions of higher education, although many of these establishments have difficulty living up to their name of “college” or “university”. Current education funding is directed towards kindergarten meals, textbooks and expanding school capacity, with the goal to keep children from poor families in school and increase capacity in urban areas. However, these efforts are under threat due to impact of the global financial crisis (Mongolian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade 2009).
The University of Culture and Arts Mongolia has approximately 1200 students studying at both Bachelor and Master levels and includes faculties, such as music, dance, theatre, artists, and fashion. They mostly focus on folk art and music and traditional forms, though recently some modern forms (e.g. contemporary dance) are also included in the curriculum. There is currently limited room in the curriculum for business skills and other forms of support (e.g. exhibitions, recitals); students mostly form their own informal groups.
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Adult Education As of 1990, Mongolia was considered a country with a relatively high literacy rate, but the number of people who are illiterate has increased. The UNDP Human Development Report 2009 on literacy (figures based on 1999 to 2007) reports that Mongolia’s adult literacy rate is at 97.3% (UNESCO 2010b). In the former socialist system, the concept and practice of adult and continuing education did not exist; however, due to the transition to a market economy, people must be re-oriented and trained. The new setting requires people with new skills and continuous development of their educational level. Therefore, the government started to provide learning opportunities for those who are outside the school system and whose skills are no longer appropriate for daily life or the labour market. In 1995, the Programme for the Promotion of Non- formal Education started and, recently, the Non-Formal Education Centre was created under the MOSTEC to take charge of the national co-ordination of activities related to non-formal education development; however, little has been done until now to organise and develop the non-formal education sector. Though initiatives have been successful to some extent (e.g. Gobi Women’s Non-Formal Education Project), there are diverse target groups who have no access to education, such as school drop-outs, unemployed youth, street children, rural isolated nomads (UNESCO 2010b).
6.2.3 Culture, Arts and the Creative Industries
The most prominent cultural institutions in Mongolia are the Arts Council of Mongolia and the University of Culture and Arts Mongolia. The Ministry of Education, Culture and Science has recently (approximately April 2010) administered a working group to develop a Master Plan Cultural Development up to 2020. This paper was instigated by a new director at the Ministry and the approach of this paper is the change of focus from cultural heritage to the idea that art can be a tool for social change, human development, and economic growth. At least one chapter of the Master Plan will be dedicated to Creative Industries with sections such as film and design.
The Creative Industries are a relatively new concept to the Arts Council and to the University. At the University there are some people involved in Creative Industries; however, currently there is no curriculum. Creative Industries activities are presently limited to guest lectures and some classes that cover the subject. There is increasing interest in the subject from teaching and research staff. In the Arts Council Artist Development Programme, the Creative Industries are briefly addressed in the training programmes. As the Arts Council serves as facilitative organisation, it is hard for them to be actively involved in the development of Creative Industries as there are currently no policy-based studies at the moment (personal interview Solongo U., director advocacy programme at the Arts Council Mongolia, May 27, 2010)
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Arts Council of Mongolia The Arts Council was founded in 2002 and is a spin-off of the Soros Foundation. Its mission is to promote and advocate for the sustainable development of arts and culture and the preservation of the cultural heritage of Mongolia (Arts Council of Mongolia 2010). The Arts Council aims to contribute to sustainable development of art and culture, to preserve heritage and to promote Mongolian art to the world, and to use art for social and human development. Their activities are focussed on different programmes: 1. Artist Development Programme – Support of institutions, individual artists and cultural workers, annual grants programme, and awareness raising. Projects include: ACM Fellowship aiming to enhance leadership, management skills and knowledge of emerging arts leaders and international exchange and partnership 2. Arts Education Programme – Promotion of arts education as a tool for individual, social and community development and to facilitate policy dialogue. Projects include: cultural heritage education projects, arts education curriculum development and arts education curriculum writing and interactive teaching methodologies. 3. Advocacy Programme – Increase public awareness about the role of arts and culture in social and economic development, improve cultural policies and laws that support arts and culture development, and expand international partnerships in cultural policy and cultural development 4. Cultural Heritage Programme – Preservation of cultural heritage, promotion of capacity building of museums and Mongolian culture and traditions, and promotion of heritage education to a younger generation of Mongolians. (Annual Report 2008, Arts Council of Mongolia)
Solongo U. states that, although the quality of Mongolian art work is fine, the main problem is the lack of management capacities to tackle global markets. Barriers to a favourable climate for arts and culture include funding/ resources, a lack of professional managers and producers in the art world, the centralised system in terms of financial allocation and organisation, and a lack of tax incentives for charitable donations to the arts. She adds that tangible heritage awareness and protection is improving, but the intangible cultural heritage is still under threat. One of the major recent changes in the arts and cultural sector is the rise of independent producers; previously the government viewed art as a state-funded activity.
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Position on Creative Industries
As part of the Advocacy Programme the Arts Council has a monthly page in the Daily News.7 Issue five was dedicated to the Creative Industries. In this article the opportunities enabled by the Creative Industries in developing countries are recognised:
In spite of many challenges due to small markets, high operational costs and limited commerce and trade, it is possible for developing countries to reduce product and service cost, eliminate territorial limits and develop market access, transportation, communication and cooperation in wider range by technological advancement, as well as to develop countries, cities and regions as “art and culture centre”, attract tourism flows and create a new itinerary of tourism.
Although there is fear of Creative Industries in being harmful to cultural identity and cultural heritage due to rapid development of worldwide commercial networks, advertising, and technology (which covers mostly only the younger generation), this is by no means a reason to reject the Creative Industries:
For Mongolia there is insufficient understanding about the contribution and significance of art and culture to individual and socio-economic development, lack of state support to develop it, low value of public needs for culture and recent start of the creative industry development. Therefore state policy on developing the sector is immediately required. For Mongolians, who have already become customers of the rapid development of the creative industry, product and service spread worldwide, to be only consumers might bring risk of isolation from their own cultural heritage because of attraction to foreign cultural needs. Therefore at this stage of the CI as a large economic sector it is important for the state to pursue a policy for unique CI development that shows national cultural identity and its promotion on international level and reflects public and producer’s perception of the current trend of art and culture, as well as education and training of skilled personnel, support for creator’s initiatives and presentation and sales and support to sustainable operation of market economy conditions. (Arts Council of Mongolia 2010)
7 Daily Mongolian newspaper.
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6.3 Vision, Goal(s) and Target Group
6.3.1 Partners
Felt Connection is a project of Foundation Made in Mongolia, initiated by the owner of Zishi Nomad Design. Zishi Nomad Design produces, markets, sells and distributes high-quality felt products from Mongolia in the Netherlands. The Dutch project initiator, through Zishi Nomad Design, is responsible for carrying out and coordinating Felt Connection and is particularly concerned with production and import and Fair Trade certificate for “Made in Mongolia”. The Mongolian project partner’s (private initiative) role is to coordinate Mongolian activities, logistical arrangements, quality control, etc. Other partners include:
In Mongolia . Mongolian Embassy (Brussels) – knowledge and facilitation, use of networks, joint organisation of meetings with private investors, diplomatic representation. . Mongolian Chamber of Commerce – advice, branch information. . Mongolian Ministry of Foreign Affairs – knowledge and facilitation, use of networks, joint organisation of meetings with private investors, diplomatic representation. . Khan Bank – art collection. . Khustai Nuruu National Park – collecting and processing wool and horse hair.
In the Netherlands . COS Groningen (Association of Centres for International Cooperation, regional centre Groningen) – a networking partner. . Queen’s Commissioner in Groningen – advice and ceremonial representation. . MKB (SME) – advice. . Dutch Chamber of Commerce – advice. . PUM – senior expert meetings. . Hanze University Groningen – marketing strategy. . Utrecht School of the Arts – project “The Felt House”.
6.3.2 Felt Connection Vision and Goals
The Dutch project initiator started Felt Connection as she believed there are more opportunities for economic development in the rural areas of Mongolia in the production of wool products. For this to occur, a
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wider turnover is required, therefore, it also requires more foreign contacts, and more knowledge on what products are of interest to foreign buyers. More specialists in this field are also needed. Therefore, the goal of the project was to develop an economically viable activity in the rural areas of Mongolia for felt groups by establishing collaboration between product developers, producers and consumers from the Netherlands and Mongolia.
Mongolia is originally a nomadic culture in which manufacturing natural and sustainable products has always had an important role. Mongolian entrepreneurs have problems finding the appropriate distribution channels and partners. As Mongolia does not have a centrally organised trade in crafts or export of design products, an important facet of Felt Connection was to open up opportunities to enter the international market. For nomadic people it is particularly difficult to enter foreign markets with their products and to connect to consumer demands.
The choice to work with Mongolian handicraft was based on the possibilities for small-scale production and the quality of the Mongolian artistry and their “feel for creativity”. Additionally, Mongolian felt is currently in the position of becoming “trendy”. Overexposure of products from other handicraft markets or tourism destinations, such as Thailand, makes many Europeans turn their eye towards Mongolia in a search for a unique product or travel destination. Its purity and original products are Mongolia’s strongest selling points.
Although there is great potential for producing high-quality products or delivering semi-manufactured goods, the major problems in the handicraft sector are cost, quality demands and the lack of creativity in original designs. The evaluation of the Shanghai World Expo showed that Mongolian handicraft products are deemed too expensive and need to be better quality for their price (meeting Handicraft Council of Mongolian National Chamber of Commerce and Industry). The Mongolian representative for International Organization of Folk Art stated that the quality of many Mongolian products and art is not sufficient; people copy each other, making the same items and showing limited creativity. When someone has high professional and creative skills and makes a new and innovative product it is copied straight away in poor quality which damages the reputation of the sector. The Mongolian project partner added that most women make small products that are all alike and do not develop their skills.
The Mongolian project partner stated that the vision of Felt Connection was to organise promotion and advertising of existing local products as well as quality improvement in order to meet the market quality standards of Netherlands.
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In the past we faced some problems with the quality of the products ordered by Dutch partners and in order to promote certain products the quality should meet their standards … In addition, we want to have various design products and not focus only on felt carpets, which is a traditional Mongolian brand product. In order to access the market in the Netherlands, we need various types of products that can attract and be sold to customers. Therefore we invited the Dutch designers to share their experiences and share their designs on felt products.
This project, therefore, included traditional Mongolian products and a new “design” product line, which are all produced in Mongolia.
Felt Connection’s primary aims were: . Contribute to innovation in product development in Mongolia. . Inform Dutch designers about possibilities for working with Mongolia counterparts. . For consumers to become acquainted with the products. . Establish new connections and attract private investment.
Felt Connection was part of the campaign “Made in Mongolia”. The overall goals of this campaign were: . Informing the Netherlands about Mongolia in general. . International (trade) relations between the Netherlands and Mongolia. . Production opportunities in Mongolia and connecting more people to design, and product development.
Why design? The Dutch project initiator initiated the development of a new “design” product line as a method to create an economically viable activity in rural Mongolia. Why design? The development of design products is related to high craftsmanship. The skills and materials used in felt production are not suitable for large-scale cheap and small products, but need to be targeted at a higher market segment. This is because of the potential high quality of the products, time-consuming production, and export logistics. Everything imported from Mongolia falls automatically into a higher price range, as the transport is expensive due to the limited infrastructure. The local market (mostly small tourist products) is small-scale and does not make sufficient use of existing techniques and knowledge about felt making and currently lacks in quality and creativity. Felt in other countries is used as a model for these products with the assumption that this is what foreign buyers want; however, Mongolians have the materials, skills and knowledge to make their own traditional felt. The
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Dutch project initiator believed that this traditional Mongolian felt and high-quality felt-making skills should be protected and also believed in its potential to attract foreign customers, which would make it a feasible business opportunity. The creative and innovative background of a design product line offered the opportunity to develop products that are appealing to the type of consumers that usually would not be interested in “traditional arts and crafts” or “ethnic products” from developing countries. It, therefore, met a certain consumer demand in the Netherlands and offered interesting growing opportunities for products from Mongolia. Developing a design product line would create added value for the Mongolian economy and generate jobs on top of the simple export of raw materials. The collaboration within Felt Connection was targeted at small-scale craft and design enterprises with potential for growth. Wool and horse hair were the raw materials for the designers and the product developers, as these were widely available in rural areas and offered various opportunities within interior design and fashion.
6.3.3 Felt Connection Target Audience
The target audience was a number of rural felt cooperations: three in Altan Bulok sum centre – Altan Ugalz, Mungan Savaa and Bayansonginot, with a varying numbers of members, and the Bayan Sun felt group, located outside of Altan Bulok. The number of rural people involved in the project was approximately 50. Besides the rural felt cooperations, self-employed designers and artists participated in Ulaanbaatar: a total of 12 people were closely involved in the summer of 2009. Generally there were no criteria to participate in the project in terms of skills, knowledge, equipment, workplace, contacts, etc. Participants did need to have the readiness to invest their time and work without payment, as the project was set up to be a course/ educational programme: learning how to make certain products. This project was a new approach to collaboration, operating in the intersection of creative design and handicraft, economic development, and learning. The new approach’s conditions and criteria for participation were unclear, leading to a diverse participant group with a wide variety of goals and expectations of activities. In terms of international trade and investment, the target audience were the consumers in the Netherlands (and Europe) for the Mongolian products in interior design. Private investors were also targeted to develop interest in investing in Mongolian production and design.
6.3.4 Finance and Funding
The initial financial support of the project was public funding: € 165 000 from NCDO (National Committee for International Cooperation and Sustainable Development in the Netherlands). NCDO involves people in the Netherlands in international cooperation and supports them with information, subsidies, and advice (NCDO 2010). Generally, NCDO only supported the presentation of Felt Connection: the fairs, the website, the
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brochures and magazine, but not the development of the prototypes or the travel costs. These required other funding sources. NCDO also did not cover the development of the prototypes as it was felt there were other grants that cover those types of activities (cultural/ artistic funds). An application with another fund was rejected as they didn’t feel that the artistic base was strong enough; art with a certain application conflicted with artistic independence. Other sponsors were: Hivos (development organisation), Municipal of Groningen, Groningen Province, Accepté BV (webdesign and marketing), Veenstra Druk (printing). One of the main aims of the project was to attract private investment. There are grant proposals with the Prins Claus Fonds and the Dutch project initiator has also started negotiations with Triodos Bank.
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6.4 Approach and Activities
6.4.1 Initiation Phase
The Dutch project initiator first explored the idea of creating an economically viable felt project in rural Mongolia in the summer of 2008. During a fact-finding mission (exploring the facilities and felt groups) there was also a meeting in Altan Bulok with the felt groups who were involved in the Khustai Nuruu National Park project. The campaign at the time went by the name of Made in Mongolia. The underlying idea was to initiate a campaign to create more knowledge on the economic opportunities in the rural areas. This idea was then applied through the development of design products.
6.4.2 Participant Group
The majority of people working in the felt industry are women. The Mongolian Ulaanbaatar-based felt- makers include artists, small business owners, teachers and design students, whom mostly work individually, while in the countryside the felt workers are organised in cooperations defined by a nomadic lifestyle. Besides felt making most participants had a range of other jobs/ responsibilities (livestock, business, family), therefore, felt making was rarely their sole or even prime occupancy.
Rural-based Participants The Dutch project initiator came into contact with the rural-based felt groups though the Mongolian project partner. She knew the felt cooperations through her previous involvement in the Dutch project in Khustai Nuruu National Park. In this project felt making groups participated in different trainings (wool processing, felt production, marketing, sales, pricing, etc) and were supported in establishing their own cooperations. The majority of these people were based in Altan Bulok. The Dutch project initiator knew approximately 80% of the rural felt groups before the initiation of this project. The Dutch project initiator noted that it is not a large group as such, but very splintered, which is not uncommon in the nomadic culture of Mongolia.
Ulaanbaatar-based Participants Neither the Dutch project initiator nor the Mongolian project partner had met the participants in Ulaanbaatar before. They were approached through the extended networks of the Mongolian/ Dutch all-round designer, and through the placement of an advertisement in the Ulaanbaatar newspaper that asked for professional felt makers or design students. Although this type of felt is actually a rural product it was important to involve
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people from Ulaanbaatar. The Mongolian project partner stated that “the Ulaanbaatar people are more independent and more in tune with the market. They have their own business”. The role of the Ulaanbaatar- based people was initially meant as intermediaries and experts on design and the market, while the products were produced by rural women.
Design Team The design team was approached by the Dutch project initiator in different ways: some were personal contacts and others she approached through targeted networking at the Dutch Design Week in Eindhoven. Some that were approached did not participate because of financial or planning reasons. The Dutch project initiator looked for people that would complement each other and was initially pleased with the assembled group: knowledge on horse hair application, felt techniques, interior design, painting and application, colouring techniques, while the Mongolian/ Dutch all-round designer knew Mongolia and the techniques used there.
4.3 Planning and Introduction
The Dutch project initiator obtained funding for the project in the Netherlands, which was awarded in late May 2009. Therefore, it was not possible to make any arrangements or communicate concrete plans before this time. The advertisement in the Mongolian newspaper was placed in June 2009. The project activities in Mongolia were carried out from 2 August to 2 September 2009 and were continued in the Netherlands until March 2010.
Mongolian Participants For both groups of Mongolian participants it was unclear how, if and when they were briefed about the project’s goals and intentions, activities, methods, criteria for participation, financial matters, accommodation, etc.
Design Team Prior to their departure, the Dutch project initiator spoke with all the designers individually. In a subsequent group meeting they decided together that they would individually work on their own products. Additionally they drew up a contract, which included the expectations of the number and types of products (fabric, object, and “gadget”), copyright ownership, collaboration with the campaign and agreements for possible orders. The information regarding practical matters, Mongolian participants, facilities and activities in
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Mongolia was very limited at the time of briefing. The Dutch project initiator informed them that they would work both in the city and the country. The focus at the time was on working with the women in the country and in Ulaanbaatar.
6.4.4 Project Activities in Mongolia
Week 1 The project activities in Mongolia started in Ulaanbaatar when the first group of designers arrived on Tuesday 2 August 2009. Initially there was no location to carry out activities. After a couple of days the Mongolian project partner arranged the use of a work place at the University of Arts and Culture Mongolia. A variety of Mongolian people with different backgrounds and interests were present at the first meeting. They ranged from people who worked with wool to fashion models. Many were there for networking opportunities only. In this first meeting the Dutch project initiator explained the project goals and conditions, and noted that the project should be considered as a training/ course and participation was based on own investment and input (no payment). Therefore, many initial participants did not stay involved in the project while new people suddenly arrived, which made work and instruction complicated. At the request of the Mongolian participants, the Dutch project initiator and the Mongolian project partner developed a course programme for the coming weeks. The first week was designated for experimentation with horse hair and colouring. During this time the Dutch project initiator and the Mongolian project partner were mostly absent. A product list schedule with four sections was developed: felt for light (windows, lamps, etc), felt for furniture (upholstery), felt for acoustic control, and children’s objects. People could sign in for the sections they were most interested in. The focus was then on products arising from those sections. All participants were meant to participate in a colouring workshop, as planning was made for small groups, but these activities were complicated by the lack of facilities for colouring and unstructured participation. The colouring expert did do some of the colouring workshops and gave a public presentation, but most of that week was spent on experimenting with the horse hair designer on the combination of felt with horse hair.
Week 2 and 3 Another three members of the design team arrived on Tuesday 9 August. Most of them and the Mongolian women continued working together at the workplace. The Mongolian/ Dutch all-round designer worked independently on her own designs and the artist also worked alone.
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On Saturday 13 August most of the Dutch team moved to the countryside to continue procedures. As there was no accommodation for a group of people in Altan Bulok, accommodation for the designers was arranged with a nomad family close by, who rent out accommodation regularly to tourists or business/ diplomatic delegations. No financial arrangements for accommodation were made for Ulaanbaatar-based participants or Altan Bulok-based participants to stay there. “In Ulaanbaatar we spent one week together … then we assigned them ‘home work’ after which we moved to the countryside. The Ulaanbaatar people didn’t join us at the country side because they wanted to stay in their own workplaces to continue in their work … and also because of the accommodation and working circumstances in the countryside. They only went to see what was going there, but they didn’t join the production”, explained the Mongolian project partner. The introduction of the first week was repeated, stating the project goals and conditions. The lack of financial arrangements caused a number of rural-based participants to refrain from project participation.
Part of the design team remained at the ger camp for one week. The remaining design team members and a number of other people (including myself) arrived there on Saturday 21 August. The colouring expert carried out a make-shift workshop with the limited facilities available in the ger camp. On Saturday night, a party was organised on the steppes and a film crew from Mongolian national television covered the party and the felt project. Most of the team returned to Ulaanbaatar the next day.
Week 4 In the following week, no location had been arranged and there were no programmed activities, therefore, the remaining designers worked individually at the private workplace of a Mongolian participant. There was little contact between them and project organisers. Besides their individual work, the horse hair designer and the felt designer visited the Mongolian participants who were producing their designs. The Mongolian/ Dutch all-round designer had not outsourced designs at that stage and was working individually.
Project Management and Development Cooperation The group dynamics were considered by all participants and project managers to be very difficult and the project activities were heavily affected by internal conflict and organisational problems. Some of the main points of critique on project proceedings and organisation included: a lack of a qualified translator, a lack of facilitation of project activities, a lack of programme, a lack of workplace with proper facilities (e.g. for colouring workshops), a lack of (clean) materials and a lack of communication about project goals and planning. The first week was considered to be particularly chaotic. A Mongolian participant states: “I just wasted my valuable time during the first three of four days because the management was very bad, every people just coming in coming out. It was very complicated to understand what was going on in reality in the
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workshop”. These problems lead to tension between the design team and the project managers. Furthermore, the colouring instructions could not be performed properly due to lack of facilities (e.g. running water). Once these problems arose in the beginning of the project, it was hard to control them and they were only managed to a certain extent. According to the design team, these issues have not been improved in the subsequent phase of the project (production and sales).
The most complicating factor was the lack of understanding of the Mongolian participants of the project’s goals and intentions. Should they consider it as work (that requires payment) or training (that requires a programme schedule, certification, etc)? Therefore, in spite of conditions for participation, many of the Mongolian participants expected to get paid for their participation. This lead to fierce internal competition to generate orders and attempts by participants to undermine the relationship between other participants and the design team and project managers (i.e. some participants were claiming they were getting paid). The Mongolian/ Dutch all-round designer did not see the competition as negative, but believed that it could be used to the advantage of product development, while the other designers would have preferred to pay them. This was due to ethical considerations, but they also felt it would have structured the design process, that is, now the focus of Mongolian participants was on individual product development and not on the design process. This, in combination with the lack of facilities in the work place and the seasonal timing of the project caused many participants to work from home, which complicated the educational purposes of the project, for example, scheduled presentations became unfeasible.8
Other issues were: . Transport and logistics – the project was spread out between several locations in the countryside and Ulaanbaatar. Facilities (workplace and accommodation) were very basic and transport between the locations was difficult. Logistical problems included: none nor the correct or sufficient materials, or previously made samples/ prototypes at the right location at the right time, and working with a different group of people all the time. Both affected the design process/ product development negatively. Besides logistical problems during the project period itself, they also complicated the production process and quality control as all products need to be checked before sending. . City and country – some of the Dutch designers spent one week working at the countryside, while others spent less time there and the Ulaanbaatar designers only came there for one day. The aim of the project was also to establish new contacts in Ulaanbaatar for the rural workplaces and establish a better collaboration between them. As felt is essentially a rural product, there exists a
8 Summer is the season for creative production (slippers, hats, souvenirs) and stocking up for the long winter.
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lot of knowledge and skill about working with the local materials (type of wool) and the traditional, “rougher” techniques in the country that could be shared with the Ulaanbaatar-based people. The Ulaanbaatar-based people are more trained in design and art and more refined techniques, which could help build a bridge between European contemporary tastes and trends and traditional Mongolian felt making. However, contrary to the project’s goals, the collaboration between the city and the country was limited. . Power – power issues that occurred were concerned with seniority (the Mongolian project partner’s lack of seniority with the Mongolian participants created difficulties in the briefing and quality control), between design students and senior felt makers, and the (financial) position (the Dutch project initiator is in charge of the project and potential orders also go through her).
The colouring expert felt that a lot of problems could have been prevented with better preparation. “On the Mongolian as well as on the Dutch side, as the people that went there had too little knowledge about Mongolia and what was waiting for them there ... The Mongolians didn’t really know what the results would be; there were wrong expectations as well.” He felt it would be an important point for future collaboration to be better informed about the situation there. Although the Dutch project initiator stated that she would have liked more time to prepare after funding approval, she didn’t believe more and longer preparation would have made much difference as she felt that the main problem was that the scope of activities had been underestimated. The Dutch project initiator believes that the most important changes could be made in the acquisition of a joint workplace and working with a less diverse group of people next time.
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6.4.5 Design Process
New Materials and Techniques The Ulaanbaatar-based participants had no experience working with local lamb’s wool; they usually work with imported Merino wool. Initially many refused to work with this wool. The Mongolian project partner noted: “It was a bit difficult for them to work on the Khustai wool for the first time but afterwards they realised the wool is valuable. It’s valuable because it is good quality and long lasting ... It was difficult in the beginning to get people working with the new wool, as they’re not used to it”. A Mongolian participant said that it seemed difficult to her as lamb’s wool is very soft compared to older sheep’s wool. Also, the wool was dirty, which made the process very time-consuming. Unclean wool created some problems in the final products; some had traces of straw and faeces in them. Cleaning wool is time-consuming and cleaning facilities are necessary.
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Generally the Mongolian participants (both in Ulaanbaatar and in the country) were very enthusiastic about using horse hair, which is a new material for weaving and combining with felt. Traditionally they use horse hair to make ropes and other types of products for the ger. The Mongolian project partner states: “As they were working together they made designs ... [the horse hair designer] was experienced in weaving horse hair, she instructed the Mongolian makers to work on horse hair, to create new products. It was a really good experience”.
Experimental versus Product-Oriented Approach One of the main differences in the design process was the experimental approach of the design team and the product-oriented approach of most of the Mongolian participants. The product-oriented approach was also closely linked to payment issues as the Mongolian women’s main goal was to create products in a short time period and they were initially less interested in participating in a design process. The interior designer mentioned it was difficult to break through their experience and techniques. Sometimes he wanted to experiment and would try certain techniques that the Mongolians insisted it would not work, while he only wanted to experiment and develop new approaches:
There were two girls from the art college who also experimented themselves and they understood quite well that you sometimes make something that doesn’t become a product as you just need to research the technique. And the elder ladies, who mostly produced slippers and stuffed dolls, etc. weren’t at all interested in this. When you were working with a sample … they would start asking, “we want to make products and where does this lead us?” … And those ladies were there to generate business. They wouldn’t mind trying something sometimes, but when it is that experimental, they would be like, “why didn’t you do this at home, do you need us for that?” Practically it would have been useful if they could have shown their skills first as a sort of exchange of their technical knowledge, but that wasn’t necessarily the goal of every design and it wasn’t the assignment either. Everyone simply did what they were good at. But those ladies did not have time to experiment. They were there voluntarily and had children, grandchildren; they couldn’t really find a solution for that just to experiment for two weeks or a month.
The Dutch project initiator stated that a clear choice needs to be made: either find out about and experiment with materials and people, or truly collaborate with people and transfer what kind of product you want to have made. Combining the two requires a different approach. She stated that the goal of the project was not to experiment and research: “Of course there is a form of introduction and research, of the materials and people’s skills, but in fact you’re quickly in the situation that you need to transfer, that you make things
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together and that you instruct them”. The Dutch project initiator saw room for experimentation with materials within product requirements (e.g. felt for acoustics needs a certain quality and felt for lighting needs another). She believed that the actual experimenting/ the design process of the product itself should be done earlier. “There is a difference between being there to design and being there to transfer certain techniques to the people there so they can produce your design there”. The different design approaches and personalities of the designers created a range of issues: a design/ product with clear application and pre-existing orders with limited contribution to local professional development, innovative designs that contributed to local professional development, but lack clear application, and products/ designs with clear application that contribute to local professional development, but are too close to local products/ techniques, therefore creating problems with payment as people considered it work and not “training”.
The Mongolian/ Dutch all-round designer states that the Mongolian women did notice that Europeans see things differently and how they deal with it – experimenting/ trying out new things. “To them is a breath of fresh air. It has a lot of influence in the felt making and a contribution to the development of felt in Mongolia.” A Mongolian participant stated: “The training session held in the school workshop was my first experience working with real designers. So I want to learn some new knowledge. Mostly, including me, we make slippers, handbags, etc. just smaller things. Thanks to this project I learned a lot of new things, like make felt for furniture”. The two students were very impressed with the designer’s work, as the design team creates artwork with felt, which is different from the practical applications of Mongolian felt makers.
Quality Control Other factors to be considered were quality control, reproduction, and product delivery. There were serious problems in the quality of the first product delivery in the Netherlands, which affected presentation and opportunities for sales. Quality control needs to be focussed on two things: exact reproduction of design (e.g. some baskets were produced with different string from the original design) and well-made products (even felt, no holes, sturdy attachments, etc.). This also means the whole production chain needs to be in order (starting with clean wool) and requires good facilities. Because the Mongolian products are not cheap, the quality needs to be outstanding. The felt designer also suggested more use of e-commerce methods in quality control: photographing (nearly) finished products and e-mailing them to the designer to approve. She feels this may also take care of possible power issues between the quality controller and the felt maker. The horse hair designer suggested that it would make a big difference in terms of quality demands if someone could be trained locally in the Netherlands, so they can see everything first-hand (European contemporary trends and quality demands, interior design and decorating, design fairs, etc). Other suggestions with regards to quality control were: a qualified person to control the product according to the drawings, go back
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with a small group and choose a few products that will be developed properly, and train someone in six months to make all these products, so they can set up their own workshop.
Cultural Differences The colouring expert noticed some interesting issues regarding the cultural differences and the “design concept”:
I had asked the designers beforehand what kind of colours they wanted, what they were interested in … I thought, oh dear, we really do need to explain why we want those colours because it’s a very strange scheme. As an European you understand but it would seem very strange for the Mongolians. I’m thinking of … (the felt designer) colour scheme, she actually had very dull colours, in Mongolian terms, grey and black and a little bit of brown. I can imagine you can make something beautiful with those, but the Mongolians, who are used to working with bright colours, thought, “what are we doing now”, so I think that if you had brought some designs in which the colour scheme is represented, anywhere, museums, exhibitions, homes, that they would have been able to understand why you’re interested in it.
The colouring expert elaborated that he couldn’t really explain the European use of colours, in particular trends and fashion and how the exact shade is important. “This was particularly hard to explain in the country. They would find that we simply didn’t have taste for wanting something different every year”. Another example of difference in taste and use of products was their use of stitching. The felt designer explained that seamless felt was considered more beautiful and skilful in the Netherlands, while it may be seen as “boring” in Mongolia and they would want to add some decorative stitching. In this context, the horse hair designer and the felt designer also gave the example of a horse hair carpet that was considered unsuitable by the Mongolians in the country, as it was too scratchy to sit on comfortably. It was meant for decoration in Dutch interior design, not actual use.
6.4.6 Education and Learning
Lectures/ Presentations/ Workshops Topics of planned lectures/ presentations were colouring, quality demands in Europe, measurements, pricing, distribution, the European interest in “cradle-to-cradle” production and how to make use of it; however, few of these were carried out. Due to lack of facilities and the unstructured programme the
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educative goals of the project became unfeasible. This caused them to work pragmatically: work with one person, link a product to this collaboration, and make that person responsible for it. The Dutch project initiator believed this was partly due to the lack of preparation and the mutual competition.
The colouring workshops did take place in the city (and in a very limited manner in the country). These were carried out through an initial presentation of the colouring procedures with explanations about the chemicals, the order of the procedure, ingredients, measurements, heat, etc., during which people could take notes. There were no written instructions/ hand-outs. The colouring expert demonstrated that it is essential to have an exact and stable temperature, measuring scales, running water for rinsing, etc. During the demonstration, participants could also work with the wool and equipment themselves. The colouring expert was doubtful about the contribution to the professional development of the Mongolian participants as they were able to carry out his instructions due to lack of facilities. He mentioned that it was particularly primitive in the country side, as they don’t have running water or proper heating facilities. A number of Mongolian participants were very positive regarding the colouring workshops, particularly at the realisation that exact measurements and heating can lead to better results. “I learned how to separate the addition of wool in a certain amount. I mean, thick or thin, and how much wool was needed”, said one participant. Another stated: “The foreigners calculate how much the wool shrinks when it is put into hot water, and measure the exact amount of colour that is necessary to colour it properly … Using this kind of colouring procedure is more suited to industrial production and not for just one product”, she concluded. The colouring expert felt the workshop could, therefore, be described as a useful introduction to colouring.
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Explaining the colouring process in the country
(Peer) – Group Learning and Interaction The main learning strategy in this project was (peer)-group learning and learning-by-doing. The two students commented positively on this approach to learning: “We both thought at first we would be like a student … the designers would provide the teaching, like in high school, but in the reality it was completely different. We shared knowledge with each other, we worked together”. Another Mongolian participant related that at first all teachers taught her how to work with the materials, and then showed her how to work on the materials and then let her work on them, following the procedure step-by-step. Another said the learning was mutual: “even though we learned some methods from the Dutch designers, most of the time we taught them how to make it. The Dutch designers learned a lot from us. Like an exchange”.
Two complicating factors for knowledge transfer and cross-fertilisation were: no (qualified) translator and limited time for research to gain insight into the Mongolian felt industry, skills, and techniques. This was also due to the large group of people and the lack of facilities. The artistic input of the city-based participants made it easier to work with them on new designs.
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Professional Development Most of the Ulaanbaatar-based felt makers/ artists felt they had benefited from the project in terms of professional development. The use of new materials (in particular horse hair) and different felting techniques (very thin, while Mongolian traditional felt is usually quite thick) was considered very interesting and some were already applying it to their products and teaching their students. They also found it interesting to witness the design process; experimenting with different fabrics and materials creating new techniques and concepts has been described as “refreshing”, and created the inspiration to look at their own work with different eyes. “It was certainly very useful for the women there; they have learned to see things different from the traditional techniques and learned a lot from the European people. They hope it continues as well, they want to make products … They were there to develop themselves professionally, but they also hope for orders”, stated the Mongolian/ Dutch all-round designer. In the countryside these benefits were less clear, which is not to say they were not there. The felt designer indicated that there were limits to professional development as she was not able to communicate certain techniques unless the other person had high technical skills, e.g. attaching two thick pieces to each other without using stitching but through welding them together.
Facilitation of Learning/ Knowledge Transfer Even though in Ulaanbaatar the process was structured by dividing the products into four groups, in which everyone could express interest and subsequently connect products to people, there was no common strategy for knowledge transfer and there was limited facilitation of the learning process. The interior designer felt that the situation was a little bit better in the countryside, as there was one person in charge there, making the process easier even though communication was still difficult. In addition they had received orders through Zishi Nomad Design before, which made them more compliant with the project.
The Dutch project initiator believed that facilitation of the learning process was the role of the designer. She felt that this situation did not accommodate individual work, experimentation and development, but required a certain form of instruction from the designers, which required preparation, thinking of how to transfer this idea to someone; a step-like approach to teaching people a certain method or product. The Dutch project initiator felt it necessary as a designer to be prepared to stand in front of 20 people, as a knowledgeable figure instructing the group.
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Bridging the Gap The felt designer confirmed that some of the participants have learned a lot of new skills (professional development) and have enough technical artistic skills to make interesting and quality products. However, she didn’t feel they had really gotten a better understanding about European contemporary taste and trends in interior design, which was reflected in product choice and development. A number of design team members believed it to be important to visualise the Dutch taste, trends and fashions by bringing a magazine, or making a mood board to show what European homes look like and explain that people tend to buy new things for their home every few years. “We could have shown them photos … bring a much clearer portfolio with what the products look like … and for example what magazines look like … what an exhibition looks like… they would have more of a connection with what we expect from them”, stated the horse hair designer. The drawings made by the designers were not clear enough to enable the participants to understand, as they visualised the designs (patterns, type of stitching, etc) and not the product itself or its application. The horse hair designer believed that only some of the participants could really place the activities in a framework – what the work was for and that orders could come out of it and that a high level of quality was important. Those were mostly the women that had travelled. She felt that it would be helpful to bring (one of) them to Europe to get a better understanding of the European context.
Besides the production of prototypes the interior designer believed the project can have other (unintended) results as well. Specifically in work style: the approach of a colleague designer from Europe. “It could almost be a sort of internship then. In that sense it was interesting for them, how we work following a certain plan. It could have been more visible to them how we work. It is a very different way of work, how you can live from art, functional art. It’s pretty special. The manner in which you design, always making that practical translation … There are few people in Mongolia who live from their art, but it is possible.”
The experience of working in Mongolia, with Mongolian people and dealing with the local circumstances, particularly in the country and in the private workplace of the Mongolian participants, taught the design team a lot about (the lack of) local possibilities. The felt designer stated that this gave them a clear insight into the limits of what they could request in terms of product development.
6.4.7 Project Activities in the Netherlands
After project activities in Mongolia were completed, the project continued in the Netherlands with the initiation of product sales and project publicity. Three presentations were planned through interior decorating fairs (Amsterdam and Groningen) and the Dutch Design Week (Eindhoven).
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Presentation and Sales The website www.madeinmongolia.nl functioned as a showcase of all activities in the Made in Mongolia campaign, while another website www.viltenleer.nl was set up for the actual sales. As most of the orders are made-to-measure, the website was developed mostly as a way to network and for visibility.
There were many visitors and interested people at the fairs. All the designers felt that the new product line was great and has potential. They mentioned how the public liked the combination horse hair and felt and the transparent felt fabrics, which also generated a lot of interest from professionals (stylists, designers, etc) – which is the most interesting target group for the designers. Felt was part of contemporary trends as well, so they believe it is important to act on that. The Dutch project initiator was not yet sure if the new design product line would be successful and if it created new opportunities. She felt that many of the visitors were still more attracted to the traditional “ethnic” carpets, etc and believed that the felt designer and the horse hair designer’s fabrics were still very abstract. She believed there is potential for the project and there were a lot of magazines interested in publishing about it, but that the product line was not yet entirely developed, particularly in its applications.
Due to transport and customs issues many products did not arrive in time for the fairs and a number of products were of insufficient quality. These issues continued in later stages, and in designers’ individual orders.
Product Differentiation All designers felt that it was important to explain the design product line properly and clearly differentiate it from other “ethnic” Mongolian products. Therefore, they were critical of the presentation on Woonbeurs Amsterdam (where the design product line was combined with traditional products), but positive about the design stand in the Dutch Design Week. The Dutch project initiator felt that presentation depends on the goal of the fair. It was unclear what the role of the design fairs was in the total sales strategy. The Dutch project initiator felt that selling the products was the responsibility of all individual designers; the design fairs just served as an opportunity for them to show their work: “this is a joint initiative and all should be at the fairs together”. Some of the designers expected the Made in Mongolia campaign to serve as an intermediary. They felt that there should be a qualified person to carry out marketing, sales and communication. They felt that more sales techniques needed to be used for these products beside the fairs, such as a representative who visits points of sale and interested people, like stylists. “People need to be able to touch it and feel it, so you have to be in a store or something, now everyone is referred to a website”,
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stated the felt designer. The designers feel that good interior design shops, architects, stylists and interior designers should be targeted directly, as the products that were on the website were not suited to everyone at the moment. They needed expert imagination, someone to be able to see what can be done with it. It was also unclear what the procedure was when orders actually arrive. The designers didn’t see the sales and presentation as their responsibility and also didn’t agree on how it was being carried out.
Woonbeurs Amsterdam Dutch Design Week Eindhoven
Publicity and PR Activities There have been several articles in different (inter)national publications about the project, such as in a Dutch, American and Milanese design magazine. Also, a number of regional and national newspapers (in Eindhoven, Dagblad van het Noorden, AD) have written editorials. Additionally there has been interest from interior design magazines (e.g. VT Wonen) or catalogues (e.g. Prénatal). Finally, the Made in Mongolia campaign has published its own magazine, Amongolia, in which Felt Connection is featured.
In addition to the website, the Dutch project initiator also developed brochures and flyers to present Felt Connection. The PR materials, website and magazine were all developed by different professionals, though the Dutch project initiator made an effort to create some unity in the designs.
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6.5 Participants’ Reflections
Participants’ reflections are important in this thesis as they are the main section where the voices of the learners are heard. This thesis leans heavily on them, and as such their reflections have descriptive as well as critical value.
6.5.1 Mongolian Participants
Ulaanbaatar-based independent designer – teacher and businesswoman The interview took place in the designer’s own workplace, in Ulaanbaatar with the translator, Boggie. Another project participant and student of the designer were also present.
Own Work/ Expertise The designer is actually an industrial engineer. “The felt making is not my profession, but I have been doing it as a hobby since 1990”. She has her own small felt making enterprise with three workers and a lot of students. “I have more than a thousand students in felt making throughout Mongolia”, she says. Some of her students already have established their own companies. “First I taught them and then the students teach other people”. She has set up an enterprise with four different branches: felt making, tourism, trade, and industry (engineering). Besides engineering she also has a degree in administration management, which is how she manages the business and runs a small tourism camp as well.
Project Introduction and Goal The designer heard about the project through another participant. They are both members of the Mongolian Felt Making Union. She is also a member of the Mongolian Trade and Industry Association and she joined the project because she wants to help her students. “At the moment they’re working throughout Mongolia, and since they all make the same products they need to expand their markets. They are looking for business opportunities and foreign buyers”. This is why she wanted to be involved in the project. She mentions another reason: “in the countryside there is a small cooperative, I want to unite them, I want to unite the small cooperatives under the same management, so that all felt makers, felt producers can make more products than working individually”.
The designer has participated in several exhibitions in felt work and leather in foreign countries (England, Italy, and Germany). Generally they were her own designs but sometimes she takes some of her students’
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work. One of these exhibitions was held in New York City in the US. “During this exhibition I showed all my artwork to the public and I gave training to the Americans”, she says. “If all the felt makers can unite in the same management we can work hard to attract foreign buyers. It is a better idea than working individually.” She, therefore, joined the project as she “really want to know the background of the project, to see whether it is difficult or easy for other felt makers, to figure out if it will suit other felt makers”. Yes, she does believe that this project will suit her students.
Project Work Generally the designer very much enjoyed the project activities. “The training session held in the school workshop was my first experience working with real designers. So I want to learn some new knowledge. Mostly, including me, we make slippers, handbags, etc. just smaller things. Thanks to this project I learned a lot of new things, like make felt for furniture”. Also, she is very happy as the product (felt) comes from the countryside, it’s originally a nomadic product and it will protect people’s livelihood. “Also, we already made products with horse tail and horse mane (ropes for the ger), but what we learned from the designers is completely different. So I learned a lot of new methods, the quality of different products and working with horse hair. Also, the colouring was very eco-friendly. I learned how to separate the addition of wool in a certain amount, and how much wool was needed”. The designer generally felt that the workshop activity was very interesting.
When the project started she had no idea what they were going to do and what to expect the coming days. “I just wasted my valuable time during the first three of four days because the management was very bad, every people just coming in coming out. It was very complicated to understand what was going on in reality in the workshop”. She had to work with lamb’s wool, while she is actually used to working with wool from older sheep. It seemed difficult to her as lamb’s wool is very soft compared to older sheep’s wool. “The lamb’s wool was at first very dirty. The cleaning process took me several days, until I’m ready to make a carpet or something”. Apart from these points she feels that the project was very good for her. “It was very nice; I learned a lot of new things from the project”’.
She says most of the felt makers have known each other for a long time. “We are familiar with each other, where exactly their workshop is, what they do mostly in the market, we all know each other”. She doesn’t know the felt workers from Altan Bulok, though she has met them when she visited them earlier in the project. Now she knows some of the representatives. She didn’t work with them, but they just met each other and had a nice talk. “Mostly in the countryside felt makers make felt carpet but the felt makers in Ulaanbaatar mostly make smaller products, like slippers, such kind of souvenirs for people who want to
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have felt products. Therefore, I know the countryside felt makers are better with carpet making then them. Also, I don’t know very much about the lamb wool, how to produce and how to make it with lamb wool, I was interested to know and to talk with them about the lamb producing methods. And then we just talked about being a mother, talked about the daily talks”.
Participate again Yes, she would participate in another training session if the project would offer it. “In my opinion every person should study in her lifetime, even though I am already older”. If she keeps training with the designers she feels that the project needs more space, a large workshop. “In terms of business, we need at least an enterprise with equipment, the washing, cleaning, if we have this kind of enterprise we can produce it, and we can sell it to the other people”.
Ulaanbaatar-based independent designer – felt artist and teacher The interview took place in the designer’s own workplace in Ulaanbaatar with the translator, Boggie. There was a student in fashion design who is also a student of the designers.
Own Work/ Expertise The designer had been working with felt since 1995, when she started developing her own method of creating art with felt. It’s different from making small felt products, such as shoes or stuffed animals, even though she is skilled in those techniques as well. She makes landscapes, self-portraits, and also more abstract types of visual art, using felt techniques. She works with two different methods, with coloured wool and by carving on felt. She wants to keep with Mongolian traditions and therefore works with felt, but Mongolians usually use felt for daily purposes (sleeping bags, gers, etc), while she uses it to create artworks. She created her artworks from her own imagination (no reproduction), a very “painstaking” job, which takes a lot of patience. Some of the drawings for her artwork are traditional, such as the animals she’s currently finishing.
The designer states she does not want to sell any of her own work; she just wants to show it in a museum, to exhibit her work. She believes the project will benefit her in a broader sense, not just in looking for business partners, but to learn new techniques, so she can apply it to her designs. Most things covered in the project she already knew, but the yak hair attracts her a lot. She is very proud of the ancient Mongolians that were already working with felt. She gives some examples of very old felt art that was found in tombs, but still of good quality. Also, she is proud of the felt sewing method, because it looks like it is made with machines even though people made it by hand. She also tells about how most Mongolian families have their
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own felt sleeping bag. She has one from her grandfather. She is proud of these traditions and sees the felt she makes herself as part of that tradition.
“I am the only person who can make art with felt, I have a lot of work to show the public”. She is a member of the World Felt Association and the chairperson of Mongolian Felt Making Association. The best work is kept in a museum, on the wall of the Mongolian Artist Union Building. A while ago a foreigner offered to buy it from her, but she did not want to sell it. She would like to have an exhibition on Mongolia or abroad. Her dream is to have big exhibition of her work, maybe in the Netherlands, Germany or in the US. She doesn’t know how to arrange it, but she very much would like to find out how to arrange such an exhibition. “Do you have any idea? Help me!”, she laughs.
Project Introduction and Goal The designer heard about the project from the Mongolian/ Dutch all-round designer who told her that most of the designers from the Netherlands were felt makers and that it would be an opportunity for her to cooperate with them. She joined the project for professional development; training and sharing her knowledge with the others. She says she enjoyed the work they did. She learned a new working method, combining the yak hair and sheep wool, which she might use in her own work. She was most interested in working with the horse hair. It was the new experiences that attracted her to the project. She explains a little about the “most difficult work” she did. Mongolian felt gets smaller when it touches water, it shrinks. The ordered was for a felt piece of one metre length and one metre width, but to get that size she needs to prepare the wool longer than the actual size, because it shrinks. She says it shrinks about 40%; she had to be very specific about how much it shrinks.
Project Work The designer’s working on different things for the Felt Connection project, such as a prototype of lilac felt with black decorations made of yak hair. The felt is made from lamb’s wool, which is different from the wool she usually uses. She usually works with Merino wool, from adult sheep, and she feels that the lamb’s wool is not as soft, which makes the felt tougher, stronger and more solid. So, this lamb’s wool is not suitable for her art work. Also, she doesn’t like to use colours for the wool for her own work, preferring natural colours. For the project, she’s making white and black panels (like a chess board), which she does enjoy making, but took her a long time. She is using artificial colours for the black panels, even though the hair is already black, just to give it more depth in colour and make the felt and yak hair the same colour. She has had a lot of experience with using artificial colours before, but after the “foreigners” showed her their colouring techniques, she realised some minor mistakes that she used to make when using artificial colours, which
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she wants to improve. “The foreigners calculate how much the wool shrinks when it is put into hot water, and measure the exact amount of colour that is necessary to colour it properly”, something she didn’t know before. “Using this kind of colouring procedure is more suited to industrial production and not for just one product”, she concludes.
Ulaanbaatar-based independent designer – business owner and leather designer The interview took place in the designer’s own workplace, in Ulaanbaatar, with the translator Boggie. There were two employees present. The designer started her business three months earlier, and has eight different machines: one for cutting and sewing leather, one for making leather engravings, another meant for carving, another for skin nails, and others for sewing thick or thin cotton, or making zigzag patterns. All of the machines were for commercial use. At the time of the interview she had very few orders but employed nine people. As they were not receiving orders they sold their products at the market.
Own Work/ Expertise The designer (44) has a Bachelor’s degree in Economics in Mongolia. She graduated in 1987 from University in the Soviet era, and only Bachelor’s degrees were provided then. She has another degree from 1986 in Russia, majoring as a teacher of technology (handicrafts). After graduating in Russia she started working at the Mongolian Children’s Creativity House for 17 years. After that she worked for the Ulaanbaatar’s children development centre for three years; the founder of children’s development centre asked her to join them. At the child development centre she worked with children who dropped out of school at an early age, after the fifth or sixth grade. They dropped out of school because in the early 1990s the Mongolian economy was very bad and with most families the eldest children had to work to support the families. She had three different classes a day with different ages, as younger children need more care and attention, so she arranged her study method around it. She taught the children different creative skills, like making basic drawings, making stuffed dolls, etc. She left her teaching job because teachers earn little money and she has an extended family. She decided to start her own business.
Project Introduction and Goal The designer heard about the project from a friend who is in the same type of business. Her friend knew about the project and suggested that she participate. Her main reason for joining the project was to find more business opportunities because most of her employees are single mothers. She was hoping to get some felt orders from the project and expand business partnerships. She was interested in learning more about the use of horse hair, and she had heard this was going to be covered in the project. She was also looking for collaboration on leather products. As she produces a lot of leather products at the moment, she
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was trying to sell it to foreigners. Before, when she heard of the project she didn’t know if the project was a big project or just some kind of activity trying to help Mongolian poor families. She didn’t have any idea what the activities were, only that it was to help Mongolians. During the course she learned slowly about the larger project.
Project Work The designer participated with the felt colouring and worked with the Dutch horse hair designer on the curtain design and the “wall paper”. She mentions she won’t use the techniques she did for other products as the project people told her not to copy the work (copyright). She did get an idea to make a bag with horse hair and she thought the wall paper was a very good idea. She will be able to make her own as well. She found all the activities very interesting. Everything she’s has been doing at the workshop gives her many ideas. She was also very happy with the teachers (designers). All the time they were trying to help them, to give them support. “All teachers were very open-minded and also all teachers provide me and the other trainees with really good knowledge”. At first all teachers taught her how to work with the materials, and then show her how to work on the materials and then let her work on them. The teachers would follow the procedure step-by step. She has a lot of hope for future collaboration from this project: “I will work very hard not to lose the other’s trust”.
The students The interview took place in a bar/ tent in Ulaanbaatar with the translator, Boggie. The young women also spoke some English.
Own Work/ Expertise The fashion design student is a senior student at the design academy and the sculpting student is a sophomore. They are sisters and their father (Badral) is a well-known artist in Mongolia.
Project Introduction and Goal The fashion design student is involved with the project as she likes fashion materials and fabrics with felt. She is studying to be a designer and wants to learn more techniques. She feels it would be useful to her design work. She enjoys avant-garde fashion design. After she finishes her degree she will study English for the TOEFL (Test of English as a Foreign Language) and then go abroad for a Master’s degree in fashion. The sculpting student became involved with the project to learn about felt sculptures. The main reason they participated was to enhance hobbyist skills. They did not know before participating what the project was
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going to be about. “We just heard that Dutch people would organise the felt making lessons to the Mongolian felt makers”. Their father told them about the project. The activities were not as they had expected. “We both thought at very first we would be like a student, the Dutch people, the designers would provide the teaching, like in high school, but in the reality it was completely different. We shared the knowledge with each other, we work together”. They both enjoyed this process; it was very different from what they are used to.
Project Work They had both never worked with felt before, and learned to do it from both the Mongolians and the Dutch people. They learned from the Mongolians how to make felt products, and from the foreigners they learned design; how to design efficiently, how to get good results. They were very impressed with the designer’s work. Both think that Dutch designers create artwork with felt, while the Mongolians usually do just ordinary homestead stuff, like a mat or small things, so this was a very new experience for them. “In the coming years I want to create artwork with the felt, what we learned from the Dutch designers”, in the fashion design student’s case with avant-garde fashion design. The sculpting student wants to create a felt sculpture. In the project they worked with the horse hair and practiced the colouring techniques.
Future Dreams The fashion design student would like to participate in exhibitions in Mongolia and in foreign countries. The sculpting student has already participated in several exhibitions in Ulaanbaatar, which she wants to continue. She wants to organise her own exhibition, an exhibition of sculptures with her father. “I want to show my artwork to foreign people”. They both think that participating in this project would be useful for their future career because they think that in spending time with the foreign designers they can exchange knowledge, share thoughts and views about the felt sculpture, art work, etc., and improve their work.
Rural-based felt maker and manager of a tourism camp The interview took place in a ger camp, her family’s home, in the countryside (in the buffer zone of Khustai National Park). The interview took place with the translator, Boggie.
Own Work/ Expertise The felt maker usually gets up early in the morning, around four o’clock to prepare a meal for her husband and children. After milking the cows, she starts the housework, like cleaning the ger and washing clothes. Every day she has many guests at the camp, local guests like from the government office, but also foreign guests. When Mr Ban Ki Moon came there were around 70 people there. Other famous guests were the
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Dutch Crown Prince and Princess. And the whole community organises a small Nadaam here.9 Most guests arrive from the first of June to the middle of September. During the winter season she usually decorates the felt carpets. It depends on the order what kind of carpet she decorates: “the buyer decides”. At the moment the domestic buyers dominate. For tourists they make mostly the small souvenirs like slippers, stuffed toys. Domestic buyers prefer products such as carpets. She also gets domestic orders for the wedding and festival season.
Project Work She worked with the “foreigners” this time, but she hasn’t worked with them before. She was very busy when they were there. Whenever she had time she would work on the felt project, but she also had to prepare them meals, etc. She worked mostly on the vase with the horse hair designer (made with ropes of black and white horse hair). She had used the horse hair ropes before, but only for ger ropes. Making a vase with it was a brand new method for her, but she did not find it difficult to do. She says: “even though we learned some methods from the Dutch designers, most of the time we taught them how to make it. The Dutch designers learned a lot from us. Like an exchange”. For example, she taught them how to create the correct patterns. She believes the new products will attract both Mongolian and European customers. “What we make is always in demand; people always want to buy from us, always”. They sell mostly to local customers, now they want to expand their markets to European customers. They really want to expand their business. That’s why they participated in the project. They want to learn colouring techniques from the foreign partners and they want to find out what it is the foreign partners need in terms of technique. If the Dutch return, they would participate again, even though they had to invest a lot of time into the project. “We are looking forward to the next training session”.
Rural-based felt cooperation members, and Ulaanbaatar-based felt maker The interview took place in a ger in the countryside (buffer zone Khustai National Park). The interview took place with the translator, Boggie. There are four people present. From Altan Bulok: the group leader, the group’s designer (male), the manufacturer of horse hair ropes, and the Ulaanbaatar-based felt maker. The cooperation members belonged to a cooperation of approximately eight people, while the Ulaanbaatar- based felt maker was self-employed. In the cooperation they work together on felt production, and provide financial assistance to the members. The cooperation does not own the animals; all the members own them individually.
9 A Nadaam is a Mongolian festival held in the midsummer holidays.
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The designer The designer describes himself as one of the designers in the cooperation; he makes designs for felt and the women produce it. He could not show me any of his work as the products are at the sum centre. He worked at the ger camp all of last week. From the beginning, he worked with all the designers, and participated in the felt making process. He’s seen drawings of what the products are going to be and likes all the work he has done. He very much likes the designs. “The felt making process is very similar to our own, but the results are very different. I learned a lot of new skills working with … [the felt designer]”. He believes most of the work from the designers is more suitable for European customers, such as the curtains, the chair and the mat. “It’s European style”.
The leader and felt maker The leader is responsible for the management of the cooperation, but she also participates in the felt making process. She very much enjoyed the colouring process, which she did with the colouring expert the day before. They have their own colouring method as well, “but yesterday, thanks to [the colouring expert] we learned a lot of new skills, new methods; about the need for a certain amount of wool”. She uses colours for Mongolian customers and European customers, but with different products. For Mongolian customers they mostly make mats, sitting mats for example, but for Europeans they make smaller products, souvenirs like slippers, stuffed toys etc, for which she would like to use the coloured felt. They mostly receive orders from the local people, especially for the wedding season or the festival season. They would very much like more European orders, to expand their markets.
The manufacturer of horse hair ropes The manufacturer is one of the felt makers, but she mostly works on ropes and strings. She can do it thick or thin, depending on the buyer’s wishes. They’re mostly made with horse hair or cow tails. The ropes are used to make gers. The designer worked with the horse hair designer on the round mat made with black and white horse hair. She very much likes the mat and believes it suitable both for Mongolian and European customers.
Ulaanbaatar-based felt maker The felt maker is from Ulaanbaatar and is self-employed. She participated in the workshop that was held in the city, under the supervision of the Dutch people. She worked with the Ulaanbaatar-based felt artist a lot during these trainings and they exchanged their methods. They mostly worked on the felt curtain, and wall
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coverings. She came to the countryside because “I want to learn more from the local felt makers and want to share what I know about felt with others. Like a cultural exchange”.
All would continue working in this project if the designers would come back. They have learned a lot of new methods, new things. The leader of the cooperation said: “I’m working in the felt making business; I really want to develop myself in a professional way. To be better than others. That’s why I really want to have a next training session”.
6.5.2 Mongolian Participants Revisited
Ulaanbaatar-based independent designer – teacher and businesswoman The interview took place in a restaurant in Ulaanbaatar centre in May 2010. The designer rented a desk in a tourist shop in the centre of Ulaanbaatar to sell her products. I met her there, with the Mongolian project partner who also served as a translator. When we arrived she pointed at a felted decorative piece in which horse hair has been used. “From last year”, she said.
Activities since the summer of 2009 The designer explains that after the project activities she has started charging for her training. She already had a lot of students, which she taught for free, but now she feels she has upgraded her skills and, therefore, her students need to pay for her instruction. Unrelated to the project activities, she has had a large order from Germany, 300 pieces of a certain product. In addition she has followed a course organised by the Chamber of Commerce about green labels. “Right now only carpets have green labels, but the smaller products should also have green labels10”, she states. She wants to work on this and set up training for other women so they can also learn. This is important to her as she knows that green and fair trade is important for her customers and for export. She does believe that many of the other women, her students, are not ready for this green labelling yet: “they are not experienced and skilful enough”. Besides these activities, she has applied for a grant to be able to research business opportunities.
View on activities of the summer 2009 The designer has not had any contact with the people from last year and has no idea of what is happening at the moment. She has not been in contact with the other Mongolian women who were involved either. She has not heard anything about the exhibitions or seen the magazine for which she was interviewed (the
10 Label for environmentally friendly production (as explained by the designer)
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Mongolian project partner promises to send her one when she receives new copies). She hasn’t made any of the fabrics from last summer as there is a copyright on the designs; however she does feel that these products could also be sold in the local tourist shops and is frustrated that she cannot do this. The designer feels there is a potential market for these products with horse hair, also for smaller products like bookmarks. “I have all these new skills and knowledge and I cannot use it”, she says. She feels the same about the thin felt and products for interior design. These can also be sold to tourists locally.
Future dreams The designer explained she would like to start an educational programme. She explains that she has a high educational background, but a lot of producers do not. They cannot find access to the international markets and they really need international input for this. She would want to include all handicrafts and have different divisions. She would want to involve international consultants who could arrange an introduction to different foreign markets. The designer is currently looking for funding for this type of organisation. She stresses to keep this confidential as people will steal ideas.
Suggestions The designer was very supportive of my research and believes this to be very necessary. She offered to introduce me to the Chamber of Commerce and the Handicraft Council, of which she is a member.
Ulaanbaatar-based independent designer – business owner and leather designer The interview took place at the designer’s workplace. Her office now has a computer. There were four women present working on an order. The designer explained that she gets most orders for small wooden painted dolls (sold in the souvenirs shops and supermarket), an eco-friendly bag that can also be used for corporate advertising and leather bags and belts, which are mostly sold to a shop in the Gobi dessert and on individual orders. The Mongolian project partner was present as a translator.
Activities since the summer of 2009 The designer explains she has made a few products combining the materials leather, felt and horse hair, which she learned to make through working with the designers in the summer of 2009. She likes this combination; it is very different for her. Since then she has designed some bracelets with horse hair and leather for the Shanghai World Expo. The Dutch project initiator has asked her to design a bag using these materials and some cushions. She sent some other things over as well, bracelets etc. She also produced some things based on designs/ drawings that the Dutch project initiator send her. She cannot show me any
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of the products as she does not have samples. She says “the design is in my head”. The orders are always so urgent that she does not have time to make extra ones to keep for her own portfolio.
She mentions that her business is going well, but they do not really make a profit. They need more orders and she really wants to expand to international markets. She is interested in exporting more, and not only focus on selling to tourists. She mentions that to the Dutch project initiator’s orders were too limited to be useful. She needs at least an order of 100 of 200 to be able to buy the materials at bulk prices and make a profit from it and feels that the Dutch project initiator should have a shop where she can sell it directly.
View on activities of the summer 2009 The designer feels that the products that she worked on last year have potential and they could be sold in Mongolia as well. This is currently not possible due to the copyright on the designs. However, she does not feel that her new skills are being wasted. She has not heard from any of the people from last year (apart from the Dutch project initiator and the Mongolian project partner) and does not really know what happened with the products she made last years. She says she heard there was an exhibition.
6.5.3 Members of the Handicraft Council
In a group interview with the attended members of the Handicraft Council of the Mongolian Chamber of Commerce on 25 June 2010 many relevant issues were addressed. Although only one member participated in the Felt Connection activities in the summer of 2009, the views and perspective of the handicraft sector are relevant to this case.
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Handicraft Council The Handicraft Council of the Mongolian National Chamber of Commerce and Industry was established two years ago; however, it has not yet played an active role. The Chamber has 55 councils in total and its goal is to support business people. Criteria for membership are not entirely clear, though the general requirement is to be a member of Chamber. Members include business people and producers/ designers; some represent NGOs or other institutions, such as the Mongolian National Art Gallery (Union of Mongolian Artists) and the Unique Handicraft NGO. Their work plan for 2010 involves the following goals and activities: 1. Invite international expert of handicraft, for instance, felt, leather and souvenir, to conduct training, seminars and online training and put forward a proposal for cooperation with UNESCO Resident Representative. 2. Select Mongolian National Trade and Chamber of Commerce members, non-members, handicraft companies, economic entities and individuals to make poster and digital catalogue for potential buyers. Produce a brochure of Mongolian handicraft products. 3. Build relationships with organisations to support handicraft makers of Mongolia in US, Japan and European countries. Search for export opportunities and receive orders. 4. Submit a proposal to tourism departments of Ministry of Nature, Environment and Tourism and City Governors Office for cooperation on supporting and developing handicrafts and appoint an expert to be responsible for handicraft branch. 5. Organise handicraft fair. Search for possibilities to participate in international fairs under soft conditions/subsidy.
The members explained that the reason for the high cost of Mongolian handicraft products is the fact that the entire manufacturing process is done by hand, which is hard and time-consuming work. They felt that mass-produced products should not be classified or perceived as handicrafts, as they lack quality and creative value. A major point of critique was that raw materials available in Mongolia lack constant quality and are not cleaned properly, which they believe to be unsuitable for the international market. In addition, there is not currently sufficient raw material, which means they are unable to fulfil big orders and it is too expensive for craftspeople to source their own raw materials, while small orders are not economically viable due to high transport and customs cost. Therefore, they call for a centralised and standardised approach to gathering and processing raw material. The members agreed that it is difficult to participate in the international market individually and felt they should be represented by Embassies and sales representatives. They also felt there is lack of opportunities for soft loans and investment.
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The Felt Connection participant called for increased collaboration through the Handicraft Council as well as collaboration with the UNDP and other NGOs. She also called for a more professional approach to the sector, as there are too many mass products/ fake products on the market of poor quality; this should be better organised to avoid damaged reputation of sector. The representative of the Union of Mongolian Artists (the main body to link all members, established during communist times) stated that there is no government department supporting artists, only one for culture. She felt the challenges for artists are a lack of financial support and a lack of involvement in promotional activities like exhibitions.
Training One member felt that trainers and facilitators should be Mongolian as the international institutions give insufficient training and only in English. One member felt the training needs to focus mostly on production and craftwork. In order to do this well they need better facilities and someone to train others on how to use the equipment to guarantee a standard quality. In addition, all members agreed on the importance of addressing opportunities to enter international markets in the training; the local level alone is not enough. One member said there is lots of business training but no matchmaking training. Another member felt that foreign designers just come to fulfil their own mission: “they don’t teach, but get ideas from us; they should focus on Mongolian design improvement and they should guarantee orders”; however, the member that participated in Felt Connection disagreed, saying she did learn a lot of new skills last summer, for example working with lamb’s wool.
6.5.4 Intermediary
In an informal interview with the Mongolian representative for the International Organization of Folk Art on 24 June 2010 many relevant issues were addressed. Although she was not involved with Felt Connection activities in the summer of 2009, some publicity was arranged though her contacts and network.
She works as an intermediary; connecting Mongolian artists to a variety of (inter)national events. She has an extended network that reaches all over the country and serves as a trend watcher. She believes cultural exchange is needed first, to get inspiration for making new things, getting new ideas and creative input. “The meeting of minds and talents is important for the world”. She firmly believes in the importance of cultural heritage and tradition and stresses how the great differences in styles and cultures throughout Mongolia should remain and there should not be one limited focus. She feels there is currently too much attention for the tribe that lives in and close to Ulaanbaatar, which threatens diversity. Her organisation and her network also included all modern forms of Creative Industries, such as photography, media, and film. However, she
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stated there is only a small segment of this in Mongolia. The main focus is on music, dance, arts and crafts and painting, but fashion is becoming more popular. Design and architecture are still lacking.
6.5.5 Dutch Design Team Members
All the interviews with the members of the Dutch design team were carried out separately on different occasions. As many views overlap or are related to each other, they have been combined to make a clearer picture.
Expectations The expectations of all the design team members are different and in some cases described as “far removed from the reality of the project”. Most members knew very little before departure regarding the activities, the locations, etc. The only certain things were the arrival and departure dates. Travel and accommodation was arranged for them, but not always to everyone’s satisfaction. There were also some discrepancies regarding the role they were meant to play, i.e. only as designers, or also as a facilitator, translator, or project management.
One member expected that they “would come into some form of a community, like a shelter for women, for whom there were some work projects, and a department with children, orphans, or children. That’s why I didn’t fully understand it, the country and ... working on two locations. I thought it would be very central; that we would work with people they (i.e. project initiators) knew very well already and had done a lot for ... It turned out that everything had to be set up anew.” He had expected there to be a room with facilities where they could work, but when they arrived there was neither a room nor facilities. In the end they worked in the academy in a room that was too small for many of the colouring workshops and didn’t have running water that was needed for felting. Another member had expected that they would collaborate with a team of the same people, who would work on one design and would start the next one once they were finished. He had expected to travel around to see its progress, similar to the way they work here: visiting the specialists needed for a project. However, he states that every day there were fewer people to work with and sometimes there was no one. “I had at least expected that there would be people, materials and a workplace … all three were incidental and inconvenient and never at the same time”. They did know they would work both in the country and in Ulaanbaatar, but thought beforehand that he could see at the time what would be convenient for him as he is the type of person who likes to work independently in his own pace, but there was no room for that in this project.
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One person mentions how she had expected to work with a group of people, with sufficient time for research. “I needed a slower pace. It was like, go do this, and after two days, what products are you making, while there wasn’t any research”. She would have liked the time to see how the others worked before getting started on her designs and experiment more with local symbols, meaning of colours, etc. She was actually surprised how similar the Mongolians working methods were to their own, but would have liked to have seen more of their culture. She felt they had to learn too much by doing; learning about the situation and making the products simultaneously. While this was good, she also feels that if there had been more time to research earlier in the process, they would have been better prepared. For example, she mentions how they found out that they had a rougher technique in the country side, to which they had to adapt their products and also to take the winter into account when they would not have the room to make large carpets, therefore, they needed to design some smaller products as well. Smaller products make for lighter work, which is sometimes a relief from the heavy felting process. “You learn by doing, I don’t know if you get the realisation when being told, for example, you have to really experience it sometimes, by being there, so maybe it’s been a good introduction, but it needs a follow-up”, states this member.
There were also people with less clear expectations: “I had no expectations because I knew that you can’t have expectations; you go to a country that you don’t know at all and you don’t know what they make there … I did try to do some drawings before we went there, but I tried to keep it as blank as possible”, states one person.
Production Process Some members thought of the designs in the Netherlands before going to Mongolia, and brought the drawings with them. One person states:
The only thing I did there was testing. This is how I want it, what is the best material for it, what do they have, what can we adapt? Actually I’d do it like that again, that works out the best. It is fun to experiment and all but to get something done there as soon as possible, it is important to have your drawings, to look for what is there and bring these together. That’s how I do things here as well. If you have some idea of what is there it can be done this way. There is felt there and I simply thought: “I’ll make a chair with felt upholstery”. I designed very simple things. I actually wanted to use the traditional techniques and make something modern with it, so you can see it is handmade. It doesn’t need to be a new development; it is in the way you show it. That is really my approach.
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The production of one member’s design (i.e. a chair) is a very diverse process. The framework needs to be examined in the Netherlands, to see what is the most suitable, in order to finalise the design. The fabric for the seating was examined in Mongolia. “The idea was to make a prototype of the chair in Mongolia first, but soon I noticed that was no use. I know now how to do it and when I have all the materials I will finalise it in the Netherlands. It’s all not that easy over there.” The ropes (used for the chair) are also from Mongolia, made of camel hair. “I needed a certain thickness that wasn’t the usual one, which would work well for making this chair. Two string rope, normally they do it with three strings, and they always make short pieces, but I asked them to make it a bit longer to see if that would work and that worked really well”. Another member mostly worked with bones during this project. Bones are used in Mongolia as art objects or for buttons on bags. She also tried to make bones with felt (experiment) but did not complete this. “I had too little time, a lot of ideas for example for a decorative hook, but also necklaces, etc.” Her intent is to have her designs produced in Mongolia.
Benefits Not all feel that the project benefited the Mongolians from an economic point of view. “I don’t think it was conscious, and I haven’t seen everything of course, and it very much depends on the follow-up, but if what I have seen doesn’t improve ... Maybe that two or three Mongolians will benefit somewhat, but out of 40 or 50 people, that isn’t good”. One person does feel that the Mongolian participants have learned a lot, in particular from a professional development point of view, but also that they experienced the way the Dutch design team looks at designing as “a breath of fresh air”.
Opinion on Project/ Points for Improvement Most members feel that the most positive point of the project was the interaction with others: “The people, on the Dutch side as well as on the Mongolian side … I have met a lot of lovely Mongolians and the same actually for the Dutch. I thought it was a great group of people, very diverse; sometimes a little complicated because it was so chaotic, but that didn’t take away from the fact that they were all lovely”, states a member. With regards to the collaboration with the other design team members, one person states that it “was a positive experience and useful, as everyone has their own expertise”.
One person is very pleased with the fabrics that came out of the project and believes they are an innovative contribution to the design world. She also feels they have generated professional interest on the fairs. Other positive things that were mentioned were: “To have no expectations and go straight to work there and anticipate on what you saw there at that moment, how to deal with it ... to turn what you see around you into
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a product, creativity actually, how quick that process can be, from thinking of something, making something, prototypes and samples, and that you can have a pretty good final product in the end”. The results are not what could have been for all that time and effort that a lot of people put in and some members feel that the project is too dependent on one person. Most do consider the project’s concept a beautiful initiative and feel there is potential in such a project; going to another country and designing things there, and encountering a different kind of creativity they have there. However, all are very critical about project coordination, communication, marketing and sales strategies, quality control and distribution, and delivery.
The main points of improvement that were mentioned refer to communication and coordination: project management and clarity for everyone. People also mention smaller groups and focussing on one project at a time. Another essential ingredient is a qualified translator, which the members feel is essential to be able to learn from each other and communicate properly. Though not all believe a translator is necessary all the time. “We were lucky that by working with our hands we could exchange a lot, but for others, who had different purposes this wasn’t the case. As this was much more a top-down approach it was very important to be able to explain exactly what needed to be done and have an exchange on where the problems were, which does require a translator all the time”. One person would have liked to have more discussion about the right method as the process would benefit from it, but this was made difficult due to lack of communication. They feel there is a connection with the Mongolian views on aesthetics, but believe the difference is that people in the Netherlands are much more concerned with trends and have different tastes in interior decorating. And as this project takes it one step further, into interior design, the gap is even larger. This means that they have to be much more directive and explain what they think would sell in Europe. Or produce only with high technical skills. Many of the Mongolian participants know when something looks good and when it doesn’t; they have a lot of talent and feel for it, so some members do believe the cooperation can result in beautiful products in which both have their input.
One person would have liked (and expected) to work more with students. He had expected to work with a small number of people or students, to able to carry out the whole design and production process from start to finish in which everyone has their input, particularly when they have a design or artistic background. This is feasible in the city, but “in the country it was more like, all watch, and then copy it, which eventually turns out fine as well, but then you just have to select those items that can be easily copied, which is a different strategy”, he states. Another member feels that there were mixed interests in the project: “You go to work there with the local people: but how do they perceive the project? That’s just as important. I would want that differently, I’d want to pay them, directly or indirectly. That it isn’t vague and unsure, but that there are clear
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agreements”. Some people believe the situation can be improved now that they have seen what the local situation is like, and what the problems are. They feel the need for an evaluation of the project.
Participating again Most members’ frustrations with project management would keep them from returning to Mongolia, in spite of the positive experiences in working with the women. The idea of going abroad and developing new things still appeals though. The problems in the project were not at all due to the Mongolian people, states one person; in fact they think it’s amazing they were willing to do anything at all while everything was so unclear. “You did notice that, when it wasn’t clear to them what it was for, they’d only put in half the effort. But they are capable. They can carry out exactly what you want them to, but you have to give clear instructions. The technique and know-how is present and the materials are fantastic”. Some members would like to go back for the Mongolian people, but have doubts whether these products are going to be sold. Not because they aren’t beautiful, but due to the price, quality and logistical problems. Another member mentions they would like to continue working with Mongolia in a different project or on their own, or in a similar project in a country that has excellent craftsmanship; where only the traditional products are made but of high quality and inspiring. It doesn’t necessarily need to be with a group of people. They mention DDID. “There is full management around it, an entire PR organisation, and these become serious products”.
One member states that they might participate again in the Felt Connection project if asked. “If it would be clear that a few things would change and that they would have some facilities in Mongolia to work with wool in a way that would be suitable for here as well, then I would participate in this project again”, they say, “I’d enjoy that, and I would really wish it for the Mongolians as well if it would happen”. This member also found the project very inspiring and would love to continue working with Mongolia. Another members points out at that in a follow-up there should be a workspace, sufficient wool and more time at the same location.
6.5.6 Dutch Project Initiator
The Dutch project initiator points out some future plans and points for improvement. She remains busy finding new applications for Mongolian felt in European settings and strengthening bonds between Mongolia and the Netherlands, on a diplomatic level, through financial investments and business opportunities (focussing on import/ export). The information below focuses on Felt Connection activities. The interview took place in the Dutch project initiator’s home in Groningen on 3 November 2009.
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Facilities One of the main focal points for the continuation of the activities in Mongolia is the establishment of a joint workplace for the felt cooperation groups, which would create better work circumstances for the production of traditional products first and make the production of the new product line more feasible (higher quality is needed and facilities are essential). However, as the role of the Mongolian designers/ artists based in the city is crucial in the establishment of the new product line, this rural workplace does not contribute to improvements there. As the city-based participants are more independent and work on an individual basis, micro-credit may be a suitable financial option.
Distribution/ Logistics Costs of transport are high due to limited infrastructure in Mongolia, which also makes distribution and logistics problematic. By establishing partnerships with other importers these problems could be improved upon; however, delivery times, costs and uncertainty remain problematic for orders.
Quality (Control) The quality of the prototypes is insufficient. Besides the lack of facilities that make it difficult to produce the same quality for each product, this is also thought to be partly due to the issues related with payment (lack of payment may have resulted in unmotivated producers) and with the unfamiliarity of the Mongolian workers with European demands in design quality and exact reproductions. The quality control is not sufficient at the moment, therefore, it is intended to delegate this to a Mongolian company that is specialised in quality control for export products thus separating quality control and local coordination and management.
Product development In terms of product development, next time the Dutch project initiator would go with a maximum of two designers, make room for a few days or researching the local situation and experimentation, and then link them clearly to one group of producers.
Knowledge Transfer The Dutch project initiator believes the educative part of Felt Connection could be better structured, in particular as a business-like direction in developing products. The Dutch project initiator wants to find a connection to a local institution, so that they are there in a certain framework and it cannot be confused with their own community. In this there would be a certain form of classroom knowledge transfer. She does not want to embed it within existing institutions like the School for Art and Craftsmanship, as all these institutions are their own little communities and managed by the same traditions and people for generations.
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6.6 Results and Effects
The results and effects of the Felt Connection activities were difficult to measure. Due to many internal conflicts between the design team and project management regarding the coordination of, and communication about, project activities, different expectations of roles and responsibilities, disagreement about sales strategy and responsibility, as well as problems with quality control, customs, distribution and logistics, the newly developed design product line has not (yet) resulted in sales and orders. Even designs that have been a commercial success (e.g. the interior designer’s felt and camelhair chair) have been produced with other (non-Mongolian) materials despite attempts to order it from Mongolia. There has been no (or very limited) contact between the design team and the Mongolian project participants since project activities in the summer of 2009 and the Mongolian participants have no or limited abilities to use their new skills. An exception is the Mongolian leather designer; however, at the moment these orders are too limited to be beneficial (possibilities for larger orders still exist and are being explored by the Dutch project initiator). A new strategy is also to order “raw” materials, or partly processed materials (e.g. camel hair strings) and sell these to designers, but quality control (exact reproduction) is still a problem. Collaboration between the Dutch project initiator, the Mongolian project partner and some Mongolian producers (mostly rural-based) continued as before project activities (for the ethnic product line) and the Dutch project initiator was still exploring possibilities to link felt with the design world, e.g. in interior decorating (an Amsterdam hotel has agreed to decorate one of their rooms with a felt wall). Most members of the design team were no longer connected to Felt Connection. The copyright of their designs is still under contract with Made in Mongolia.
6.6.1 Potential
Although the development of a new design product line was no longer a priority of Made in Mongolia due to the current results, there are also indicators to suggest the potential success of a design product line.
Innovative Fabrics/ Product Line The designers were very pleased with some of the products/ fabrics that were created in the project. In particular the combination felt with horse or yak hair has created innovative new fabrics. The presentation of the design product line on the design fairs has generated attention from the general public as well as the professionals (stylists, interior decorators) and in the design world (publicity). The “fair trade” ideal is of growing interest for many customers, as is the view of mutual investment. There has also been a lot of publicity of the project itself and its products in national and local newspapers, (international) professional design magazines, and the more “popular” interior magazines and product catalogues.
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Creative Talent and Technical Skills When executed well, Mongolian felt is of high quality and well regarded in an international setting. Some of the people involved in the project are very experienced and skilled felt makers, often with an artistic background. There is a large difference between the felt makers in the city and those in rural areas, which could be made use of when managed (e.g. in product allocation – some products are better produced in the city, some better in the country). The Mongolians are extremely skilled in handwork and tailor-made products, which is more suited to design products than an approach based on mass production. Also, Mongolian designers/ artists are very proud of their tradition of felt making and eager to share it with the world and learn new skills and applications. There is also potential, in addition to the traditional ethnic product line and the design product line, to create opportunities with local artists and designers who are interested in exhibiting their work internationally.
Professional Development Most of the Ulaanbaatar-based felt makers/ artists feel like they have benefited from the project in terms of professional development. The use of new materials (in particular horse hair) and different felt techniques (almost transparent) is considered very interesting and some are already applying it to their products and teaching their students. Also, witnessing the design process has been interesting; experimenting with different fabrics and materials creating new techniques and concepts has been described as “refreshing”, and created the inspiration for viewing their own work with different eyes. In the countryside these benefits are less clear, which is not to say they are not there.
Partnerships This project and this approach to development cooperation (investment in entrepreneurship) generated a lot of interest from people in influential positions (e.g. Dutch Minister for Development Cooperation of 2009 and financial institutions [Triodos Bank]). There are possibilities to work with other projects in this field. Contacts with Khustai Nuruu National Park and UNDP were being explored. Connecting with these projects/ institutions could open up new opportunities in terms of budget, facilities, embedding (status of project) and reaching a larger number of Mongolian people.
It should be noted that there are no clear signs at the moment that the new product line is more successful than the ethnic products; however, there are indicators that success could be increased with a different marketing/ sales approach. Professional interest in the new products/ fabrics suggested there are more opportunities than are being realised at the moment. However, not all products have been successfully
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produced, and the new fabrics lack clear application and are, therefore, not ready-to-be-sold. The design team did believe the new product line has the potential for success if improvements are made in the whole production and sales process. Their points of improvement include professional presentation and clear product differentiation between traditional and ethnic products and the new “design” product line, specialised marketing strategy, and points of sale/ sale representative. Some of the design teams have expressed the wish for a specialised agent/ intermediary. This need not contradict other research into the Creative Industries sector – creative people and business skills do not always go together (with exceptions obviously, also in this project). In general there was the wish that everyone can carry out their own core business. In order to do so there is the need for an initiator (dealing with funding, partnerships, PR and helicopter view), an organiser/ coordinator (overview of the chain of production and connecting different groups), designers (design) and an agent/ intermediary (sales), and during project activities in Mongolia, a facilitator/ translator (facilitating design process and informal learning process).
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6.7 Analysis
6.7.1 Handicraft Sector in Mongolia
As described in chapter 5, the Creative Economy Report 2010 states that the importance of the production and trade of arts and crafts is that it gives developing countries strong participation in the area of heritage goods and services and as, arts and crafts are among the most traditional expressions of creativity, it should be supported and enhanced, particularly in disadvantaged communities. This is the intention of the Felt Connection project but, as can be derived from its activities, support and enhancement needs a rather holistic approach. As such, it does call for an inter-ministerial setting and innovative multidisciplinary policy measures in order to address multi-dimensional objectives: removal of obstacles for trade and export, safeguarding cultural heritage and diversity and enhancing social inclusion. Other policy issues include: incorporating a mix of public and private partnerships, access to micro-credit, and bringing together a range of sectors that have not previously been linked together. This all concurs with the Creative Economy Report 2010, as well as the UNIDO (United Nations Industrial Development Organisation) report (2007), which states that leaving rich cultural heritage to itself will not produce the hoped-for effects for socio-economic development, but needs stimulus in the education system and its values and policies and strategies should lead to stronger private and public institutional support, and the promotion of the Creative Industries must be incorporated into industrial and economic policies.
The issues that were identified in the Mongolian handicraft sector are mostly in line with this analysis. They included: logistical issues – limited access to (sufficient) raw materials of standardised quality/ cleanliness, limited work facilities, logistical and distribution problems (high cost because of limited trade and geographical situation); creative issues – creative new ideas are copied in low quality (i.e. distinction between artisan and hand-made items is seldom made), limited development of creative craftsmanship due to production of small products for tourism markets and copying of creative work, focus of artisan products from one region (close to Ulaanbaatar), therefore, threatening diversity and heritage; financial issues – high cost of products due to labour-intensive work, limited access to funding/ investment opportunities; marketing issues – finding access to the international market is difficult for individual producers
6.7.2 Formal and Informal Collaboration
An additional factor is that there is very limited formal collaboration within the sector, but also limited influence/ inspiration from outside the handicraft sector (e.g. with other artists/ cultural institutions). The idea
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is that creativity does not take place in an isolated setting, but creates openness to other influences without losing their “own voice” (see table 3). New concepts and contemporary forms do not necessarily come from Westernised influences; the work of local artists are prime examples of how to translate the Mongolian heritage into Mongolian contemporary art. Cross-sector collaboration could strengthen and inspire craft makers and artists alike. This is along the level of Cunningham’s (2005, 284) analysis that the use of the term Creative Industries can be useful as it “brings together in a provisional convergence a range of sectors which have not typically been linked with each other”. It is also in line with the analysis of the Creative Economy Report 2010 that notes that the concept of the Creative Industries does not figure prominently in Central Asia. There are different traditions concerning IPRs and weak institutional support. Cultural and handicraft industries are generally part of the informal economy. The region is, therefore, not reaching its creative potential. The Mongolian Arts Council recommends pursuing a policy for unique CI development that shows national cultural identity and its promotion on international level and reflects the public’s and producer’s perceptions of the current trend of art and culture, as well as education and training of skilled personnel, support for creator’s initiatives and presentation and sales and support to sustainable operation of market economy conditions. As of 2010, an upcoming approach of the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science for arts and culture in Mongolia is the change of focus from cultural heritage (museums, traditional artefacts, archaeological complexes) to the idea that art can be a tool for social change, human development, and economic growth.
6.7.3 Collaboration and Professionalism
In targeting these difficulties of the Mongolian handicraft sector, creating a design product line through collaboration between a European design team and Mongolian felt workers is a strong and innovative concept. It is in line with the analysis in the UNIDO report (2007: 112) that “innovation in the area of design and manufacture are aspects to be very strongly encouraged amongst the artists and craftsmen of the creative industries in order to penetrate and sustain a presence in the selected and selective markets”. It also corresponds with the idea that design cuts across the artisan, manufacturing and services component and, therefore, becomes an important opportunity for the handicraft sector to connect itself stronger to the concept of the Creative Industries. It is positioned within Mongolian trade policy, which aims to increase export of manufactured goods and connects to new trends in European design. This concurs with the Creative Economy Report, which argues that the originality of ethnic textiles, combined with the diversity of work from (fashion) designers from developing countries, is conquering world markets. The target market for these products is the type of customer who are not necessarily interested in “ethnic” products, but are interested in high quality products, materials and innovative concepts in interior design and fashion. In Felt
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Connection it was carried out by using independently working Dutch designers with different expertise and skills to introduce new materials and new purposes for a traditional handmade product of Mongolia. In addition, Felt Connection made an effort to include art students (a fashion designer and a sculptor) in the collaboration to also foster cross-sector inspiration.
The collaboration between Mongolian and Dutch designers met a number of challenges. This was predominantly due to difficulties caused by project management and also concerned the differences in approaches towards the project. The more experimental approach of the Dutch designers was objected to by the Mongolian women who mostly had a more production-oriented approach. Despite this difference in approach, there were some good examples of co-production in design, which resulted in innovative new products and textiles and generated a lot of interest from the design world in Europe. However, in general the project was characterised by a lack of congruence between project initiators, Dutch participants and Mongolian participants about the goals and character of project activities. This caused a lack of team work and joint efforts. This was also reflected in the learning strategies: there was no set course programme and learning mostly “happened” through (peer) group learning and learning-by doing. This caused confusion with participants: is the project educational, business or something else?
6.7.4 The “Creative” Sector in Developing Countries
Generally, the Creative Industries sector is characterised by a large number of small firms, a high degree of self-employment, mostly informal schooling, and a high degree of clusters and collaborative agreements, all of which were reflected in the Mongolian handicraft sector and Felt Connection participants. This is also in line with the major change in the Mongolian cultural sector in general: once a centrally-planned activity, it is now characterised by independent producers.
As stated in 7.2 (in)formal networks are an important facet. In Mongolia, the (in)formal networks had a different, but just as relevant a role, in which competition and power remain issues. (Senior) handicraft producers have an extended network of buyers, students, employees, associates, etc. Competition between individual key persons is, therefore, fierce, possibly because it does not only involve their own livelihood, but also the livelihood of their extended networks. Collaboration in the form of sharing knowledge, facilities and equipment outside own networks is, therefore, not common. Collaboration within networks is commonplace; however, it is defined by power issues (seniority), which can mean that it is harder for some individuals to define their own role (e.g. the design students in the Felt Connection project). Within the (in)formal networks, senior felt workers and cooperation leaders also have the responsibility/ wish to teach others their
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(new) skills, knowledge and insights. An important aspect is the wish to transfer the tradition of Mongolian felt making to new generations as well as strengthening their networks/ establishing their own position. The situation could benefit from a diversified strategy with regards to product development, which makes use of local leadership to connect networks and people. Simultaneously, a strategy needs to be defined to dealing with the predefined roles that exist in Mongolian society.
Based on these reflections, the felt making industry can be defined as fragmented, but at the same time solidified by (in)formal networks (both do not contradict other research into the Creative Industries sector) and strong historical bonds in which power relations and loyalty are crucial. Successful interventions like Artisan d’Angkor and Penduka! take a holistic approach (i.e. promotion of cultural aesthetics, training and workshops, research and development, and a connection to the market) and include a social policy, and/or operate as an association creating further commitment, loyalty in its participants, and self-sustainability. A holistic approach is also a strong brand position for export purposes, as seen in Penduka!, particularly when products are unique, reflect the creator’s identity and are tailor-made. Felt Connection can make use of these approaches in terms of loyalty creation, and brand positioning.
6.7.5 Financial Planning in Creative Development Initiatives
Felt Connection was financed through a Dutch development organisation with its own specific goals and purposes. The allocated budget was very limited, and assigned to certain activities. The whole production process was, therefore, not covered by the budget (designers, materials, hiring facilities, etc). The organisation of public funding allocation was a complicating factor: development goals and artistic goals were funded by different organisations each with their own criteria. Therefore, Felt Connection was not eligible for certain grants. Again, the diversity of activities places it in an unexplored intersection. It does not fall within existing Mongolian trade and educational policies or Dutch/ European development, or artistic policies, therefore, access to public or private funding and investment is a complicated process.
Issues of payment were considered very controversial as well. Many of the Mongolian participants were primarily interested in expanding their own business and (international) networks and were not sufficiently aware of conditions of project participation. The view of the project was the power of self-investment and mutual commitment: people investing their time and energy into the project, generating product sales – which would be their payment. Additionally, the project would contribute to creative design, business skills and professional development through its educational intentions. Participants had trouble adjusting to these conditions or seeing the benefits of the educational purposes, therefore, the lack of payment for their
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participation created a lot of tension. This tension between payment and collaboration is also a crucial factor in DDiD’s approach and is dealt with through their business model: no collaboration would be started before they had guaranteed sales (a client).
Mutual investment and equal partnership is the strategy of most current development collaboration projects in the Netherlands; however, as this is a recent development and not (yet) universally adapted, it can create controversy and misunderstandings. In recent years in many development collaboration projects (Dutch or otherwise), people have started to adjust to a climate in which training is a paid activity. The shift towards accepting training as self-investment is occurring in development cooperation and in developing societies, but is still far from reality. This is, of course, also due to the very real need for a regular income, which therefore limits the opportunities to explore talent. A lack of self-investment and searching for training opportunities is not conducive to the professionalisation of the arts and cultural sectors. As can be drawn from Felt Connection, this leads to a whole new set of issues. Linking project activities to existing projects (in the case of Felt Connection one possibility would be Khustai Nuruu National Park bio-diversity and sustainability projects) can help to better define certain goals (e.g. educational purposes/ product improvement), but also takes away from others (e.g. creative purposes). Besides beneficial results of project activities (increase in sales, orders, performing opportunities, etc), what is most needed is clarification of project conditions, activities, intentions, and feasible results. But also, when expecting mutual investment, participants need to be involved in the learning process and have control over outcomes. This is easier said than done as participation, initiative and responsibility, that is, barriers to learning, are still major obstacles in the road to professionalisation.
Gap between Developed and Developing Countries In Felt Connection, ownership proved to be problematic. Although it was the intention from the project initiators, none of the participants, neither the Mongolians nor the Dutch, actually became “owner” of the project activities. This was partly due to a lack of understanding of project goals and intentions, but also to a lack of control over what happened. However, this was also the case for the project coordinators, who lost control throughout proceedings. It appears that everybody took ownership over their own contribution, but never viewed this as part of the “grander scheme of things”. With the additional complicating factor of power relations (either seniority or money), project proceedings lacked consistency and team work. The Dutch participants represented possible consumers and business opportunities and, therefore, were the one in power in the perception of the Mongolians. Whether this was actually the case is arguable. The Dutch participants and project coordinator were just as much dependent on the Mongolians for making high-quality innovative products; however, the question remains if this was perceived as such by the Mongolians. After
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all, a connection with the Netherlands was crucial for the Mongolians for new business ventures as they were their entry ticket into a new market; it was easier for the Dutch to work with other people if they should choose to. What products should be produced, in what colours, etc? This was all decided on by the Dutch project partners, as their knowledge of the European market informed them. The dynamics of a world market, which is dominated by developed countries, cannot be denied here. It affected power relations between project partners and within the sales process.
Tension between Economic and Social Goals The aim to attract private investment, develop connections with financial institutions and to generate sufficient sales to become self-sufficient was crucial in Felt Connection. However, the project fully depended on public funding, which was mostly found in the development cooperation budget of The Netherlands. These two opposites create tension. If the products are deemed to be economically viable and should generate sales, why is it not a suitable private investment from the start? Some of the most apparent reasons are the lack of infrastructure and logistical challenges of business ventures in Mongolia. As a business climate is slowly developing in that part of the world, due to the economic transition in the 1990s, this should also create more future investment opportunities. However, this is a risky and time-consuming process and, in the meantime, activities need to be undertaken. The Mongolian participants have made clear that their main aim for project participation is to find new buyers for their products. However, this has not yet been the case in the activities of Felt Connection. The most important results for the Mongolian participants can be found in professional development and possibly the start of an understanding of the design culture in Europe. More is needed to make the project economically viable. This is both true for sales of the ethnic product line as for the attempts to combine craftsmanship with design in a design product line. To avoid producers becoming trapped in the lowest stage of the value-adding chain, (some) producers must also become part of the highest stage of the value-adding chain, the “design” stage, for felt production to be a truly successful Creative Industry.
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6.8 Research Questions Readdressed
What factors in (inter)national policies and contexts influence these initiatives? Mongolia is aiming for more diverse economic development, in which processing of raw materials is an important strategy. This greatly affects the felt industry. Also, Mongolia is focussing on the tourism sector: links with the felt industry can be forged. Generally, education levels in Mongolia are high, but decreasing particularly with reference to groups-at-risk (e.g. unemployed youth). Focus on the Creative Industries in the formal education sector is currently limited. An upcoming approach of the Ministry for arts and culture is the change of focus from cultural heritage to the idea that art can be a tool for social change, human development, and economic growth. Also, with the rise of independent producers in Mongolia, there are new chances for the felt industry. Felt Connection is currently dependent on public funding: private enterprise and financial investment need to be attracted.
People in the Felt Connection project suggest that the following improvements can be made for the handicraft industry: a centralised and standardised approach to gathering and processing of raw material, as well as a more professional approach in the handicraft sector to avoid bad quality imitations. Also, they would like representation by embassies and sales representatives in the international market as it is too difficult to do this individually, and increased collaboration through the Handicraft Council and collaboration with the UNDP and other NGOs. Financially, they would benefit from opportunities for soft loans and investment. Also, they would like training to take place in the Mongolian language, and request training to address business opportunities, match-making training, better facilities and qualified trainers for equipment.
What educational concepts and learning strategies are used in its specific development context? Felt Connection’s educational strategy consisted of a mixture of planned lectures/ presentations/ workshops and the reliance on informal learning. Topics of lectures/ presentations/ workshops were colouring, quality demands in Europe, measurements, pricing, distribution, the European interest in “cradle-to-cradle” production and how to make use of it. The main learning strategy in this project, therefore, became (peer)- group learning and learning-by-doing, which was successful to a certain extent. Most Mongolians were positive about this approach to learning and described it as “mutual”, “an exchange”, but critical about the coordination and communication of the activities. There was no common strategy for knowledge transfer and there was limited facilitation of the learning process. There were differences of opinion on responsibility for learning facilitation: was it the role of the designer or of the project managers? Future plans include finding better connection to local NGO non-formal learning programmes (e.g. UNDP), in order to make
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activities more recognisable as training/ learning. There was disagreement of the role of “experimentation” in the learning or design process: the experimental approach of the design team and the product-oriented approach of most of the Mongolian participants. Suggestions for future improvement included: more time for researching local techniques, better preparation of designers to transfer knowledge and teaching their designs to felt makers, and better facilities and larger space for teaching.
What are the institutional and organisational implications? Project results were heavily affected by internal conflict and organisation problems, which included the lack of a qualified translator, a lack of facilitation of project activities, the lack of a programme, the lack of a workplace with proper facilities (e.g. for colouring workshops), a lack of (clean) materials and a lack of communication about project goals and planning. Also, transport and logistics were problematic. Due to unstructured participation many learning activities (planned lectures and group presentations) did not occur. Other factors that needed to be taken into account were quality control, reproduction and product delivery: the whole production chain needs to be in order and requires good facilities. A policy of “own investment” (no payment to participants to follow training) needs to be implemented clearly, to avoid misunderstanding and conflict. Suggestions for future improvement included: the use of e-commerce methods, or a local qualified person or institution to deal with quality control issues; an increase of cultural exchanges (first-hand experience with European contemporary trends and quality demands, interior design and decorating, design fairs, etc); working with small groups and limited number of products, and finally, an increase partnerships regarding distribution and logistics.
In general there was the wish that everyone could carry out their own core business. In order to do so, there is the need for an initiator (dealing with funding, partnerships, PR and helicopter view), an organiser/ coordinator (overview of the chain of production and connecting different groups), designers (design) and an agent/ intermediary (sales), and during project activities in Mongolia, a facilitator/ translator (facilitating design process and informal learning process). Regarding sales, the “design” product line needs good development, in particular in its application, and clear differentiation from “ethnic product line”, and a qualified person/ representative is needed to carry out marketing, sales and communication, e.g. target good interior design shops, architects, stylists and interior designers directly to make proper use of sales potential.
What do participants in these initiatives need in terms of learning? Most participants’ needs focussed on networking opportunities, business partnerships and foreign buyers, others also aimed for professional development. Within professional development Mongolian participants
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were very interested to witness the design process: experimenting with different fabrics and materials creating new techniques and concepts have been described as “refreshing” and created the inspiration to look at their own work with different eyes. There is interest in making larger and different products and new applications for felt (e.g. upholstery). They were impressed to see the possibility to make art with felt – to see that it not only has a practical application. New techniques are also used in their own work, e.g. horse hair and felt combination. The Mongolians also valued new knowledge, e.g. colouring workshop and working with new materials (lamb’s wool, horse hair) and techniques (felting, combination of materials). The gap between Mongolian tradition and contemporary (foreign) concepts could not be bridged. One suggestion was to visualise the Dutch taste, trends and fashions more by bringing a magazine, or making a mood board to show what European homes look like and explain that people tend to buy new things for their home every few years. Also: cultural exchange, that is, bringing one person to Europe to witness situation first hand
How can they be involved in its design? There were differences between European and Mongolian tastes (e.g. colours schemes, stitching) and limited understanding of “trends”. The Mongolian participants particularly failed to understand the goals and intentions of the project. Building a coherent framework through connecting learning activities is needed to involve them more in the process and, therefore, create more constructive initiative and participation.
How can initiatives contribute to social and economic improvement? There are some highly skilled and creative Mongolian felt makers, creating potential for the international expansion of the felt industry. Most participants were very proud of their felting skills and its cultural meaning (also in terms of cultural heritage), and felt positive about this increased international interest in their craft and way of life. Designers and Mongolian participants were pleased with innovative new products, fabrics and new application of materials, which means there is potential for successful designs and therefore sales – economic improvement. This was confirmed by generated (professional) interest at the design fairs, and publicity in design magazines. However, due to organisational problems previously discussed, there has been little progress for Mongolians in terms of market knowledge, sales techniques, business opportunities, partnerships or networks for their own personal goals, i.e. foreign buyers or exhibition opportunities for their own art/ design. Also, the understanding of Mongolian participants about European contemporary taste and trends in interior design, or quality demands, needs to be improved upon for this initiative to contribute to social and economic improvement for Mongolian felt producers. However, participation in the project did increase the status of some participants and sometimes led to higher prices for products or teaching.
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Chapter 7: Collaboration Le Grand Cru and Walô
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7.1 Introduction
In Benin, Africa, Dutch Foundation Le Grand Cru started a training programme to professionalise the Beninese dance company Compagnie Walô. Their method of mapping and sampling and connecting with modern concepts and current European forms gives rise to a hybrid form that gives ancient dances new strength with local, recognisable and socially critical themes that are linked to ethnic dance and music. In the continuing collaboration, the activities contributed to the artistic development of the dance company and to the emancipation of female Beninese dancers in professional dance. Participants were trained as dance instructors for primary school children to introduce Beninese dance tradition and the newly developed hybrid forms to a younger generation. Involving the children in a final performance created further commitment from the schools, the children, the parents and the community. In addition, cultural exchanges and international collaboration have resulted in new performances suitable for international stages (Bijvoets et al 2008; Bijvoets and De Geus 2008).
7.1.1 Unit of Analysis
The unit of analysis in this case study is the Léwé tour and the preparation for the tour in 2010. The reason this was chosen is that it is the most interesting from a learning point of view, as it incorporates the formal education system in addition to the non-formal and informal learning that takes place in all phases of the project. Within the Léwé activities, the emphasis is on dance training, rehearsals, didactics training, and empowerment. The other features of the Léwé tour and its preparation are also included as part of the context. This refers to the management training, technical training, light set design and development of choreography. In addition to Léwé, other activities in the collaboration of Le Grand Cru and Walô form part of the context. This refers to international exchanges with Mali and Cuba and to the development of the pieces “À Corps et à Cri” and “Ondulation”. The study of a unit of analysis within a broader context makes this an embedded case study.
7.1.2 Fieldwork in Benin
The researched project phase took place between February and July 2010 in different cities in Benin (concentrated in Cotonou). Research in Cotonou was carried out from 19 February and 7 March 2010. The research that was concentrated in Parakou was carried from 30 June to 7 July 2010.
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Observation February/ March 2010 During the observation the following Dutch participants were present: . Dutch project initiator 1 – Le Grand Cru. Project role: coordination, meeting with key organisations on production and (international) development, (dance) instruction, supervising didactic skills, production supervision and evaluation. . Teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst. Project role: dance/ movement analysis, (dance) instruction, teaching and supervising didactic skills, evaluation. . Light designer. Project role: light design, coordination and training stage, technique and lighting.
The following Beninese participants were present in February/ March: . “Directrice” Compagnie Walô. Project role: project coordination and management, dance, dance instruction. . “President” Compagnie Walô. Project role: project coordination and management, finances, logistics. . Eight male and eight female dancers – Dancers of Compagnie Walô. Project role: dance, dance instruction to primary school children. . Participating primary school children of four Cotonou-based primary schools (approximately 240 children). . General audience (estimated at 2000 to 2500 at each performance). Observation consisted of watching dance classes, rehearsals, teaching in different primary schools, stage construction and two performances. Observation was carried out in Dutch and French.
Observation July 2010 During the observation the following Dutch participants were present: . Dutch project initiator 1 and Dutch project initiator 2 – Le Grand Cru.
The following Beninese participants were present: . “Directrice“ Compagnie Walô. . “President“ Compagnie Walô. . Seven female and seven male dancers – Dancers of Compagnie Walô. . Participating primary school children of 2 Parakou-based primary schools (approximately 120 children). . General audience (estimated at 400-500 at each performance).
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Observation consisted of watching stage construction and two performances. Observation was carried out in French.
Interviews February/ March 2010 Interviews and conversations in Benin were carried out in English, French, and Dutch. No translators were present. A number of conversations were held with the Dutch project initiator 1, the teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst and the light designer. Interviews were carried out with Directrice Compagnie Walô and one teacher at a primary school (d´Agblangandan), and with an employee at the Dutch Embassy. Short conversations were held with a number of dancers and some of the children.
Interviews July 2010 Two group interviews were conducted with the dancers. The men and women were interviewed separately but on the same day and within similar settings. The group interviews were conducted by Dutch project initiator 1 in French and taped (in part) by Dutch project initiator 2. I was present in both sessions. The first group interview included seven female dancers and Directrice Compagnie Walô. The second group interview included seven male dancers. I conducted another short interview with the leader of a theatrical company (also a substitute dancer in Léwé) and a number of conversations were held with the Dutch project initiators.
7.1.3 Fieldwork in the Netherlands
There were a number of meetings with the Dutch project initiators (Le Grand Cru) between April 2009 and July 2010. In 2010, I was also present at two performances of “Ondulation”, on 22 November 2010 in Le Grand Theatre in Groningen and on 29 November 2010 in Compagnietheater in Amsterdam.
7.1.4 Information Sources
This case study report has drawn its information from multiple sources (see also chapter 4), and information drawn from several sources has often been used together to form sentences and paragraphs. No specific references are made in the report, as it would make it difficult to read. All information can be found in the case study database. References are made to individual statements in the text and interpretation of interviews. These interviews (mostly included in the section on participants’ perspectives) are a crucial part of the case report as I found it most important for readers to hear the voices of the learners. Some of the issues raised contribute to the final analysis and generally create a sketch of the situation the participants are in.
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7.2 (Inter)national Context and Policy
The Republic of Benin is a country in Western Africa. It borders Togo to the west, Nigeria to the east and Burkina Faso and Niger to the north, with a short coastline to the south. Its size is just over 11 0000 km2 with a population of (2005 est.) 7 649 000. Its capital is the city of Porto Novo, but the seat of government is in the city of Cotonou. Dahomey, as it was called then, achieved independence from the French in 1960, renaming itself Benin in 1975. The Fon people and related groups constitute two-fifths of the population; minorities include the Yoruba, Fulani, and Adjara. The official language is French and traditional religions are Islam and Christianity, though Voodoo (Animism) is widely practiced. Benin shares a central bank with many other nations of West Africa. It uses the CFA (Communauté financière d'Afrique – Financial Community of Africa) franc, which is a common currency of many countries in West Africa tied to the euro (Encyclopaedia Britannica 2009).
7.2.1 Development and Trade
Political Situation Benin is a republic with one legislative house; the head of state and government is the president, assisted by the prime minister (both democratically chosen). The current President’s policy focuses on controlling corruption and good governance (Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2009). Benin is considered to do relatively well in safety and security, participation, and human rights (Moibrahim Foundation 2010). “The structural constraints on governance are very high. The most important constraints are extreme poverty, a deficient education system, a lack of administrative infrastructure, and dependency on international economic developments (cotton market, shipping, Nigeria). Access to the sea is an advantage; however, the infrastructure at the Port of Cotonou is insufficient” (Bertelmanns Stiftung 2009)
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Economic and Human Development
Its chronically weak economy created problems for the country into the 21st century (Encyclopaedia Britannica 2009). It is number 161 of the 182 countries with data in the 2009 UNDP Human Development Index thus highlighting the existence of widespread poverty and a low standard of living, although social indicators have improved over the last few years (Bertelmanns Stiftung 2009). The life expectancy is just 59 years, the literacy rate is 40.5% for those 15 and older (only 27.9% for women), 73.7% of the population lives on less than US$2 a day and malaria is a major health problem. The urban and coastal areas benefit significantly more from development than the rural and northern areas (Bertelmanns Stiftung 2009); there is higher illiteracy there (especially in women) and generally there is greater gender inequality (UNDP 2009). This disparity incites internal migration and dissatisfaction from underprivileged people. “Altogether, Benin lacks the socioeconomic prerequisites for an adequate freedom of choice” (Bertelmanns Stiftung 2009, 10). There are no specific institutions to compensate for gross social differences. Though religious or ethnic groups are not systematically discriminated against for job opportunities, women have limited access to public office and often lack access to educational institutions and experience unequal treatment under traditional laws (Bertelmanns Stiftung 2009). In the gender-related development index (GDI) of the Human Development Report of 2009, Benin is 141st position out of 155 countries with both HDI (Human Development Index) and GDI values (UNDP 2009).
Traditions of civil society are moderate: the Marxist regimes allowed for the operation of rural development associations, and in the democratic era a number civic and developmental associations have arisen. But most of these organisations are poorly institutionalised and lack the resources to develop a continuous presence (Bertelmanns Stiftung 2009). Civil liberties are generally guaranteed, but the legal procedures to seek redress for violations often exist only on paper and the poor level of literacy in the countryside makes the effective use of these rights difficult. State and numerous private media operate freely, but Reporters without Borders and Freedom House reports of 2008 indicate a decline in press freedom (Bertelmanns Stiftung 2009). The Beninese population has a culture of participating in public life. Social self-organisation and the creation of social capital are strong, although these organisations normally do not cross the main linguistic and ethnic barriers (Bertelmanns Stiftung 2009).
Benin has a developing mixed economy based largely on agriculture and operates an offshore oil field. Its economy remains underdeveloped and dependent on subsistence agriculture, cotton production, and regional trade. Growth in real output has averaged around 5% in the past seven years, but rapid population growth has offset much of this increase. Inflation has subsided over the past several years. In order to raise growth further, Benin plans to attract more foreign investment, place more emphasis on tourism, facilitate the development of new food processing systems and agricultural products and encourage new information
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and communication technology. The Government encourages foreign investment to spur growth, employment and exports. Foreign investment is deterred by an inadequate infrastructure and electricity supply, a lack of skilled labour, a corrupt and lethargic judicial system and a small manufacturing base (eStandards Forum Country Brief, Benin, 2009).
Child labour is common: according to UNICEF, 39% of children are engaged in some form of labour. There is no reliable data on unemployment though it is estimated to be very high as the economy does not create a sufficient number of jobs to accommodate the new entrants into the labour force, therefore, there is a large informal economy and an active trade smuggling goods from Nigeria (eStandards Forum Country Brief 2009), which also affects the estimated GDP of Benin.
The government has placed a high priority on developing the tourist sector to diversify the economy and to generate invisible earnings to help offset the large trade deficit. The sector currently has the second highest number of businesses of any industry, is the third largest employer and brings in about CFA US$20.2 billion in revenues each year. It still accounts for only 2% of GDP. There are significant tourist assets that can be exploited including beautiful coastlines and National Parks with animal life in the north (eStandards Forum Country Brief 2009).
7.2.2 Education
The public education system has followed the French pattern since colonial times. A six-year primary school cycle (ages six to 11) is followed by six years of secondary education (ages 12 to 17). In the mid-1970s major reforms were introduced both to conform to the then-prevalent Marxist-Leninist ideology and to shed French influence. The reforms failed as teachers, parents and university-bound students objected to the lowering of standards, and the reforms were largely abandoned by the late 1980s. Benin has a very poor record in terms of education, training and research institutions: even basic institutions for education, training, research and development still work inadequately, although some progress with primary and secondary education has been made in recent years. The country has virtually lost its academic reputation due to worsening university facilities. A few private institutes cannot compensate for the general situation (Bertelmanns Stiftung 2009).
The strategic choices that are being made for education are focussed on the “decade” of development of the education sector (2006-2015) and on creating free education in all pre-primary and primary schools in the public sector. Benin still struggles with high adult illiteracy (40.5% for ages 15 and above [UNDP 2009]) low
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enrolment (52.4% combined gross enrolment ration [UNDP 2009]) and high levels of early school leavers. School enrolment levels for boys in the late 1980s were at least double those for girls. In line with the goals of Education for All and the Millennium Development Goals, gender equality in education and preventing early school leaving in the primary cycle is currently being focussed on. In his speech at the National Forum on Education in Benin (2007) UNESCO director Matsuura stressed the importance of quality of education and teaching, and suggested learning outcomes could be improved. He emphasised that the focal point of the improvement of primary school education is the language in which it is taught. “It is in fact currently acknowledged that the initial instruction in the student’s mother tongue improves learning results and also reduces the chance of failing or dropping-out”. Particularly in the public system the quality of education leaves much to be desired. As teachers’ strikes are common, many parents try to send their children to private schools, where facilities are not necessarily better, but there are more class hours.
Adult Education While Matsuura praises the new education policy plan (IMOA), he also addressed the goals of adult education, literacy training and non-formal education, which are not included in this plan (Matsuura 2007). Major problems exist as can be derived from the high illiteracy rates and large gap in gender equality, which can be targeted through an adult education policy plan or non-formal education. Although there are initiatives in these fields (e.g. some schools have literacy programmes for adults), there is no structured programme in place (Matsuura 2007).
7.2.3 Culture, Arts and the Creative Industries
Focus on Cultural Heritage In Benin most major cultural projects are concerned with cultural heritage and the protection of national history. UNESCO projects in Benin have focussed on tangible cultural heritage by including the Royal Palaces of Abomey into their World Cultural Heritage list and other sites, such as Ganvié, are being considered. The protection of intangible cultural heritage is mostly concerned with the history of slave trade in the region (e.g. Route de l’Esclave), which also ties in with sites like Abomey and Ganvié (UNESCO 2011)
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Cultural Groups, Policy and Support There are a number of cultural theatre, music and dance groups in Cotonou and other larger cities (such as Porto-Novo, Ouidah, Parakou) The main problem for most groups is the lack of facilities to rehearse and perform. In Cotonou, there is only one venue with two small rehearsal spaces while theatres are limited to the Centre Culturelle Français and in some cities the Centre Culturelle Chinois. In addition, there is the biannual Beninese festival FITHEB (International Festival of Theatre of Benin, a bi-annual artistic and cultural event). The National Ballet is the major dance group in Benin, which is supposedly government- funded. There is limited cultural exchange with other countries and limited development of dance and theatrical techniques. Dance or theatre as a career choice is not apparent and not considered to be lucrative. Dance, theatre and music in a formal, professional setting (i.e. with choreographers, light design, regular performances) is, therefore, rare. In the informal sector there are a much larger number of dance, music, and theatre groups.
Creative Industries The Creative Industries is still a very minor player in Beninese economic or cultural policies. The Global Information Technology Report 2009-2010 (World Economic Forum 2010) states that Beninese export of Creative Industries was 0% as a share of the world’s total in such exports and ranked 113th of 117 countries with data (based on UNCTAD Creative Economy and Industries Programme data of 2005). It is unclear what is included as the Creative Industries in this report, but it would appear to be those Creative Industries that are technology-intensive (e.g. audio-visual).
Despite government policies to extend the tourism industry, currently there is a very limited connection between tourism and the Creative Industries. Apart from FITHEB and ad hoc performances in hotels, there are no policies in place to connect the two.
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7.3 Vision, Goals(s) and Target Group
7.3.1 Partners
The major project partners were Compagnie Walô and Foundation Le Grand Cru. Compagnie Walô is a young Beninese dance company managed by Directrice Compagnie Walô and President Compagnie Walô. Their role was to create a professional dance company based on Beninese dance tradition as well as to teach dance and perform at the primary schools. Artistic directors of Le Grand Cru create intercultural performances and support young people in their self-development in dance and theatre, through training, education, and productions. Their role in the project was coordination and to carry out the training sessions. Other partners included:
In Benin: . Beninese primary schools – create space in the curriculum for dance and participate in the performances. . Ministry of Education and Culture – (partial) funding 2010. . Corporate sponsor (confidential).
In the Netherlands: . Teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst – didactics of dance teaching and movement analysis. . Light designer of More Stage Services: light design and engineering, training of technical staff. . Choreographer – choreography. . Communication and management trainer: management training. . Dutch Embassy in Benin: networking and funding in 2010. . Stichting Doen: funding in 2010. . Nuffic (Netherlands organisation for international cooperation in higher education): funding in 2008, management (coordination of funding and applications) of the NPT (Netherlands Programme for Institutional Strengthening of Post-secondary Education and Training Capacity) capacity-building programme of the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs (NUFFIC 2009). . Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs – the NPT capacity-building programme is part of development cooperation policy and strategy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the Netherlands (Minbuza 2009).
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7.3.2 Vision and Goals
Contemporary Dance and Cultural Exchange Dance and music in Benin are an important part of the Beninese cultural identity. Directrice Compagnie Walô feels that contemporary dance can be a contribution to traditional dance techniques, to make something new and add to what the dancers already know. “The ingredients of contemporary dance, such as consciousness of space, and contact techniques can make the traditional dance more artistically dynamic without losing its essentials”, Directrice Compagnie Walô explained. Additionally, Compagnie Walô wants to connect to the Senegalese and Nigerian dance culture with groups that are very successful in Europe. She feels that world-wide contemporary dance is expanding and there is little connection to these international changes in Benin, therefore, she initiated collaboration with international partners.
The Dutch project initiators see for Walô a challenge for the future to compete with the international dance scene, which asks for very different performances than one is used to in Benin. The Dutch project initiators’ approach was to “bring different people and cultures together through arts/ dance (training) and high-quality artistic productions based on democracy and equality” (Le Grand Cru promotional materials). Cultural identity and intangible cultural heritage drive the dance companies they work with, and these are used to connect with other dance and theatrical techniques in order to reach a large audience – local as well as international. “In this process”, Dutch project initiator 2 stated, “an intercultural approach is essential, in project management as well as from an artistic point of view. It’s a social and psychological antenna receiving signals, which we translate into a programme through which we believe we can bring people to a new level of knowledge. For this, we need cultural knowledge and understanding”.
Professionalisation and International Exchange The Dutch project initiators stated that international performances are an essential element of any group’s professionalisation process: “the process of competing in the international dance scene continues by creating a contemporary dance performance in collaboration with Malinese dancers/ choreographers suited to (inter)national stages and festivals and by expanding international collaborations”, that is, Mali, the Netherlands, and Cuba.
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Youth The project was directed at young people, aimed in employing young dancers and the involving children. “Younger people have enough time to practice and transmit their knowledge to other young people”, stated Directrice Compagnie Walô. In addition, she feels young people are more imaginative, and younger bodies can still adapt to new things/ movements. Dutch project initiator 1 and the teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst stressed the importance of dance education for school children: “the involvement of youth (primary school children) in this project was to stimulate creative expression and improvisation at an early age”. In line with this Dutch project initiator 1 mentioned the importance of didactic skills: “the children need to be taught by skilled and qualified people”
Additionally, Directrice Compagnie Walô mentioned the importance of instilling art and culture in young people.
Maybe if we start putting in the mind of the very young people that culture is something very important, they grow up with that, respect of culture, respect of what is art, what is the work of the artists ... And also we have noticed that our young sisters and brothers, they don’t know our traditional dances anymore … they dance rap, they dance pieces from Côte d’Ivoire … so we say we have to start teaching them our traditional dances and we should add to this everything that can allow them to grow creative in the body, in the mind, so that they can be more bright with the work in the schools because with dance they can have... the consciousness of so many things together. So that is why we have decided to start working with the school, to introduce art education into the programme of the schools.
Therefore, the vision behind the project was threefold: (1) to preserve and build on cultural heritage through an intergenerational approach; (2) to create opportunities for Beninese dancers to perform for international audiences (income generation as well as cultural heritage and
identity), and (3) to stimulate creative expression and improvisation at an early age.
The goals of the project were to contribute to the artistic and professional development of the
dance company and to the emancipation of female Beninese dancers in professional dance. Besides professionalising their own dance techniques, participants were trained as dance
instructors for primary school children to introduce Beninese dance tradition to a younger generation and to create dance-related jobs (income generation). Involving the children in a final performance created further commitment from the schools, the children, the parents, and the community. 193
Teaching Style Le Grand Cru and Walô prohibit rough behaviour (verbal and physical) when teaching children, based on European pedagogical standards. In Benin, it is common in the school system to correct pupils straight away, also in a physically and verbally rough manner. The vision in this project is to teach them to start with praise and then correct, and not to be rough, verbally or physically, which can be particularly destructive for the creative flow. Dutch project initiator 1 stated that this vision only refers to Walô’s teachers: “it’s not part of the project goals to change this behaviour in the school system, but we do hope it can set an example of an alternative teaching style”.
Female Empowerment The goal of female empowerment in Beninese professional dance is a personal fight for Directrice Compagnie Walô. She stated:
We women also have our word in our society, because men can do anything they like to. They are free. But women are not. And especially with dance, women do dance here but … if they dance it´s mostly because their brother or uncle or someone from the family is in the group, not just because they feel like it. I know with contemporary dance … contemporary dance can open your mind to so many things at the same time ... It is important that they can choose what they want, that they can say what they would like to say without being afraid. It is, therefore, about women being able to dance in Beninese society, but also about being able to express themselves.
This also corresponded with the involvement of school children; providing female children the opportunity to dance at an early age. The Dutch project initiators feel that female empowerment is not solely an issue concerning women, but there is an important role for males. “Women’s empowerment benefits when men change their behaviour as well and they often need a male role model to accomplish this”, stated Dutch project initiator 2.
Location Theatre The created piece, Léwé, was performed on location, that is, in the school yard in a residential area. There were two reasons to perform in the school yards: (1) cultural performances in the neighbourhoods are rare. Le Grand Cru and Walô believe culture, also in the form of professional dance, should be accessible and have recognisable local themes: to introduce professional dance to a large audience and preserving cultural heritage; (2) everyone gets the chance to attend the performance. The music could be heard throughout the
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neighbourhood, attracting people, and as the rehearsals and the building of the stage also occurred in the school ground, the experience for the school children was extended. There was no entry fee and no travel expenses. Walô and Le Grand Cru believed it strengthened the commitment from the school, children, parents, and communities to the project.
7.3.3 Target Audience and Criteria
Dancers In the earlier project phase (2006-2008), a total number of 18 dancers received a 12-month training course in modern dance and dance didactics. In the project phase February to July 2010, a total of 16 dancers were involved. Of these, 12 were part of the original group of 18, and four new members were introduced. Selection criteria were based on talent for dance, reliability, and availability. The dancers are expected to be present for all rehearsals, be dependable and reliable and make an effort. A lack of these can result in removal from the group. This is decided on by Directrice Compagnie Walô and President Compagnie Walô in discussion with the Dutch project initiators. A selection of dancers was made to join in activities with Malinese partners as well. Criteria were similar though more demanding, and French language skills were required to communicate with the Malinese partners. Time was granted, and in some cases help, to acquire these skills.
Primary Schools and Children In the earlier project phase (2008), four school were involved and a total number of 65 children. In the project period February to July 2010, the number of schools involved is estimated at 20; approximately 750 children were taught and performed in two final shows. The children were selected through an audition on the school grounds based on dance talent alone (regardless of gender, physical handicaps, etc). These were carried out under the supervision of Directrice Compagnie Walô. Throughout the lessons the children’s progress was constantly evaluated. A few days before the final show a definitive choice was made who could perform. In some occasions, a few extra children were able to join the dance classes (voluntarily). They served as extras, but it was explained clearly that they should not count on being able to dance in the performance.
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Management The earlier project phases (2008) included a project management course for President Compagnie Walô, Directrice Compagnie Walô and a third employee. The criteria for participation were based on job position and responsibilities.
Technical Staff The earlier project phase (2008) also included the training of eight technical staff members in light design, sound engineering, and technique. They were selected by President Compagnie Walô based on job performance, previous education and French, literary and technical skills.
General Audience and Beninese Community Besides these participants, the project was also directed at the wider community as an audience, consisting of school children and teachers, family members of performing children and the broader community of the school district. Audience numbers differed at all performances and were hard to estimate, but an average of 2000 to 2500 people per show is feasible. A number of them returned the next night, therefore, not all were new viewers. The school children even got more exposure: they watched the classes, the rehearsals and the performances. Though difficult to estimate, with 20 shows the number of people reached is approximately 42 000 across Benin.
7.3.4 Collaboration and Local Management
President Compagnie Walô and Directrice Compagnie Walô were responsible for the project management of the Léwé tour locally. Directrice Compagnie Walô was responsible for the daily affairs of the dance group and performances (e.g. school auditions, rehearsals and dance training) while President Compagnie Walô was responsible for the local finances, stage, set, lights and sound engineering and ministerial and institutional contacts, and networking. Le Grand Cru had little insight into some local issues, such as payments and contracts of engineers; these have a cultural dimension which President Compagnie Walô and Directrice Compagnie Walô are familiar with. The collaboration with Le Grand Cru was still an essential part of the process. They had a guiding and supervising role in project management and professional development and brought their network and expertise to the project. The Dutch project initiators role in the professional development of Walô is more extensive and includes: (dance) training, didactics training and supervision, choreography, international networking, and funding opportunities. Although Directrice Compagnie Walô and President Compagnie Walô had the final say in management and leadership issues,
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Le Grand Cru also had a stake in this, as the performance reflected on Le Grand Cru to their network and, therefore, their professional reputation. “Before continuing the collaboration we did have some terms before investing our time”, stated Dutch project initiator 2.
“The continuation of activities has turned the collaboration into a mutual and equal partnership”, stated the Dutch project coordinators. “Both parties were dependent on each other for continuation of activities and professional development, in particular when international activities and collaboration were extended. With performances on European stages in a joint piece this mutual dependency increases”. Therefore, the Dutch project initiators feel that communication between partners needed further improvement. This was limited when Le Grand Cru was in the Netherlands and they would like to receive more information on difficulties and planning obstacles, and feedback on progress and process, as this greatly influences their own planning, development, and work. “It is also important to realise that in Europe everything revolves around time and organisation and therefore we may have difficulties adjusting to them”, stated Dutch project initiator 2, “in this, we are really addressing cultural differences”. The Dutch project initiators feel it is important not to see these issues as a form of dependency caused by development aid, but to keep addressing them because they cause uncertainty and unclear communication towards their network.
7.3.5 Finance and Funding
The project was initially financed through the NPT capacity-building programme. In 2010, the project was funded through the Dutch Embassy in Benin, “Stichting Doen” and the Ministry of Culture in Benin. Corporate investment was limited although one (confidential) corporate sponsor had been found. There were also some small private donations, including a contribution from a participating school. The project was, therefore, predominantly publicly funded. Directrice Compagnie Walô stated there is no policy regarding financial public support in Benin for artists or cultural groups. “We don’t have recognition yet, they don’t know us yet, they don’t know if artists in general and dancers in particular are important”, she stated. Though the Ministry of Culture does contribute some funds to the project activities concerned with the Léwé tour, generally the lack of substantial financial support as well as a lack of policy towards the advancement of culture and arts creates major difficulties for artistic and cultural organisations, which is mostly reflected in the lack of rehearsal space and facilities.
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7.4 Approach and Activities
7.4.1 Initiation Phase
Directrice Compagnie Walô and President Compagnie Walô first explored the idea of professionalising Compagnie Walô in 2005/2006. Through personal contacts they approached the Dutch Embassy in Cotonou. In this meeting they expressed their interest in finding people who could provide training in contemporary dance and combining it with traditional culture. The Dutch Embassy connected them to Le Grand Cru. In December 2006 they held a training session in Cotonou for two weeks. After this initial session the general consensus was that the training was too short and more extensive and multi-faceted training was required. Together they explored possibilities for funding, resulting in a NPT grant for a 60-day tailor-made training course including dance, didactics, project management and technical training.
7.4.2 Participant Group
The dancers were selected by Directrice Compagnie Walô and President Compagnie Walô through personal contacts. Most of the dancers are also part of other dance groups (e.g. Benin National Ballet) and some teach or manage their own dance groups. A few dancers (including Directrice Compagnie Walô) had previous international experience. There was little to no previous knowledge on contemporary dance techniques and few dancers had received professional training before. Dance skills in Benin are mostly acquired through informal peer-group learning and through interaction, and is carried out very intuitively and closely connected to music and rhythm. Some of the dancers are musicians as well and many are able to play a musical instrument. Most Walô dancers have very limited previous education and limited or no literary or numerical skills. Not all dancers speak French on a regular basis, but it is difficult to estimate the levels of French skills due to a shyness to speak French (particularly among women). Besides participating in more than one dance group, most dancers also have other jobs and (family) responsibilities. In the different project phases the number of dancers, therefore, differed as some dancers could not join certain activities due to other work, family responsibilities, physical fitness, pregnancy, and other life events. As the group activities were often fragmented, it was difficult to keep the same team of people together. In later project activities, different levels of skills could be noticed, as some dancers joined in the activities later.
The participants for the management training were selected by Directrice Compagnie Walô and President Compagnie Walô and included themselves and a third person. Training sessions were held in Benin and in the Netherlands. The participants for the technical training were selected by President Compagnie Walô.
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Not all the technicians were involved in the later project phases, as they may have found other work. Some of the trained technicians now operate as supervisors for other new staff.
Payment During some of the project activities all dancers received payment for the training, the teaching and the performances, but they were not employed by the company on a regular basis. At the beginning, dancers received the equivalent of €8 per day, which covered travel and accommodation expenses and a little extra but could not be considered a full salary. After the initial training, this payment was increased also to reflect the increase in skills. There is a tension between receiving payment for work (performances and teaching) and receiving payment for training (dance or didactics instruction). Currently they are being paid for both. This is also as a way to keep them involved in the project, but in the future Directrice Compagnie Walô wants to refrain from payment for training. Le Grand Cru believes that there should be more focus on self- investment for training in terms of time and money. “This can be done because they now have skills they can be proud of and what they should get paid for”’, stated Dutch project initiator 2. Therefore, extra training was also open for attendance for those dancers from Walô who were not directly involved in these activities and also for voluntary young members with little experience. Only a few members made use of this opportunity. The same can be said for teaching opportunities. At first the idea was that eight teachers would be hired during the Léwé tour, but this would cause a greater gap between more experienced teachers and less experienced teachers. Therefore, it was chosen to keep the whole group involved and divide the salary over more people (though respecting differences in experience). Another option would have been to give the less experienced the chance to stay involved on a voluntary basis; however, it was decided that this would not be feasible – it was expected they would not (be able to) make use of this option.
7.4.3 Planning and Introduction
Planning and programming has been fragmented. This was mostly due to finding public funding opportunities and allocation of funds was often uncertain, resulting in constantly changing plans and programmes. This has also created difficulties and loyalty issues in the past and uncertainty has caused some participants to be unable to join project activities (refer also to 3.2). As activities continue, it is expected the search for grants will remain complicated, as will planning and programming. President Compagnie Walô’s near fatal accident was another important factor in planning difficulties in 2010, as shock and recuperation caused major delays.
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Introduction of the participants has been varied. Due to the initial short training in late 2006, the dancers were introduced to the Dutch project initiators already. In fact, this training session could be described as an introduction course. Introduction to the programme is part of regular training activities and an integral part of the intercultural methodology of Le Grand Cru. With regards to other goals of the project (female empowerment, stimulating responsibility) the participants did not receive a targeted introduction.
Facilities Directrice Compagnie Walô stated that one of the main difficulties for Walô is the lack of rehearsal space. In Cotonou there are only two studios and one suitable for performances (currently not in use), which are owned and managed by FITHEB. These are in great demand by all dance, musical and theatrical groups making it difficult to reserve them. Dutch project initiator 1 added that the studios are actually too small for the number of people and type of activities.
7.4.4 Project Activities
2008 The first phase of the project took a total of 12 weeks (54 days in five periods) from January to May 2008. The tailor-made training course consisted of three parts: . Dance training and didactic skills o Development of general dance techniques, improvisation, and choreography. o Dance didactics for school children. . Management training o Leadership, project management, marketing and communication, sponsorship and funding. . Technical training o Light and set design, sound engineering. Dance and didactics training took place in Benin, while the management training took place in the Netherlands. At the request of Directrice Compagnie Walô and President Compagnie Walô, the management training was extended to Benin to be better integrated into the local context, i.e. sponsorship and funding.
The initial goals of the project were to create a contemporary dance performance suited to European stages and festivals; however, these goals were unfeasible in the short time planned. The inclusion of local schools
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and school children by developing a performance in which children could perform with professional dancers, was introduced at the request of Directrice Compagnie Walô and President Compagnie Walô, as it is important for Walô to build a reputation and have influence in local cultural events and policy in Benin to build a strong and sustainable dance group. In the twelve-week programme Le Grand Cru and Walô developed a performance together: “Léwé”. Light and set design for this performance was also part of the technical training. This performance included scenes for approximately 60 children and was a mix of dance, music and theatre, all performed by the professionals at Walô. For this new activity, Dutch project initiator 1 developed a didactic skills training programme: dancers were trained as teachers and gave dance classes at local primary schools. Dance classes included improvisation techniques and stimulation of creativity, as well as the steps and songs required for the different scenes. The project ended in a final performance of Léwé in the Centre Culturel Français in Cotonou. Light and set engineering was carried out by the technical staff under supervision of the light designer. Léwé serves as a format; the performance can be re-created with different children and at different locations. Project activities also included the purchase of necessary light and set equipment.
2009-2010 The next phase of the collaboration was carried out in 2009-2010 and had a dual focus: continue previous project by taking Léwé on tour totalling 20 performances, and creating a contemporary dance performance
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in collaboration with Malinese dancers/ choreographers suited to European stages and festivals. The process of professionalisation continued by expanding international collaborations – to Cuba and Mali.
Léwé on Tour The activities for the Léwé tour stretched from February to July 2010. In this phase, Walô performed Léwé 20 times in 17 weeks. Besides the large number of performances the main issue was the location; the school yard of ten primary schools in different cities of Benin. Therefore, in addition to the previously purchased light and set equipment, a portable stage also needed to be acquired and arrangements for a generator made. Directrice Compagnie Walô and President Compagnie Walô were solely responsible for the project management and coordination of these activities, though still in collaboration with Le Grand Cru. Walô and Le Grand Cru had agreed that before the arrival of Le Grand Cru for the preparation phase all new dancers and new roles needed to be studied, arrangements for set, lights and stage had to be made, and participating schools had to be arranged. Large fluctuations in the number of available dancers and life events complicated planning.
The three week preparation consisted of the following elements: . Dancers received a three-week refresher course of skills learned in the training-course in 2008, guided and supervised by Le Grand Cru and the teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst. These weeks comprised: training Dutch project initiator 1, and training Dutch project initiator 2, and the teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst, including teaching-in-practice at primary schools. The preparation included contact improvisation, dance techniques, didactic skills and evaluation, rehearsals for Léwé at the studio, and didactic skills and teaching in practice at two primary schools – extended to four in the second week. . The light designer supervised and guided technicians in light and set design for an outside location and with a new stage for six days.
For each performance the children received two weeks of dance lessons for a couple of hours in the afternoon after school. In the second week this included a dress rehearsal and two performances. While the Léwé tour continued, four schools were usually involved in the preparation at the same time: two schools in the first week of classes, two schools in the performance of that week. Besides Cotonou, the tour went to various other cities and towns in Benin.
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International Collaboration and Contemporary Performance Walô and Le Grand Cru also developed a joint performance with dancers/ choreography students in Mali. In addition to Directrice Compagnie Walô, five members of Walô were selected by Directrice Compagnie Walô and President Compagnie Walô to create a contemporary dance performance in Mali suited to European stages and festivals. These activities included dance as well as choreography and resulted in a performance called “A Corps et à Cri”. This was performed two times at the FITHEB festival in Benin in April. Besides rehearsals, activities for this piece included communication training and contact improvisation exercises. The rehearsals and all other activities were also open to other members of Walô and they were encouraged to attend other performances at FITHEB. However, the other group members only occasionally attended the rehearsals and activities (with the exception of one, who attended all activities). As an extension to these activities, Le Grand Cru brought a new performance “Ondulation” to Dutch stages in the fall of 2010, with Walô’s dancers. “This is a new phase in the development of Walô: international professional experience and networking”, stated Dutch project initiator 2.
Materials and Logistics In 2010, one of the major challenges was to create a stage with a full set, sound and light design in the school yard. As the facilities there were very limited many solutions needed to be found, like a generator for electricity and means to transport the generator on sandy ground. A wooden stage needed to be constructed and all the equipment that had been collected, donated and purchased in 2008 needed to be retrieved. The materials had been rented out since then and were not always properly looked after, resulting in damaged and missing materials. In the days before the first performance in February 2010 the light designer and President Compagnie Walô managed to replace some of the materials, or used makeshift solutions. The stage construction had been delayed, so the first performances needed to be on a makeshift carpeted stage, causing minor injuries to dancers’ feet. The light designer also managed to repair a few major problems with the set and light design. When problems occurred the light designer did not intervene straight away, but let the engineers take the lead, eventually taking over when problems proved to be too complicated. Since then, problems that have occurred in the tour have been dealt with by the local
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engineers. After the first performances the makeshift stage and other equipment were replaced with proper materials.
7.4.5 Dance and Didactics Methodology
Le Grand Cru’s methodology is based on individual artistic cultivation, development of an analytical and critical ability, independence and responsibility, using typical theatrical instruments, such as dance techniques, and improvisation in movement, text, and composition. In addition, Dutch project initiator 1 developed a training programme for didactic skills in order to transfer knowledge and skills to others in which quality and professionalism was the main focus. Le Grand Cru works with a variety of choreographers, directors, composers, light designers and technicians, dance instructors, and didactic specialists, and have access to professionals in management, marketing, fund raising, and sponsorship.
In Le Grand Cru’s intercultural approach collaboration is essential. “In the 50 weeks we spent with Walô since 2006 we kick-started processes that prepared participants to work on increasingly more complex cognitive and physical levels”, stated Dutch project initiator 2. During this process, Le Grand Cru involved other partners, such as the teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst, the light designer, the communication and management trainer, and the choreographer.
We choose these moments very carefully to suit the diverse stages of the development process. Our work is mostly concerned with preparing the area in order to grow something; it is always difficult to estimate whether educational materials or a certain trainer is timed at the right moment in the process. It’s not the same for every group; you have to decide constantly who is able to move on and who isn’t and how to deal with these differences. Knowledge and cultural understanding is essential and we have learned this through experience.
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Usually, the people who take care of the specialised short training carry out their work as they would do at home, though their approach may be adjusted based on Le Grand Cru’s cultural briefing. “Our briefing is very important in the process”, stated Dutch project initiator 2, “also for the participants to find out about the person who is coming and what their speciality is. To make them feel that a trainer has the same approach, of a different one so they can prepare themselves, to be able to internalise knowledge”.
Mapping and Sampling Le Grand Cru bases its trainings on cultural heritage (ethnic dance and folklore) and social identity. Through a method developed by Le Grand Cru (mapping) they stimulate an individual to find their own strength in order to connect with others. Through guided assignments issues arise that stimulate consciousness: who are you, what is important to you (personal to political). The mapping method is constantly reassigned by new experiences. Le Grand Cru then works with guided improvisation, often giving rise to themes such as violence, corruption, poverty, HIV, and people’s personal visions of these themes. The final result in the form of a performance often appeals because local, recognisable and socially critical themes are linked to ethnic dance and music. By sampling ethnic vocabulary and by connecting with modern concepts and current European forms, a hybrid form arises that give ancient dances new and current power (Bijvoets & De Geus 2008).
Le Grand Cru’s method is developed by mixing two styles of dance together, making it possible to contextualise it in different cultures. For example, ethnic dance groups can be popular in the Netherlands, due to its exotic vibe, but can also be too different to be well interpreted. “Everyone looks through their own eyes and it is difficult to contextualise something that is completely out of your own frame of reference”, explained Dutch project initiator 1, “The same goes for full-on modern dance in Benin: no one would understand it or like it”. Their method of mixing two styles of dancing makes it easier to contextualise and provides new input to both styles. “We have not always worked this way, but have developed this method when we started working with foreign groups, but we now also use the same method in Dutch subcultures”, stated Dutch project initiator 1.
Movement Analysis Dutch project initiator 1 developed the pedagogical process and strategy of the didactics skills training programme, as well as the practical approach and applied methods. As part of this programme, Walô and Le Grand Cru involved the teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst in the project who, besides dance instruction, specialises in dance analysis, which means it can also be used to teach dance to children who
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do not have a natural sense of rhythm. “Unlike wide-spread belief not all Africans do”, stated the teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst. She explained the importance of movement analysis for the Beninese dancers.
In Benin dance is an important part of their culture; people learn to dance from an early age. Therefore dance isn’t really instructed; it is part of everything and very closely connected with music and rhythm. These things cannot be separated in their dancing: the music follows the dancers and vice versa. For them it is a very different approach to think about steps, for example, starting with the right foot or the left. They start making mistakes they usually never make the moment they have to think about what they are doing. Generally, as a professional dancer it is hard to break-up movements in small parts, therefore this is something that needs to be trained.
In line with the teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst’s belief that every child should get the chance to dance, even when they have no talent for it, it is particularly important to break movements up in smaller parts; the dancers sometimes have the tendency to show long routines all at once and expect the children to be able to repeat them.
The teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst’s educational approach is based on Kolb’s learning styles: concrete experience, reflective observation, abstract conceptualisation and active experimentation (1984). In her view most current teaching is based on “reflective observation” as the only or main strategy, but Le Grand Cru’s method uses all four. The teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst believes that the main difference between teaching dance here and in Western countries is that Western students require a lot more time talking and explaining while students in Benin want to act straight away. This is in line with a dancer’s remark that the new techniques are very different from what he is used to, but it can be done: “one repeats, repeats, repeats, and then you learn”.
Technical Training The technical training was carried out in 2008 in the form of an intensive one-week course. The light designer stated it was extremely demanding training and covered theory and practical experience in the form of lectures, written material, hands-on exercises, workshops, and practical explanation. The training was designed as a course at the time, though the training was extended to limited practical experience in the form of supervision and feedback during the stage construction and the performances. In line with this, the light designer’s involvement in 2010 was focussed on adapting the light design to the new locations and supervising the equipment and set-up. During the first performances he took an advisory role, leaving the
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responsibility and operation to others, though intervening when complications occurred that could not be solved by the technicians. The light designer believed it was more important that they do it themselves, so he can give feedback.
Professional Training Dutch project initiator 1 is of the opinion that training programmes should be supervised and carried out by professional trainers only. She also believes that the activities with Walô for the Léwé tour needed much more guidance (in particular in didactics), but due to planning and physical distance this was not feasible.
7.4.6 Learning and Education
Although each person had their own role and expertise in the activities, there was strong collaboration between all associates in instruction as well as planning, programming, and management. For example, the teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst and Dutch project initiator 1 were observing and assisting in each other’s classes, giving joint feedback and discussing all upcoming events and possible strategies for dealing with them. Openness was an important part of the collaboration, making a safe environment.
Training Content and Methods The training included the following elements: . Dance skills – mapping method, improvisation, choreography, composition, dance techniques, professionalising process towards performance, light design for dance. . Personal development/ female empowerment. . Didactic skills – dance pedagogy, didactics and methodology, assistance in didactics training. . Business skills – marketing/ PR/ communication, long term strategies and communication, international and regional funding. Additional training in marketing/ PR/ communication and international sponsorship was given to the Board of Walô and the director.
The following methods were included in the training: . Dance skills – partner work, role play (gender issues), observation of others, physical and social assignments, analysis of movement, workshops, peer-to-peer training. . Personal development/ female empowerment – role model mirror exercises. . Didactic skills – peer-to-peer training, supervising training, etc. . Business skills – case studies, learning-by-doing, role play, lectures.
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“Le Grand Cru’s method is furthermore integrated with specific assignments regarding personal development and gender issues. Through constant vigilance and reaction to ‘machismo’ behaviour of participants and caution with regards to role model mirroring. In this we always take the intercultural situation into account”, stated Dutch project initiator 1.
Structured Strategy The training days during the preparation phase were structured, starting at nine a.m. every day with a warm- up and continuing with various dance exercises and rehearsing. Regular group evaluations were a major part of the structure. ”People have never conceived the awareness that they can choose what and how to learn, therefore, we have always used evaluative tools. Not to see if they were interested, but for them to think about exercises, interpret them, find differences, make choices, etc.”, stated Dutch project initiator 1, “the importance of ‘clearing the ground’ to start learning and understanding is possibly the most important factor in a successful intercultural learning process”. These evaluations were often carried out directly after training exercises and most of the time these were group-based, and also stimulated self-evaluation and peer-group learning. Personal directions were also given, but generally in front of the group. At times, learners were given personal evaluations or tips but this was mostly ad hoc. Problematic situations with dancers or disciplinary measures were discussed in private.
The training for the primary school teaching was conducted as also part of the structured programme. Dutch project initiator 1, the teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst and Directrice Compagnie Walô divided the dancers into four groups. Each group took on a group of children and taught them a certain routine. Every class started with a warm-up and improvisations in order to stimulate creativity. In all groups, three dancers were assigned to teach a routine or the warm-up, and one was assigned to assist. All dancers became assistants when another dancer was in charge. Each group was also assigned a “leader” who was responsible for the most complicated routine, helped out the others and was the contact person for the school staff. The least experienced members started out as assistants. In the first week they taught the children the routines, the second week was used for “cleaning” (perfecting the movements and flow). The preparation and warm-up included different “games”: routines which taught children in a playful manner to be more aware of their body, of left and right, of using space, etc.
Practical Approach The training followed a very practical and direct approach. New exercises, tips and tricks were put into practice straight away and always related back to the teaching goals. During the didactics training, the
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teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst and Dutch project initiator 1 evaluated the proceedings of the day before. Examples focussed on relating to the children in a positive manner through emphasising what they are doing well and reinforced to not correct them harshly. Examples also included the use of imaginative and different ways of explaining something (e.g. using the image of animals), changing the dynamics of an exercise to keep children focussed, and adapting their teaching to the competencies, age and confidence of the children. They were also reminded of the rules on how to behave themselves in front of the class: to not drink, eat, or telephone.
Gradual Road to Independent Teaching During the preparation for the first performance all dancers were involved in the teaching, though not all were yet able to teach independently. The main difficulties were confidence and experience in teaching, lack of initiative and responsibility, and teaching style (rough or too commanding).
Peer and Group Learning An important facet in the teaching approach was peer and group learning. Both Le Grand Cru and the teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst feel that Directrice Compagnie Walô’s example is possibly the most important in this, both in dance exercises, teaching, and professional behaviour. Directrice Compagnie Walô’s exemplary role was also a way of dealing with cultural differences; her behaviour and opinions are close to the others’ life world and African identity, something Le Grand Cru alone neither can nor want to accomplish. In addition to Directrice Compagnie Walô’s role, the teaching approach stimulated multi-faceted peer and group learning. Part of this “emerged” through the difference in training and experience in the current group, and through the necessity to learn each other’s roles in order to become less vulnerable to circumstances, such as injuries. Peer and group learning was made explicit through group evaluations and the establishment of teaching “teams”, in which more experienced teachers work with assistants. This gave room to both emerging leadership and learning-by-example. This was extended by strategic rotation of teaching teams. Another intended result was ensuring both male and female examples for the children. Making use of peer and group learning also reduces possible cultural tension between the Europeans and the African dancers/ teachers. Additionally, peer and group learning was further stimulated by asking group members to prepare a routine for the class, in which they learn from each other and their teaching is evaluated, so it also improves teaching skills and movement analysis. It was a very (inter)active way of learning; learning by doing and by example. The peer and group learning was not always successful: giving each other constructive feedback is a skill that takes practice and can therefore also result in destructive feedback, not everyone voices their opinions. Learning by example can also result in learning from “bad”:
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examples. Learning by example or accepting feedback from peers can be threatening to someone’s own authority and opinions, or even lead to jealousy and resentment. However, group evaluation and peer learning has improved greatly in the past years; opinions are increasingly voiced, suggestions made, or mistakes admitted. Peer and group learning was also an important part of the teaching approach in the primary schools. The teachers were encouraged to use it as well, by making an example of some children who do an exercise well, but also by discussing the performance themes in the group, and by providing a “mentor” to some of the children who have trouble learning the routines.
Personal Progress Regarding all the educational goals (dance, didactics, professionalism) in this project, the members have very different levels of skills when they started out and their level of progress was also different. Some group members may not have the highest skills, but they may have made the most personal progress. Generally, the most talented dancers are also the better teachers and emerging group leaders. This appears to be related to their educational background. A high educational background is not necessarily indicative of higher aptitude or (leadership) talent, but it may be harder for others to reach the same level of skills. For example, some were unable or not used to taking notes or they may have limited French skills. There were also differences of ambition in the group. There were some with aspirations to become professional dancers and they worked harder and took more chances to learn (e.g. participated in extra training). This was similar in the training for technical staff.
Teaching and Dancing In the Léwé project activities both teaching and dancing were important. Some dancers expressed a clear preference for dancing over teaching, while others rated it equally or have even discovered their love of teaching. “I just love teaching”, exclaimed one dancer at one point after class, while another stated: “the children give my heart joy” and someone else explained: “when I teach the children I can dance as well”. Generally, the dancers who finished all project activities chose to do both. It is unclear how the dancers that have left in earlier activities felt about it. One important issue regarding the primary school teaching is that many of the dancers have received little schooling themselves; teaching children that may have a higher level of education, or school itself, can be intimidating. Most of the dancers stated that they have gained a lot of confidence from learning the teaching techniques and from performing on stage. One dancer said that after performing for a large audience ,she was not afraid to dance for children anymore. The courage to teach and lead a group of children is one of the most important learning outcomes for many dancers.
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Stimulating Responsibility Stimulating individual responsibility in all group members was an integral part of Le Grand Cru’s approach, as it is part of the professional development of the group and a necessary trait for a primary school teacher. Creating strength and power and stimulating people’s initiative sometimes took preference over the primary goal of a well-executed dance class as intervening in someone’s personal progress can be counter- productive.
Further Dissemination Some of the dancers were (assistant) directors of other small dance groups. These groups do not usually have formal training, but often includes a director/ leader who may also develop routines. Two dancers stated that they use the skills and techniques they have learned for the other dance groups.
7.4.7 Thematic Narrative
The performance was a teaching approach in itself. Through a thematic narrative (part French, part Fon) Walô and Le Grand Cru’s vision reached a wider audience. Despite the serious themes, the general feel of the performance was positive and humorous. Dutch project initiator 2 states that he does not usually make pieces with a narrative, but in this case he chose to make a narrative piece as the contemporary dance movements are already unknown to the Beninese audience and a local story creates more recognition. The reaction of the audience to the more serious themes, in particular to violence, was one of laughter; a reaction that appears strange to European spectators. The themes in the piece were not intended to be moralising; the idea was to share them and thereby remove them from the taboo sphere. Therefore, an important factor was strong female roles; to accomplish this strength the exercises concerned with female empowerment during the dance training were critical.
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Léwé’s themes: Papa, je veux danser
An old man has nightmares of child slaves turning into zombies (child slavery) and realises it concerns his granddaughter, Léwé. He wakes up with a vision: Léwé should dance (talent, girls in professional dance). When the family wakes up, Léwé dances until her mother sends her to school. Her father leaves to go fishing, after a romantic moment with his wife (love). At school Léwé keeps dancing throughout her classes, and gets in trouble for neglecting her school work. The head of school sends her home. Léwé’s father and grandfather are fishing when Léwé explains to him how she was sent away from school. Her father is angry, but she keeps repeating she wants to dance (persistence; exploring your talent). He beats her and throws her out in the street (violence, abandonment). The streets are filled with vendors, zemidjan drivers, policemen, traffic controllers, thieves, soccer players, children, tourists, business men, beggars and prostitutes (locally recognisable). Léwé finds protection with a man who takes her home to work for him (child labour/ slavery). Léwé’s mother is crying for her daughter and begs her husband to search for her. He refuses and beats her, but she fights back (domestic violence, female strength). Léwé’s new “father” beats her when she dances, but then gets the idea he can earn money from her dancing so he takes her to a dance school. The dance instructor recognises her talent and will accept her under two conditions: she goes to school (importance of education) and she gets permission from her real parents (no child labour/ slavery). Her new “father” goes to find her real father for permission. The father refuses and tries to take Léwé back. The men fight. The grandfather interrupts and convinces his son to let Léwé dance. He explains how everyone has the right to express themselves in dance and how it can be the start of an international career. The performance ends with a “grand finale” with Léwé in the lead (persistence is rewarded), culminating in a dance with all children and professional dancers.
7.4.8 Professionalism and Leadership
Transition A major challenge to Walô was the transition to a professional dance group. This created tension between talent, loyalty, and effort. Dutch project initiator 1 explained that in a professional dance group there are multiple understudies for the leads. “When injuries occur or when dancers cannot be counted on, they can be replaced. In amateur groups, usually the most reliable members are rewarded with the lead roles. Walô
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is in transition: there are not enough understudies with (near) equal talent and skills; simultaneously, their level of performance is too professional to award loyalty and effort alone with the best roles”. Due to past activities and training, there has been major development in the skills of the dancers and, by extension, of the group. “This makes dancers harder to replace, when necessary, and it makes it more difficult for new dancers to join the group”, stated Dutch project initiator 1. But also, as the teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst explained the group as a whole has already developed so much that new dancers do develop these new skills quicker and new moves have already been integrated in their regular dancing, for example, she sometimes noticed a movement she’s taught them, but assimilated to African dance.
Regarding, Walô management the collaboration was also in transition. Dutch project initiator 1, Dutch project initiator 2, the teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst and the light designer all noticed progress in President Compagnie Walô’s and Directrice Compagnie Walô’s management skills, responsibility, independence, attitude. They could still improve their professionalism and networking, their ability to find solutions to complications. There is still room for improvement in their communication, long- term planning and responsible financial planning skills.
(Female) Leadership and Management Directrice Compagnie Walô mentioned that one of the most difficult things is to find people with the same vision who can support the project. “For the future I would like to see so many girls dancing and so many young men express themselves, say whatever they like, improve their professional dance”, she says. Accomplishing this alone, or with two people, is very difficult. The main difficulties are time, sole responsibility, the need to be in all places at once, and the ability to move between all levels of management (from logistical issues to networking and sponsorship). With the diversity and expansion of activities it becomes increasingly hard to manage, both the day-to-day affairs and the strategic long-term planning. Walô does have a board of advisors who can be of help, but their influence is limited and not concerned with day-to-day affairs.
It is rare for a woman to be in charge of a dance group in Benin, and for Directrice Compagnie Walô this can create external difficulties. “In particular with competing dance groups”, she stated. It is unclear whether these problems are indeed related to gender, or if other factors contribute. In 2010, Le Grand Cru and Walô formally appointed two male dancers as assistant managers, to reward their emerging leadership as well as relieve Directrice Compagnie Walô. Their new position did not go unchallenged. In particular the women did not find male leadership an improvement. “I prefer a woman … women talk very differently to you. With men they just make demands and command. It is more forceful”, stated one female dancer. Directrice
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Compagnie Walô’s role as a (female) leader went unchallenged with the current members of the group. Most of the female members stated that they prefer a woman in charge because “she talks to you and explains things, instead or giving orders”. One dancer stated that she prefers working with a woman because it gives her husband confidence to let her work there. All male dancers were extremely positive about Directrice Compagnie Walô’s as a role model and feel that she is strong, fair, sets a great example and they learn a lot from her. One stated: “We learn by looking at her for the example, we analyse what she does and learn from it”. Another added he wants to learn what she does: analyse, reflect, and act.
Dutch project initiator 2 stressed the importance of a role model for male leadership as well and refers to President Compagnie Walô’s role and his own in this collaboration. “In the past few years [President Compagnie Walô] was able to allow [Directrice Compagnie Walô] more and more legroom and initiative. This was tremendous progress, as in the beginning it seemed more difficult for him to give legroom”, he explained, “because [Dutch project initiator 1] and I interact as equals, this may have contributed to this change, even when it goes against his cultural beliefs. Our egalitarian collaboration and how we interact with the dancers becomes a positive association”. Dutch project initiator 2 also explained how this continued with the dancers: “the fact that I don’t express authoritarian behaviour may change me (possibly unconsciously) into a positive role model for them as they certainly do see me as an authority figure”. Dutch project initiator 2 illustrated this statement with an anecdote about him mopping the floor as a kind of ritual before a performance. “It’s possible that this has a important influence as a male role model on the dancer’s changing behaviour, and that it subsequently becomes easier for [Directrice Compagnie Walô] to enforce it. It’s actually ironic because [Directrice Compagnie Walô] doesn’t want me to do this because she still perceives me as the main authority figure, and they don’t mop floors.”
Another issue was the management style of Directrice Compagnie Walô and President Compagnie Walô, influenced by Le Grand Cru and the management training by the communication and management trainer, and others. Their leadership was targeted at stimulating responsibility and initiative for group members and team-building, such as organising joint celebrations of a successful performance. The traditional approach to leadership in dance in Benin is more hierarchical and individual responsibility and initiative is not encouraged; at the beginning of the Léwé tour President Compagnie Walô thought that their “soft” leadership may also result in lack of respect instead of increased loyalty. Team building efforts in the past have not yet had the anticipated result, he believed. Team spirit and joined responsibility have greatly improved during the Léwé tour. The joint effort in putting on two shows every week caused people to actively participate and a natural division of responsibilities occurred. However, the fact remains that there have been many changes within the group, which complicates this evolution. Challenges of leadership,
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conflict and loyalty issues were voiced by President Compagnie Walô in one instance with the phrase: “no one is indispensable”. Not wishing to act on this, constructive group dynamics and a joint team vision are currently major challenges for the success of the group.
Extended Responsibility Beside the project activities, Directrice Compagnie Walô and President Compagnie Walô attempted to give dancers or other employees opportunities to acquire French and literary skills. This was not part of project activities, but more on an ad hoc basis when the need and opportunity arises. In addition, Directrice Compagnie Walô and President Compagnie Walô also had another function: as a social and medical safety net for their employees. In case of life events and/ or sickness, their employees or their families often turn to them for (financial) help. This is carried out unofficially, but is common practice in Benin, as there are no medical insurance or other fall-back options. These practices influence financial management and salaries.
7.4.9 Loyalty, Initiative and Self-Reflection
One of the goals of this collaboration, in relation to the professionalisation of the dance group, was to instill a sense of responsibility and self-reflection in the members. These issues included being on time, keeping the management informed about their whereabouts, working hard in rehearsals and when teaching, taking charge when unplanned circumstances happen (e.g. in the schools), taking initiative, being active during evaluations, preparing for teaching and remaining physically fit. As they received payment for their attendance, they are encouraged to treat it more like work and act as responsible employees. This is mostly done by repeatedly stressing the importance. “This is not amusement”, said Directrice Compagnie Walô when she addressed the group, “it’s your work, and you must take responsibility if you want a future as a choreographer, a dancer or teaching dance”.
Physical Fitness Another important issue was physical fitness, which is also related to personal input and effort. Not all dancers, particularly the women, kept up their physical fitness and strength and, on occasion, male dancers show up for rehearsals hung-over. Physical fitness was addressed during training, e.g. the teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst explains the importance of good posture, strength and stability before starting to move, as it helps the dance, but also prevents injuries and keeps the body in better shape when ageing. Despite this, there was limited knowledge or focus on physical consequences and treatments.
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Small Steps Some people were taking more responsibility for their own improvement by asking for feedback and help in their preparation. People were increasingly seen to be taking notes. The differences in level and experience in the group also created the possibility for group members to emerge as teachers and provide leadership by example. This could be seen during the breaks when some of the more experienced dancers gave feedback and practiced with newer members. Dutch project initiator 1 stated that this has evolved over the years and would have been unimaginable two years earlier as the group had a very hierarchical structure. Also, feedback from women is more common now, as well as critical self-evaluation of men. Emerging leadership is not necessarily successful or constructive leadership; groups that create room for emerging leadership also need to be able to manage it when this creates conflict.
Female Empowerment Generally, the men were a more forceful presence than the women in the group. The women were less easy to approach and more focussed on each other. Directrice Compagnie Walô found it hard to make a statement on the results of the goal to stimulate female empowerment in Beninese dance. “I can say it´s quite difficult because we cannot see the result at once. Things take a long time but I think … when you have eight women and you see improvement in one of them you can say OK, I’m getting to the point”. There have been gradual changes in the hierarchical relationships between the men and women in the group; men now participate in cleaning the room now, they accept some guidance from the women in improvisation and practice, and women voice their opinions more in group discussion and are becoming more powerful teachers. The performances of Walô also have powerful women’s roles, which are accepted by men and the audiences. Some women (but also men) have made personal statements that they are more confident in their abilities after following the different training techniques and are better able to express themselves, e.g. one woman opened her own business, and she claims she gained the confidence to do so as a direct result of the training. Others say they have learned to communicate better and can now look other people in the eyes. The extent to which female empowerment has affected their every-day lives remains unclear. Most female group members have family responsibilities that are considered (by them or by their families) to be more important than their presence at rehearsals, regardless of their importance in the performance. These double roles make it more difficult to focus on dance with regards to time available and physical fitness. Also, even though the male members may accept women’s role in dance, this has not necessarily changed their view on gender relations.
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Availability, Loyalty, and Personal Circumstances Léwé was created based on Le Grand Cru’s methodology of mixing ethnic dance with modern European concepts and forms. Therefore, learning these roles is difficult for those who have not received any previous training in contemporary dance. In addition, in Le Grand Cru’s method, many of the roles haven been specially created for the specific dancer and their skills, personalities, and physique. Replacing them can also change the performance, but so can personal circumstances, for example, a woman’s pregnancy can change her physique and her suitability to play a certain role. Availability, loyalty, injuries, and personal circumstances of dancers greatly influence the sustainability of the dance group. Walô cannot afford to lose dancers and has limited space to manoeuvre when dancers miss rehearsals, do not put in enough effort, or create trouble in the group. All these issues occurred on a regular basis. During the Léwé tour a number of dancers have left or were let go. Dutch project initiator 1 stated that all these issues are not specific for Walô of Africa, but are present in every dance group and region; the situation of Walô is still vulnerable primarily due to these issues. In 2010, Le Grand Cru and Walô started to anticipate these problems by training as many understudies as possible. The long term goal is that each dancer will be able to perform each role (except male and female roles), but it is uncertain if this will succeed as certain roles are hard to replace, e.g. Léwé’s mother (Directrice Compagnie Walô’s own role). However, a lack of loyalty by some team members makes team-building and project co-ordination more complicated and compromises trust.
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7.5 Participants’ Reflections
Participants’ reflections are important in this thesis as they are the main section where the voices of the learners are heard. This thesis leans heavily on them, and as such their reflections have descriptive as well as critical value.
7.5.1 Primary Schools
My observations during field research in February/ March 2010.
Directrice Compagnie Walô mentions that the involvement of the schools goes very smoothly. There are many schools expressing their interest in being part of the activities and President Compagnie Walô and Directrice Compagnie Walô are being contacted by the schools to arrange their participation. “The schools directors are very proud; they are very happy with what we are doing; they would like their children to be dancing all the time long”, states Directrice Compagnie Walô. During the classes in the primary schools there are many more children watching who would like to participate and in the school yard many children are practicing the steps and songs. The children are selected by auditions and when they are chosen they are very proud. All the children are very eager to learn and work hard. They get distracted sometimes, but generally they are extremely obedient and focused even though the class lasts two or three hours. They appear to enjoy the classes very much, though there are apparent differences depending on the teachers. Not all children are present for every class. During the rehearsals and performances the children remain focussed practicing all the steps and placement exercises (when and where to enter the stage, their positions on the stage, etc) time and again. Right before the performance they eat their dinner (provided by Walô). They are excited and harder to control, but focussed when they need to perform. After the show the atmosphere is vibrant and the children appear happy and excited. They are often accompanied by their family. During the stage construction and rehearsals in the school yard, the situation increasingly triggers interest from the school children who are not participating. After a few days many children can be seen repeating the steps, singing the songs and playing the games.
7.5.2 School Surveys
Directrice Compagnie Walô and President Compagnie Walô distributed a set of questionnaires to the schools. There were 33 questionnaires; 32 were completed, one was only partially filled out. The answers given in this questionnaire will be used; the unanswered questions are noted. The questionnaire was
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directed at directors and teachers responsible for cultural affairs. However, it was filled out by a wide variety of teachers and directors; most of whom had been directly involved with the project and some that had only viewed the proceedings. There were fourteen different schools (Abomey-Calavi; Cotonou; Porto-Novo; Ouidah) from which questionnaires were received.
Initiative All responded positively in how they felt about the initiative of rehearsing and performing with the school children by professional dancers, though some included suggestions for improvement. Thee themes were mostly focussed on the importance for children to learn about their cultural heritage, explore their artistic talents, and dance classes as a necessary part of a complete education and the need to make it part of the curriculum. A number of respondents also mentioned the education authorities, making it clear that they wished for them to be involved to make the initiative sustainable and fit with their school activities. Remarks also included that dance classes develop the children’s memories and motivates them; that it has a positive psychological affect on the children and that it gives shy children the chance to express themselves and discover hidden talents. Some critical remarks were made regarding the time and hours of the rehearsals as some felt it should fit better with the school programme. Some additional suggestions included: “It will be hard to continue this project as not everyone has a talent for dance and it disturbs the academic programme, it would be better to open a school specifically for dance classes”, “create classes with experienced dancers in the school in order to give a good example to their younger siblings”.
Rehearsals The majority (87.5%) attended two or more of the rehearsals, which indicates a large interest in the proceedings. 100% of the responses (one was not answered) indicated that the teaching methods were effective and appropriate. Approximately 60% of respondents deemed them effective because the children learned their role and adapted to the class easily and the show was performed. Some additional remarks were made about the methods, mostly focussing on the method of showing and repeating for the children to learn the movements and the gradual process (how the routines were broken up in smaller parts). Some remarks about the instructors included: “the instructors were suited to the task”; “the instructors were punctual, exact and friendly”, though some respondents mentioned that the instructors can improve (“they may need more patience”) as well as the whole procedure (“the results were good, but can be improved”). Some final remarks included: “it was good because it made them interested as well as teach them to dance; “it was effective as the children paid attention; and “appropriate because the dance classes are part of sports activities”.
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The duration of auditions ranged from two hours to five days, the number of rehearsals ranged from five to 10 and the timing of rehearsals was between 3pm and 6.30pm, indicating the planning was varied for each school and class. A small majority of the respondents believed that the rehearsal times were appropriate; some felt it was appropriate as it allowed the dance instructors to get help from the school staff when needed. A number of respondents felt that the time and planning should be reviewed “as their classmates follow the regular programme when the dance classes are on” and “they should finish earlier because of the parents”. A number of respondents also referred to the need to involve the authorities in the planning, also as this would reassure the parents. Some more remarks included: “The system is appreciated because we understand it was designed to discover children with dance talent”; “they were good as everyone in the school could profit and develop an interest in dance; it is good that this happens as it is impossible to work with the children in the classroom all the time”.
Performance
Figure 4: Performance
As shown in figure 4, 84.4% of the respondents attended the performance and found it to be either “very good” or “good”. Approximately 28% made additional remarks on the quality of the show, using phrases, such as “fantastic”, “magnificent”, and some remarked on the organisation (well-organised), and the fact that, despite the technical difficulties, the show was very good. Approximately 12% of the respondents remarked on the performance of the children, often referring to the short time that they had to prepare and learn the steps. Also, 28% remarked on the impact it had on the audience: the parents enjoyed it and the audience was moved by the performance of the children. Three respondents remarked on the lessons that
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could be derived from the show (sports, music, dance, singing) and that it allowed parents to discover their children’s talent. One remark was focussed on the dance/ movements: the mixture between traditional and contemporary dance and the harmony of the movements. Some careful criticism was also uttered: one respondent referred to the fact that education should be the more important focus on the project, and one referred to the contents of the show, such as lines and the mis-en-scene, which could be improved on.
Organisation As shown in figure 5, generally the teachers and directors of the school had a positive experience of the organisation of the project. At least 81% answered that the organisation was either “good” or “very good”. The majority of the remarks referred to the good interaction and collaboration with the teachers, the parents, the (school) authorities and the good relationship with the children. “They were open to observation and available for explanations”; “the children were very enthusiastic”; “the responsible people at Walô have shown politeness, a feeling for pupil’s level of understanding, a very high ability to adapt and distinguished enthusiasm”. A few respondents felt some improvement could be made: “a lot of information was needed”; “use the knowledge of parents and teachers more”, and one respondent was critical about the use of the school chairs and tables to seat the audience.
Figure 5: Organisation
There were some additional suggestions regarding missing elements or elements that would have deserved more attention: the organisation (the rehearsals were too short, the show could start earlier, the dance teachers’ punctuality, the seating arrangements (chairs and tables), the parents’ involvement, cultural heritage (costumes from our culture).
Educational Quality 85% of the respondents concluded that the impacts on the pupils were positive, while some noted negative impacts as well. The respondents mostly focussed on the idea that it allowed the pupils to appreciate their culture/ cultural heritage (approximately 28%), while approximately 25% also stated that the project has shown artistic skills can be developed in addition to academic skills and children can uncover unknown talents: “a lot of talent can be discovered during this project, it opens up career alternatives for children that
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may not be suited to academic studies”. There were some references to sports; the fact that dancing is active and social, and suggestions that it may contribute to development of shy children. “The techniques allow shy children to blossom and open up; they also help the children with their physical and intellectual development and can discover the children that have a talent for dance”. In addition, one remark was focussed on the opportunity to use some of the techniques of the dance class to solve the problems in the classroom (though no explanation of the techniques and how there were used). Criticism was limited to two remarks on how dance classes take time away from studying.
Using Teaching Techniques The majority of respondents (approximately 65%) responded that the techniques are being used in the school already, particularly during school cultural events and celebrations, such as the end-of-year celebration. Some other remarks include: “the children who learned are teaching their friends”. A number of respondents also feel that the school teachers should be instructed in the dance techniques to make better use of them: “we would love to use the teaching methods of applied dance because of how effective they are”, “it is necessary to know”, and “it contributes to the development of children”. Funding is an issue, causing one respondent to remark “if Walô can accept them without payment, because the school does not have the means to pay them”, and another respondent feels that the methods can be used on free days only. 24% of respondents claim if there was the opportunity for cultural education that it could improve the school and such training could help with the difficulties in doing so. Other responses included that some teachers could benefit from this as it is part of a complete education and “it would be good if some teachers could do it for the cultural events in our school”, and a few mention that they feel that dance lessons need to be given by qualified teachers. However, other remarks included: “organise the lessons during the holidays so not to disturb the school proceedings” and “it needs the permission of the authorities”.
Limitations There were a number of occasions when teachers/ directors from the same school have given similar or exactly the same answers, therefore, the variety of responses is smaller than suggested. Even though the questionnaire did not have leading questions, many of the responses did follow the train of thought of the questionnaire and were limited in elaborating on their opinion (e.g. it was a good initiative). It also became clear from some of the negative responses that not all respondents understood the questions properly; this could be derived from apparent contradictions in their responses.
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7.5.3 Parents
It is unclear to what extent the parents are involved in or approve of these activities. Directrice Compagnie Walô states that Walô does not really have the opportunity to meet with parents, but she assumes that when the children participate the parents approve of it. Still the participation of children in the first week was not always good. It was a free week but the school had agreed to continue the dance classes and told the children this, but many of them did not turn up. Guillaume suggested this may be due to the parents keeping them home, not being informed about the dance classes or not agreeing with it.
7.5.4 Audience
Cotonou Location: primary school d´Agblangandan. Date 5 and 6 March 2010 The music, light and activities draw some curious residents to the school yard. “It’s important to bring culture to the children and to the quartier”, states one resident. The first two performances attract a large audience, estimated at 1500 to 2000 people on each night, though many of the same people have returned for the next night. A large part of the audience are the school children, most of them have seen the rehearsals and two performances. There is also a large turn-out from the school teachers and parents, witnessed by the number of children that leave with their parents. The percentage of children and adults in the audience is approximately 50/50. It is unclear how many of the adult audience are parents and relatives of the children performing. Generally, the audience is noisy, talk amongst themselves, and on the phone, but do always keep their attention on the stage. During the show more and more people keep arriving, possibly attracted by the music and lights. The Mayor of Cotonou was present for the first performance and the Minister of Culture will attend the next week. The Ambassador of the Netherlands is present during the second performance, and introduces the show.
The audience’s reaction is very positive: there is laughter, recognition and participation (singing along, etc). In particular the children are a very active audience, by the second night they know the story by heart (reciting lines, singing songs). The audience responds to the performance as intended by the choreographers and dancers: with admiration, laughter and awe at the intended moments and they follow the story line. They do often react to the more serious themes in the performance (violence) with laughter, in particular the children. Besides the story line, there is also great appreciation of the more modern dance routines. The children always get a huge applause before and after performing. The Ambassador of the
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Netherlands is also very positive. After the performance he addresses the audience in Fon and tells the children to be as brave and courageous as Léwé and follow their dreams (applause), but also that he hopes that they do not get beaten at home like Léwé has (silence). Afterwards he brings this up again, as he seems puzzled by the violent scenes. Dutch project initiator 1 explains that it is part of daily life here and the aim is to remove it from taboo sphere by including it. She stresses the importance of powerful female roles for this reason as well. The Ambassador offers personal assistance and support in networking.
Parakou Location: Centre Culturelle Français. Date: 2 and 3 July 2010 The reactions of the audience in Parakou are similar, though there are fewer people there (approx. 400) possibly because it is performed in the CCF (the stage could not be transported from Cotonou) and possibly because of an important football match at the same time (World Cup). One person in the audience in Parakou, in an informal conversation, stated he loved all the scenes with the children in it the most, but also the “street scene”. In addition, he liked Léwé’s statement: “papa, je veux danser”. In general he kept repeating how great the whole performance was, even though he had at first been reluctant to see it.
7.5.5 Interview: Teacher
Location: primary school d´Agblangandan in Cotonou during the final rehearsal of Léwé. Date: 4 March 2010. The teacher is very interested in the project with Walô. The school heard about the project through his brother, the president of Walô. He is a teacher at the school and involved in the project mostly through personal interest. He stated that the directrice of the school is also very enthusiastic about the project. The teacher stresses the importance of the project many times. He believes the importance of what is happening is visible, it hardly needs explaining, he states, pointing at the enthusiastic children around him to make his point. He gives three reasons for the participation of the school with this project. “Because it is important for children to learn the traditional dances of their own country. Now, they only know dance and music from abroad, through radio and television. Children should not forget traditions, it is important for their cultural identity”. The second reason is to create a sense of community. He states: “now the children are together”. In this project two schools work together for the project, children from both schools dance together and watch the performance together, as will the parents. Usually there is little contact between the schools and the districts and it is important to be together and enjoy things together. The third reason is exercise. Children need to have physical education at the school and it is supposed to be part of the curriculum, but there are no facilities for this. Now, the regular teachers have to do it while they are not trained for this. He
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feels that professionals should be teaching the children physical education. “Physical education is important because it gives the children social skills and they get to know their bodies”. He does not give this as a fourth reason, but he also sees dance as an instrument to keep children in school or to get them to enrol in school. He says “to dance in school means going to school”.
Additionally, he stresses the importance of such a project for the school as it gives them a good reputation in the neighbourhood and brings interest from outside. The fact that the performance is held at the school, inside the district, is particularly important to him. “Bringing the culture to the community so that everyone is able to join”, he states. The last time (two years ago) it was held at the Centre Culturel Français in the centre of Cotonou, even though it was free entry, this made it difficult for people to come. Now, he expects a large audience. He is uncertain of the parents’ view of this project, but indicates this will be visible at the performance. The teacher mentions furthermore that the other teachers are very enthusiastic as well. They are all watching the lessons and making an effort to let the children take time for the dance lessons. The teacher is uncertain about the positioning of this project in educational policy, but claims there is no cultural policy in which this project fits.
7.5.6. Group Interviews: Dancers
The group interview took place on Sunday 4 July 2010 in Parakou, the day after the final performance of the Léwé tour. The group interviews serve as an evaluation for the project, and also as insight into the perspective of the dancers on the different activities, and group and individual progress. Due to the interest gender relations, women and men were interviewed separately. These different interviews have been thematically integrated. As group interviews can never be exact duplicates, some themes were only addressed in one group, while others were discussed from different perspectives. The interview with the women lasted approximately two and a half hours; the interview with the men lasted one and a half hours. The interviews were conducted in French; for those with limited French skills other group members served as their translators. The group interview was conducted by Dutch project initiator 1 and attended by myself and Dutch project initiator 2.
Insight into Activities The group interview with the women starts with the recollection of the teaching and programme structure. Many do not remember the different activities clearly, although sometimes a memory comes back: e.g. “we watched the video of the show two years ago to remember our parts”. Generally they do not remember what they did or have not remembered its purpose. Also, they make little to no distinction between the different
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focal points of trainers – the activities Dutch project initiator 2 engaged in (choreography of the piece, contact improvisation), or the difference between Dutch project initiator 1’s approaches (contemporary dance techniques) and the teaching instructor/ dance movement analyst’s (movement analysis, didactics training). The recollection of activities was not part of the interview with the men. The dancers have a clearer insight into the teaching didactics and its purpose. One female dancer says: “I’m no longer afraid to be in front of the class and work with the pupils because I have learned how to apply different teaching techniques” and gives the example of the mirror-technique: “when the children do something with their right leg, I do it with the left because I’m standing in front of them”. The dancers do have some trouble explaining how the teaching approach was different from what they knew before, but finally one explains: “the dancers come with lots of fun and interest, which is different from the teachers in the class. They come with positive energy”. Another woman adds: “when they are tired they still want to dance, they do it with pleasure”. With regards to creative expression and improvisation they all confirm that has been part of their teaching throughout the project. Another female dancer says: “you have to create the movements, all the children clapping at the same time, it does not do to stay still. Or do the same things all the time, they have to create something themselves, have the courage to create their own movements as they like, just like the teachers create them”.
Dancing or Teaching All the dancers enjoy teaching and they are all adamant they want to be both teachers and dancers. However, when they have to choose all the women would choose to be teaching over dancing while all the men choose dancing, but one male dancer adds this is only so he can come back to teaching with more experience. A female dancer says that she has not done any teaching and does not feel comfortable because she does not have teaching competencies yet, but she loves the joy the little ones have. A young female dancer states that she chooses the class because “the children give my heart joy”. Another says: “I choose teaching because when I teach the children I can dance as well”. Directrice Compagnie Walô adds:
I choose teaching for many reasons: when I have contact with the children I have strength because of the positive energy they give you, that they transmit and that is positive. And also because every time I teach a class I learn sometime, every time that I’m in front of the classroom I miss something which I have to think about later and improve on. I have to use my creativity as well, create new things when you’re in front of the children. Sometimes I do something and it works and another time it does not works and I have to think very quickly of something else, so I have to be in tune with the class the whole time. And furthermore, because when I’m teaching I move a lot as well, I dance. Teaching is doing both.
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Impacts of Dance on Children With regards to the importance of learning to dance a female dancer says that there are many reasons: “improving their scholarly work (e.g. the numerical tables) and also because it widens their horizons and have an active life”. Another adds: “I believe it makes the children more balanced, they get a sense of giving and receiving, they will be more generous, they will be more socially active and have better social skills, it’s about communication, in their future they will be more open, more balanced, stronger, in particular for girls”. Would they let their own (future) children perform in Léwé? All the women agree that they would like their children to dance. A male dancer indicates that he would like this, but the most important thing is that they go to school so they can learn a profession. Another agrees: they have to go to school, and then they can dance as well. He feels that the children in the project have learned to be more creative which is very important for their development. Another states that most parents don’t want their children to dance, they feel school is more important, but after watching the show they do agree for their children to learn dance in addition to going to school. He feels dance gives people courage. “The children learned a lot, have given everything, it is wonderful to see children develop themselves”. He also refers to the one of the themes in the performance that shows parents that children should be allowed to dance. Another male dancer states that children should go to school and dance also. “Because they speak French in school and they need to learn this, it is necessary to attend school”. Another man believes it is good for children to dance, but first they have to go to school. As Walô goes to the schools with their project the two can be combined. He feels it is “a creative spirit for the pupils”, and a chance to become a professional dancer. Another talks about his own children who love dance, music, and singing. He feels that school is an obligation, but they can also dance. He explains that every time he teaches, the children give something back to him. It touches him to see children develop, to see some who are not good in the beginning but become “panters”11 in the end. The fact he can contribute to this development is very important to him. He also feels these children should keep training and practicing to keep growing. Another man is very adamant about children going to school. Nothing is more important than that. School is an obligation, and they should only dance when school allows it. He explains he did have a difficult moment once because he had to take some children out of class for a rehearsal, which conflicted with this view. He feels that dance and school are hard to combine, and is worried that when children enjoy dancing too much they will not go to school anymore. He does feel that dance teaches them extra skills, like creativity, movements, etc, which they can also use in other aspects of life. Another man feels it is difficult for children to become professional dancers as there is no dance training institution, so learning dance is hard. Another male dancer says that what they learn from dance can be
11 The children are divided in groups based on their skills. The best group are the “panters”.
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used to help understand other things; it opens the mind and fosters intelligence. “What you learn in dance can also be used in other situations in life”. Another adds that it gives people self-confidence.
“Le Spectacle” and Audience Reaction
What is their view on the piece after playing it 20 times? A female dancer says: “it was good, every time you do it, it improves and it becomes easier”. Another adds: “in Parakou we changed some of the routines for the children, the songs and games in ‘le cours’ and also in ‘la classe’ it was adapted to local songs and games”. A male dancer indicates he had no problems with remembering the movements of the performance, which they played last in 2008, at the beginning of the training due to the showing of the video that was made at the time. Even though a few changes were made in the scenes, this was not a problem. He prefers the new version, as he feels the energy was improved. Another adds that he believes the performance has improved over the months. “Now, there is no uncertainty”. The roles are acted out better and have become clearer. People understand the performance better, for example “la rue”. In the beginning not everyone understood or saw everything that happened on stage during this scene, but now they do.12 The same can be said for the scene between the two fathers; it is now clear what happens for the audience while in the first few performances there was some uncertainty. He also indicates that people do talk about the scenes, including the one between the father and the mother (commenting on why he would treat his wife like that), but “la rue” attracts the most attention. Another male dancer explains that he has not heard any negative reactions. Another man also mentions there was always a large audience and many people came back to watch it a second or third time. A female dancer says that the audience participates, laughs, reacts to what is on stage, cries out, etc. Another woman explains that in Parakou, compared to Porto-Novo the audience was more active and reacted more. She is not sure why that is but says: “I had one ear on the audience as well, and they knew what was happening. They were saying: ‘oh you’re doing this now’, they understood everything that went on in the show. Everything comes together, the music, the actors, they react to the combinations”. She adds: “they say it is very good, they ask how the children have learned their routines so fast, it surprises them a lot”. Another says: “They also ask what about the techniques: ‘they are very new, how did you adopt them? It is great. How did you learn them, who taught you that’?” Another female dancer: “I have a friend, a professional comedian, who saw the show at Porto Novo, who cried all through the finale. I asked her why she cried, she said, ‘I can believe these children can be working dancers/ have a future in dance”.
12 Dutch project initiator 2 explains that this is an example of the difference between the more literal longwinded African dance style and the more implicit European style. He feels that the power of the scene was in the fact that it was chaotic, because you would not be able to see it all making the experience of the performance stronger and people might come back to see it again.
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Is it because the dance technique and movements or the themes of the piece? Directrice Compagnie Walô says:
I don’t know if they pick up on all the different themes in their sequence, they are mostly focussed on the parts featuring the children and that is what they remember. The other themes they do react to, but at the moment that they happen. When Léwé is hit, when the father hits the mother, etc, the audience reacts immediately. I don’t think they talk about it after. But during the performance I can hear cries from the public: why do you hit her like that, etc. but afterwards they don’t talk about it ever. But I believe that the impact of the final scene makes them forget everything that happened before.
A female dancer: “it is interactive, they react at the moment it happens, but at the same time it makes an impression, they take a photo of the scene in their head”.
Mixing Traditional and Contemporary Dance Styles How do they feel about the mixture of contemporary and traditional dance now? One male dancer joined Walô in 2010 and, therefore, did not participate in the training sessions of 2008. He did not think it strange to combine the two styles, as he felt he already knew about contemporary dance through television. All the other men indicate that the style combination felt very natural. A female dancer says: “it does not feel artificial, it’s dancing, not like the traditional dance, but it’s not artificial”. Another mentions she does not feel that it is difficult: “because I first did traditional dance and now also contemporary dance, it is not difficult”. Another woman says that she loves contemporary dance: “I would love to learn more”. She feels the main differences are the movements, the “souplesse”: “traditional dance has stricter movements, but contemporary dance is more flowing”. Another woman: “in contemporary dance you can create. Traditional dance is restricted, the movements are what they are and you have to do them, but with contemporary dance you can create something, improvise, you do what you want”. Another agrees as well: “in traditional dance you have rules how to move your arms a certain way, contemporary dance stimulates the creativity. In contemporary dance you can use all the senses, create something, express an idea”. A male dancer states that traditional dance is more mechanic, he likes the dynamics of contemporary dance in combination with ethnic dance, as contemporary dance includes reacting to others, and collaborating with others. “Dance is very necessary for us”. Another male dancer calls the mixture of contemporary dance and ethnic dance “extraordinaire”. Contemporary dance “opens the mind” while mixing the two builds on tradition as well, keeping them and evolving them. He enjoys the expressiveness of the two styles.
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Learning Objectives Are there specific things they would like to learn more about with regards to contemporary dance? A female dancer says that she would like to learn more of the technique, timing, movements and dynamics of contemporary dance. Another wants to learn more about the “direction”, souplesse and how to interact with others in the movements. Another woman states: “I want to learn more about how to react to another in their movement, how to create a ‘physical story’, how to manage the movements of another and improvise on that”. Another woman mentions that she finds it very difficult to remain balanced in contemporary dance: “to make a full turn and stay still when you’re finished and not lose balance”. Another: “I want to learn the interaction and also I want to learn to keep balance when turning. And know more about my body, how to make certain movements and your posture, e.g. not to lift your shoulders. Another female dancer: “I am myself an actress and in theatre the body is very important. But most of the focus is on the eyes and eye contact. With dance it is both the body and the eyes/ looking. It’s a bridge between those; I would like to learn more about using this bridge”. Directrice Compagnie Walô wants to be able to learn independently: “I want to learn more about how to work on your own, practice alone to improve yourself. We have had teachers and they have given us some techniques and knowledge, it is now up to use them, for personal development, to build on those things we learned and make them our own. To become more confident in our skills. We have learned about direction, we can now use it and improve the quality of our movements”.
Society’s Perspective on Dance In reference to the question how Beninese society views dancers a female dancer states: “Often I get the question, what do you do for a living? I say I’m an actress/ dancer/ singer. And they say, ‘yes, I know, but what do you do? What is your profession?’”. Directrice Compagnie Walô comments that at the moment it is not seen as a profession; there are few professional dancers or artists, musicians. “But with Léwé, the dancers at Walô, they are different because people have seen they can transmit a message to an audience and to children even when they cannot communicate in French, so I think it is changing how people view the dancers, and also how they transport themselves through society. They are proud of being dancers they know they can be respected for being good dancers even, it’s not all about going to school alone”. A male dancer feels dance is essential for society, for life itself. He is very passionate about this. “It is more than necessary, dance is the sixth sense. It is needed for a balanced society, for everyone”. Another man adds that dance gives you courage and he would wish this for everyone. Another feels it is good for society, for all facets of life. “Dance is something that belongs to me, it is life, joy”. Another man says: “When I don’t dance for a day, I feel sick”. In the past he dreamt of becoming a doctor, but he cannot deny dance for himself. A female dancer:
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when I first started going to the rehearsals, my father asked me: “what are you doing to go dancing you should go and learn a profession, wake up, make something of your life”. They thought it was an excuse to go out with some guy. And they said, “go do something and you’ll forget the dance”. And I responded “no, I want to dance, I’m going to dance”. And when they saw the results their attitude changed very quickly and they respect my choice now.
This was before seeing the first performance of Léwé, “they saw me coming home with money every week so they saw it was for real”. Another woman: “When I started dance with my father I was very small, but my mother’s family did not agree. My father said I should dance but also go to school, so I did both until 18. But now, when my mother’s family sees me on stage, they say: ‘that’s my daughter!’ They are now very proud”. Another woman: “My mother did not agree with me dancing. My father said I could as long as I also went to school. My mother did not agree and did not want to know about the dancing, so did not watch. She’s still not happy with my choice to dance, when I joined the Ballet National, she was only commenting on the injuries and bruises and saying you can only earn very little money. But anyway, I now dance with my daughter”. Another joined a group that played the drums, her father did not intervene, but her mother’s family refused: “they said that when I danced I would not sleep, come home late etc. My father told me that people thought that. But I said since I have been dancing I sleep very well, and now I can dance”.
Learning Effects What is the most important thing they learned from this project? A female dancer: “when I first started I could not speak, I was afraid to look at ‘la directrice’, I would just look at the floor. But I have learned to communicate. I can look her straight in the eye, I have the courage and I can communicate”. Another says that now that she has been in Léwé, she has the courage to stand in front of the children and know how to teach them something. Another woman: “When I first joined with Léwé, you said to me I had to do a solo, take the lead, and I said no. I was too afraid. Now I do it and I have the courage to dance alone, this is since doing Léwé”. Another: “I have learned to yell at the children” (this generates a lot of laughter, she means using her voice to discipline the children). She has learned to be strong and powerful, to have that confidence. Another woman: “I have learned to look at the audience, today I have the ability to dance by myself, to dance alone”. Has it also impacted their daily life? To this a few of the women respond by saying that they can now communicate with people, such as when they visit them in their home they can now make eye contact with them and say hello to them. With reference to teaching, the women discuss the lack of need to hit children. They feel that hitting children is a sign of weakness and not strength. The women feel that they can be in front of the children and be their example; that they relate to them as their big sister, not
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as an enemy. A male dancer feels the most important thing he has learned is to resolve problems when they occur, to deal with crises and be able to take action. Another agrees and adds “to have courage in a new situation”. Another man mentions the fact that he is able to teach someone new skills; that he can contribute to the development of a child. Another just says: “confidence”. Another chooses concentration, the ability to focus on one thing without getting distracted. Another man mentions the capacity to deal with children, to have the tools to handle them and teach them something. Another says: “to be able to do something independently”.
Directrice Compagnie Walô adds that she has learned about organising a project and putting on a tour of performances.
Managing the relationship with all the external parties was very new for me. Dealing with people behind the desk who do not cooperate, I don’t like this. But there are people who understand, who work with me, who can make it easier. And also the organisation with so many children, when children don’t show up you have to go and find them and arrange everything, take care of their needs, bring them home when rehearsals finished, very complicated.
A female dancer: “often when I saw [Directrice Compagnie Walô] work I thought this responsibility is too difficult. Because I’m not involved with Walô permanently it is easier to look at things from a distance”. For her the most important thing was group dynamics: “to learn about the relationships between the group members, I work a lot with young adults and adolescents, I see [Directrice Compagnie Walô] staying calm, explaining everything, the acceptance of others who’re not on the same level of skill as another”. Another female dancer: “I have learned many things. I learned about the teaching, although I did not work with the children, I watched and saw my friends do it and I learned how to show certain movements to others. Before I did not know how to show a movement, but now I know you start with left, right, etc.”.
Group Loyalty During the project activities a number of dancers left the group, sometimes without warning. How do the dancers perceive group loyalty? All the dancers agree this is a problem and feel that when a promise is made, this should be honoured. A male dancer states that despite problems you encounter you should respect the agreement. The male dancers also explain the problems with being in different dance groups. Often, the dancer “belongs” to the first group they joined and where they were trained, even though they also join other groups in order to expand their skills and chances to perform. Another man explains this is often the case with traditional groups, Walô is not traditional, it is the only one with contemporary dance. A
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female dancer says that to lie or not keep your promises, is not a good thing, it’s not normal and should not happen. Another comments: “when you say you are going to do something, you have to do it. When you cannot do it, you have to say it from the beginning. It’s not right not to keep a promise. Other people trust you and it hurts them when you don’t keep your promise”.
What kind of strategies can they think of to improve group loyalty? Directrice Compagnie Walô says: “we have now just finished a project. I believe it is important to keep working together to have activities all the time. When we work a few months making a piece we have continuity, we can keep together”. A female dancer agrees: “for me it’s about dancing together as a group, sharing the experience. We can rehearse together. It is not only about money, it is about the heart, the will to dance”. A male dancer feels that people who break their contract should not be allowed back into the group. Most dancers agree. He also suggests that legal steps should be taken for breaking your contract. Another man agrees, “a contract needs to be respected”. Another feels you target people who are not yet connected to a dance group, and the first male dancers adds that this is why youth training is important. Another also says that the lack of continuity is a problem. Another man says there is a lot of criticism for Walô which is instigated by jealousy, as Walô has money and equipment. They also find the connection with the schools is very strange. They therefore pressure the dancers: “why do you dance for them, you belong with us”. He also talks about the fact that the project is only three months. He needs to look after his children, so he does not have the freedom to do everything he wants.
A female dancer explains her own experiences as a theatre company manager:
In my group what happens when someone wants to do something else, we let them. But we do warn them that their actions also impact on the group. And when they want to return, they can, but they have to start from the beginning and work hard. This works well, but only because I work with professional actors. It’s an easier relationship with professionals. But it’s also about social conditions; there has been a great change due to the professionalisation of cultural life. Previously you would actually receive money to follow training. It has changed mentality here in ways I don’t understand. People will not invest their time unless they get paid. I wonder why, it’s about self- investment, but if they cannot see an immediate result, they cannot be bothered. They don’t see the importance. And for us it’s difficult.
This is slowly changing though. Directrice Compagnie Walô says they would now be able to ask people to pay in order to join Walô, “because we have had an education and offer them one”. She also sees progress
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in many of the dancers’ individual inputs and involvement with Walô. People are there, it’s important to be part of Compagnie Walô despite other engagements. People are there when they are supposed to, they manage all these things and can be counted on. “Me, I am proud, there are some people who are making progress and taking responsibility”.
Female Leadership All women state that they prefer working for a woman. A female dancer says that it is because Directrice Compagnie Walô talks to them, explains things. “I feel more comfortable with a woman”. Another: “I prefer a woman as well, like … said, women talk very differently to you. She [Directrice Compagnie Walô] has a lot of experience and she explains what she wants. With men they just make demands and command. It is more forceful. This is why I like Compagnie Walô; there are usually no women managers, only ‘La Directrice’.” Two other female dancers make similar statements, also giving the example of the two male management assistants, who have been given more responsibilities. “Men just use force, they say do this because I tell you to”.13 Another woman says that it is good to have women taking responsibility because usually it is only men that take the lead. “For women it is a struggle to be at the same level”. A female dancer: “it is the same for her as for me, we face the same difficulties. I like working with [Directrice Compagnie Walô] and it is not because she is my friend but because her management style is more intuitive than male leaders. I like working with a female leader, I have worked with one in theatre as well and she had the same style. It’s more sensible, female leadership”. Another states that she prefers working with a woman because it makes her husband confident. “If it had been a man he would not trust it and I would not be able to work there”. Directrice Compagnie Walô talks about her own experiences as well:
I should say, I know it’s been hard for you, but it has also been very hard for me. Some days I did not know what to do, I cried for a whole day. It’s been a very long road but we are only at the beginning. We have to continue on this road together. And I’m not referring to …, she’s forceful. We have a shared vision. I want to thank you all. I believe the group has stayed very strong and that is important. We need to be together, joint effort. And am in need of you, I depend on your collaboration and participation. There are not dancers like you everywhere, so I depend on you.
13 Directrice Compagnie Walô explains that the women are very passive with the two male assistants and often ignore their requests/ orders.
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And thank your parents and husbands and families as well. Together we are a force and I am happy with that. I want to guide without using force and with aggression, we should do it together.
What is it like for men to work for a woman in a country like Benin? All the men praise Directrice Compagnie Walô’s leadership One male states that this is the first time he has had a female “directrice”. “She is a wonderful, strong woman, there is no one like her”. Another: “She is fantastic! It is not normal for a woman to be in charge, but she is different, she has so much experience, we are very proud of her. When there is a problem, she always finds a solution. She has passion and patience”. Another man: “La Directrice is an Amazon! If I had found someone like her sooner, I could have learned much more, could have reached more”. Another: “We learn by looking at her for the example, we analyse what she does and learn from it”. Another explains he wants to learn what she is able if to do: analyse, reflect and act.
7.5.7 Interview: Leader Theatre Company
In a personal (informal) interview with the leader of the theatre company many relevant issues related to culture, arts and the creative industries in Benin were addressed as well. She has joined Walô as replacement for another dancer, and has joined the company since March 2010. She is not originally a dancer, but an actress. She does not participate in the didactics, and is not involved with the schools. She is a personal university friend of Directrice Compagnie Walô. Her views and perspective of the performance- based cultural sector and Beninese society in general are relevant to this case. The interview takes place during the dress rehearsal of Léwé on Friday 2 July 2010 in CCF Parakou. The interview is conducted in English.
Role of Culture and Arts She is an actress and the director of her own theatre company: “Reign Afrique”. The reason she has named it this is her vision that the command of Africa is embedded in culture. “Culture opens people up to hear, a message sinks in through art and culture”. She believes that culture is the only way in which change can be affected in Africa. “It touches the heart”, she says. She believes this is more the case in Africa than elsewhere. “Culture is the way here, it is what people are, their identity. It is what motivates them. They know that on stage there is no lie, therefore they accept what goes on there and the message can reach them”. She feels this cannot be done in the same way through politics. Her solid belief is that culture is the best channel for change and education in Africa. Her dream is for the government to invest in art and culture in order to reach people: to see the opportunity for economic development, and also invest in people’s identity. The leader of the theatre company has heard of the concept of the Creative Industries and indicates
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that this is a very new concept for Benin, though she realises its potential. The fact that UN agencies are starting to adopt it has attracted her attention.
Female Empowerment With regards to female empowerment, she sometimes gets very discouraged. She wants to fight for women and their rights in society and the arts, but feels frustrated with many of the women who are resisting these attempts. “They don’t want to be released from their jail”. She explains the huge pressure on women. “As a woman you can never afford to fail”, and believes that when one woman fails to reach the highest success it closes the door of opportunities to others. A woman who wants to liberate herself meets so much opposition from her environment (men as well as women) and her struggle to resist this is so demanding that many of them choose not to confront this struggle. Female empowerment is not something you can do for others; it needs to be done for themselves and can take a long time. However, the very slow progress and the need for long-term goals make this a frustrating, painstaking process for her. “It’s very difficult not to have people with the same vision, not to be able to share your views”.
7.5.8 Future Plans
International Stages Le Grand Cru brought some of the Beninese dancers to perform in the Dutch youth cultural festival Jonge Harten (Young Hearts). Festivals are suitable stages as they are more used to short-term planning and scheduling. In addition to these activities, Le Grand Cru wants to set up a new collaboration between Cuban dancers and choreographers and the Malinese and Beninese partners in order to create a larger international network and an interesting cross-fertilisation, which may result in new and innovative choreography and dance. Cuban dance and music has its roots in Benin and surrounding countries and, due to historical circumstances, it has evolved in a very different manner.
Follow-Up There are currently no possibilities for the school children to continue dancing with Walô after the activities at their school finish. Dutch project initiator 2 states that creating a “youth group” may be a good strategy for Walô to establish a stronger base for the future, in terms of leadership and loyalty, but mostly for talent development. Furthermore, it will give the children (girls) the chance to continue dancing and it will allow Walô to start training talent. At the moment, young people are encouraged to be members or participate in
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the training, though they are already older (17 to 19). A continuation or follow-up to the activities in the schools is also a priority for Walô.
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7.6 Results and Effects
The most important results and effects were concerned with the improvements in artistic development (dance techniques and competence in contemporary dance), the great success of the Léwé tour and performances, the large number of spectators and participants (children) and the involvement of the schools. Regarding development-related issues, such as female empowerment, individual responsibility, group loyalty, the results were less clear. Though improvement occurs in small steps, major obstacles still exist.
Artistic Development The heart of the success lay in the artistic development. Through a process of improvisation, self-made compositions and daily academic dance classes, the dancers have created a special mélange of contemporary dance and Beninese ethnic vocabulary on the one hand and strong body (and mind) - awareness on the other. Their performance at the CCF in Cotonou in 2008 was attended by the Minister of Culture, and all four TV Channels wanted video registration for broadcasting. In 2010, the performances continued, this time located inside the “quartiers” and generated very enthusiastic response, as well as a very large audience. Besides Léwé, in 2009 another piece was created in collaboration with Malinese partners. They were able to perform this piece twice at FITHEB in 2010. Some sections of this piece were deemed suitable for European professional stages by Le Grand Cru, creating new possibilities in professional development for Walô. In line with artistic development of the group were the major personal improvements in contemporary dance skills of all individual dancers, as well as improvement in didactic skills. Participation during training is also high. Most of the dancers took the exercises seriously and worked hard. However, when project activities continued for a longer period of time, participation levels dropped. When training continued, improvement in both didactics as dance skills was progressive and did not stagnate, but there were large individual differences in level of improvement.
Successful Performances The Léwé shows were received very positively. The audience responded to the narrative, to the contemporary dance scenes, the music, and the locally recognisable themes and were extremely enthusiastic regarding the quality of the performance. The children really responded to it. It was difficult to measure the effects of the vision of Le Grand Cru and Walô expressed in the thematic narrative (violence, female empowerment, etc). The main goal was to remove these themes from the taboo sphere and show
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powerful women on stage. The audience did respond to the themes, therefore, this can be considered moderately successful. However, it is not likely that this exposure lead to discussion or debate, or changes in attitude. At the moment exposure to these themes is deemed sufficient by Le Grand Cru and Walô. Sometimes the dancers were also complimented on the new techniques of contemporary dance and asked how they learned to do this. “À Corps et à Cri” also had successful performances in Mali and FITHEB, as did “Ondulation” in the Netherlands
Local Impact The set-up of Léwé (involvement of school children, location theatre and the tour) made for a far-reaching project. The number of people exposed to the project was large (approximately 42 000), even though the project itself was quite limited in scope. The commitment from the schools was a very positive new development. The schools took the initiative to be involved themselves and one even gave a voluntary financial contribution. The commitment from the children involved was enormous as well; they worked very hard and many more would have liked to participate. The schools commitment was also based on the desire to introduce ethnic dance and music to a young generation, keep children in school and create a stronger sense of community between the children in the district. Although it is unlikely that these goals can be reached by a single initiative alone, the enthusiastic response to the activities did suggest that it is conducive to these broader goals, though this claim is difficult to measure. Dance integrated in the school curriculum and a follow-up programme could also give more structure to these goals. Because of the current lack of follow-up possibilities for the children, Walô was unable to capitalise on the generated enthusiasm. In terms of preservation of cultural heritage and talent development in Benin, a much broader project and follow-up is needed.
Local Management and Networks Although not without major problems, local management did accomplish the Léwé tour largely by itself, also in combination with other international activities (Mali, Cuba). This showed that they have made a lot of improvement in management skills; taking an increasingly inventive and problem-solving attitude. Despite this progress, local management still needed improvement as Walô is very dependent on two people alone. A broader internal and external management base is needed. Some group members were taking opportunities to create a larger role for themselves, advance their careers, and were becoming more responsible and inventive. This individual progress was being stimulated and facilitated. It is important to be aware there is a large gap between being able to facilitate one’s own progress and being able to facilitate it in others and in a wider context, which is needed for good leadership. Emerging leadership is, therefore,
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limited and not without its own challenges. The project activities created a lot of rapport with Beninese Government officials, Embassy employees, local business people, etc., therefore, there are opportunities to create a stronger network and local support in order to build a stronger base in management, explore more sponsorship opportunities, rehearsal space, places to perform, etc. But creating a successful project in Benin often also means dealing with a hostile environment. There was little trust between people, causing management to do most of the work alone, and vulnerability to gossip which also threatens the team building. Also, many people in the local art scene envied the development of the dancers (also related to the misconception that the involvement of a European organisation meant that a lot of money was available) and expectations of financial rewards for support made it difficult to create a strong network. The same was true for private and corporate sponsorships; one hurdle was the fear of companies that they will be targeted by other organisations when supporting one, their hesitation to be named defeats marketing purposes of sponsorship. Local strategies for dealing with these challenges need to be developed. From a Creative Industries perspective the link with tourism is a valid opportunity, as is seeking connections with other international activities.
Team Vision, Loyalty and Responsibility Although some individual and group progress could be noticed, lack of team vision and loyalty was a major challenge for Walô. The continuation was very dependent on a small management base and there was little support from the group members to create more opportunities. Despite repeated instructions, people were often late and did not give notice of their whereabouts. Even though this appeared to have improved during the Léwé tour, responsibility and professional behaviour of group members remained a struggle. The lack of continuity in activities also complicated the process of loyalty and shared team vision with the group members, the advancement of professionalising individual dancers and management, and the assurance of the sustainability of the programme without the involvement of Le Grand Cru. Strategies to improve this had not yet been sufficiently successful and threatened Walô’s sustainability. Particularly given the very difficult circumstances for a cultural/ artistic group in Benin (due to poverty, low education, etc.), a strong team vision is essential to overcome other obstacles. Some strategies that were being considered to improve this were financial or legal sanctions, but these were not preferred strategies. Other strategies were plans for youth training (involving people with Walô at an earlier age), continuation of activities (also when there is no external funding) and continued team-building. The ideas to increase focus on youth training, building on the school project and activities in Léwé, could serve as a follow-up for the school children and as a way to create more loyalty, shared group vision and professionalism (talent and training from an early age) for Walô in order to ensure their future plans.
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Personal Development and Female Empowerment Regarding personal development (responsibility, initiative, professional behaviour, self-confidence, etc) many dancers made a lot of individual progress. Measuring the extent of this personal development and determining whether it made tangible long-lasting changes in their extended lives (position in family, society, work) was difficult. Also, even though some individual progress was made and effects were noticeable in the group, the effects were still limited and at the moment insufficient to ensure the sustainability of the group. Changes in attitude can cause problems in people’s private life and, therefore, tension in people and the different expectations that they need to meet. These types of changes take a long time and require well- balanced guidance, and there are limits to what can be established though one initiative and short period of time. Therefore, though some individual progress is cause for hope, these processes were as much a threat as they are an opportunity.
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7.7 Analysis
7.7.1 Performing Arts in Benin
The Creative Economy Report 2010 states that the performing arts are particularly important due to their interaction with other Creative Industries like music, costumes, and broadcasting. Within the collaboration of Le Grand Cru and Compagnie Walô a large number of issues that are currently influencing the development of the performing arts, or more generally the Creative Industries, in Benin were identified. These were mostly in line with the analysis of the Creative Economy Report, that is, critical issues related to the labour market and mobility (see table 3), and few funds: . Facilitation issues – a lack of rehearsal space and performing opportunities. . Career issues – dance or other performance-based arts are not perceived as a professional career choice, and employment is mostly project-based, irregular, part-time or through self-employment. . Educational issues – lack of formal training and education facilities for culture and the arts, and limited room within the formal curriculum for culture and the arts.
7.7.2 Formal and Informal Collaboration
In addition, in an informal setting the performing arts, and other creative activities, are a large part of every- day African life. This concurs with the Creative Economy Report 2010 analysis on Africa, noting that formal production and circulation is limited and artists depend on income from performances. All this leads to leakage of creative talent to developed economies, as could be witnessed in the collaboration between Le Grand Cru and Walô with some of the most talented and trained dancers. Cultural policy in Benin focuses on heritage and preservation with limited attention to contemporary culture and the Creative Industries. The current lack of policy and support for cultural and artistic groups in Benin (direct funding or facilitating, such as rehearsal space, performance festivals, tax incentives, stimulation of corporate sponsorship) made Walô very vulnerable. Limited involvement of an extended support system (networks) and fierce external competition (connected to limitations in rehearsal space and performing opportunities) also added to this vulnerability. In short, the potential of creative talent in Benin is not realised. This requires multi-disciplinary policies to give Benin access to a global labour market, but also social and cultural policies to protect and facilitate the creative workforce, i.e. the artists and prevent the impoverishment of Benin’s cultural heritage.
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7.7.3 Collaboration and Professionalism
The collaboration between Le Grand Cru and Walô started when Agbossou (manager of Walô) wanted to introduce the techniques, movements and dynamics of contemporary dance to (female) Beninese dancers as she felt this has a liberating effect, enables people connect with themselves, stimulates self-expression and is conducive to building self-confidence. The collaboration with Le Grand Cru creates a new and innovative strategy as their area of expertise is the mélange of ethnic dance and music with contemporary dance through their method of mapping and sampling. This connects to the idea that creative development initiatives do not take place in an isolated setting, in this case Benin ethnic dancing, but have equal access to other influences to create openness to other influences without losing their “own voice” (see table 3).
Le Grand Cru’s approach used to be more focussed on the artistic development of dancers and dance companies, as well as the creation of new and innovative dance performances that are suitable for European stages and audiences. In this collaboration with Walô, project activities in 2008 and 2010 focussed on development goals, particularly female empowerment, artistic and professional development, preservation of cultural heritage and identity construction. Previous to the creation of a piece suitable for European stages, the collaboration has first focussed on creating a stronger base for Compagnie Walô in Benin by involving primary schools and creating a performance for Beninese audiences. Therefore, it recognises and reinforces the need for local connections and partnerships, and collaboration with local population (see table 3). In addition, Le Grand Cru found new opportunities for increased South-South collaboration by organising cultural exchanges with Mali and Cuba. Although the latter does not have the advantage of geographical location and a lack of language barriers, the collaboration does build on their shared cultural heritage (e.g. religion, music and dance) as a result of slave trade (see table 3). An intercultural approach characterises the collaboration: it takes place in a constant dialogue, through intercultural communication and encompasses all facets (project management, collaboration, education and learning, empowerment and the artistic results), which is not to say that this collaboration is not challenged by cultural differences. Continuing a constant dialogue is the most important ingredient in dealing with this or what De Geus calls “a social and psychological antenna constantly receiving signals” which they translate into a programme that they keep readjusting according to the signals.
7.7.4 The “Creative” Sector in Developing Countries
Generally, the Creative Industries sector is characterised by a large number of small firms, high degree of self-employment, mostly informal schooling, and high degree of clusters and collaborative agreements, all of which was reflected in Beninese dance company Walô. As stated previously, (in)formal networks are an
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important facet (see table 3). In Benin this is not always conducive to the development of a strong creative sector, as competition between groups is fierce (competing for facilities, performances, funding and the most talented performers). The informal networks and fragmented activities also often lead to performer cross-over and double arrangements, which are not conducive to group loyalty or collaborations. Due to fragmented activities, performers in the creative sector need to constantly balance their personal life and family responsibilities and the need for income generation. As training is often carried out informally (through participation in a performance-based group) loyalty often lies with one group though arrangements are made with others as well. In this, power issues and hierarchy of the different cultural groups (their unofficial “rank” in society) is of great influence. All this is in line with the analysis from the Creative Economy Report regarding critical issues in the creative labour market in Africa (see table 3).
Based on these reflections the performance arts industry can be defined as fragmented, but at the same time solidified by (in)formal networks (both do not contradict other research into the Creative Industries sector) and strong historical bonds in which power relations and loyalty are crucial. Successful interventions like Artisan d’Angkor and Penduka! take a holistic approach (i.e. promotion of cultural aesthetics, training and workshops, research and development, and a connection to the market) and include a social policy, and/or operate as an association creating further commitment, loyalty in its participants, and self- sustainability. Walô is adopting strategies to avoid the fragmentation and increase loyalty and quality of production through talent development that are connected to this holistic approach (i.e. some participants followed literacy classes instigated by Walô, and group memberships includes some form of health insurance for them and extended family).
7.7.5 Financial Planning in Creative Development Initiatives
The collaboration and activities of Le Grand Cru and Walô were dependent on public funding. There were a few small private contributions (e.g. technical equipment and free cargo transfer) and a small corporate sponsorship. Though essential, these were not sufficient for the continuation of activities. The organisation of public funding allocation was a complicating factor: development goals and artistic goals were funded by different organisations each with their own criteria. Therefore, this project was not eligible for certain grants. Again, the diversity of activities in the collaboration between Le Grand Cru and Walô places it in an unexplored intersection. It does not fall within existing Beninese trade and educational policies or Dutch/ European development or artistic policies, therefore, access to public or private funding and investment is a complicated process.
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Issues of payment were considered very controversial as well. Both Le Grand Cru and Walô were hesitant about paying dancers for training and education. Though the payment the dancers received could not be considered as a full salary, there is still a tension in paying people to complete training. Training and professional development is usually considered to be self-investment; people do not get paid to follow training, but use it to further develop them to be able to get work that pays (more). This tension between payment and collaboration is also a crucial factor in DDiD’s approach and is dealt with through their business model: no collaboration would be started before they had guaranteed sales (a client). Mutual investment and equal partnership is the strategy of most current development collaboration projects in the Netherlands, however, as this is a recent development and not (yet) universally adapted, it can create controversy and misunderstandings. In recent years in many development collaboration projects (Dutch or otherwise) people have started to adjust to a climate in which training is a paid activity. The shift towards accepting training as self-investment is occurring in development cooperation as well as in developing societies, but is still far from reality. This is, of course, also due to the very real need for a regular income, which therefore limits the opportunities to explore your talent. Lack of self-investment and searching for training opportunities is not conducive to the professionalisation of the arts and cultural sectors, which is also reflected in choice of Walô initiator to stop paying people to for training. Whether this is feasible remains to be seen. As can be derived from Felt Connection, this leads to a whole new set of issues. Besides beneficial results of project activities (increase in sales, orders, performing opportunities, etc) what is most needed is clarification of project conditions, activities, intentions, and feasible results. But also, when expecting mutual investment, participants need to be involved in the learning process and have control over outcomes. This is easier said than done as participation, initiative and responsibility (barriers to learning) are still major obstacles in the road to professionalisation.
Gap between Developed and Developing Countries In Benin, “ownership” was part of the overall project approach, as one of the intentions of the project activities was to increasingly transfer ownership from Le Grand Cru to Walô and, within Walô, from the managers to the participants/ dancers. In doing so, one of the strategies is to increase local collaboration, in this case with Mali, and increase networks (Cuba), also sometimes called South-South partnerships. In addition, the main strategy is the intercultural collaborative approach practiced by Le Grand Cru (see also paragraph 7.3) and management skills/ professionalisation as part of the project activities. The goal in the end is to come to an equal partnership with Le Grand Cru; a partnership that is characterised by mutual commitment and co-dependency. However, while the project initiators of Le Grand Cru do view their collaboration in this light, that is, they are dependent on Walô for all local operations as well as for creating (international) public funding opportunities (the current trend in development collaboration is solely directed
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at the developing partner), it may be different for Walô. Although local management and responsibility for local operations has been “owned” by Walô, they have not shown the same initiatives with regards to funding opportunities. Since funding has become problematic for Le Grand Cru to obtain, Walô has shown little initiative to continue collaboration and keep them informed of recent developments, which leads to the question how they view their role with regards to finding funding. Therefore, has it truly been an equal partnership when only one of the partners may view it as such?
Tension between Economic and Social Goals The project activities of Le Grand Cru and Walô were very successful in a variety of ways. The performances were received well in both Africa and Europe. A great number of school children were exposed to cultural activities and the dancers as well as management of Walô improved their dance, performance and management skills, which also contributed to their quality of life. However, in terms of economic sustainability the project was not as successful. There were a variety of strategies employed to become more economically viable: . Dancers were also trained as teachers in order to give them better employment opportunities. . Corporate sponsorship and financial management was included in the management training, i.e. one small corporate sponsor was obtained. . An international tour was carried out, which contributes to higher local status and professionalisation, and, therefore, more performance opportunities. These strategies, though successful in themselves, did not yet contribute to economic sustainability. Local performance opportunities are difficult to obtain, as supported by the Creative Economy Report 2011 analysis of Creative Industries in Africa. Corporate sponsorship is almost impossible to obtain due to fierce competition. The small corporate sponsor they did obtain wants to remain anonymous due to the fear many other cultural groups will approach them about sponsorship, therefore advertising opportunities are lost for the company. Also, at the moment, there is no room in the curriculum or school budgets to pay for dance teachers. Private lessons may be possible; however, this option has not yet been explored. Also, the philosophy behind Le Grand Cru and Walô’s approach is that every child has the right to learn to dance, not just those that can afford to. Their preferred option is to teach in schools. When looking through the lens of Creative Industries, also when the focus is on social development issues and artistic quality, it remains important to view the economic properties of the projects and the financial sustainability of their activities. This is in line with the discourse of the Creative Industries as a tool for development (see also UNCTAD Creative Economy Report 2010).
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7.8 Research Questions Readdressed
What factors in (inter)national policies and contexts influence these initiatives? Future plans for the chronically weak Beninese economy include attracting more foreign investment and placing more emphasis on tourism. However, despite government policies to extend the tourism industry, currently there is a very limited connection between tourism and the Creative Industries and no policies in place to connect the two. Basic provisions for education are inadequate and most of the population has a low level of education. Gender inequality is still very common in civil society and in education. The Beninese population has a culture of participating in public life. Social self-organisation and the creation of social capital are strong, although these organisations normally do not cross the main linguistic and ethnic barriers. The Creative Industries is still a very minor player in Beninese economic or cultural policies. Most major cultural projects are concerned with cultural heritage and protection of national history.
There are a number of cultural theatre, music and dance groups in Cotonou and other larger cities. The main problem for most groups is the lack of facilities to rehearse and perform. Government recognition of cultural groups is not sufficient. There is limited cultural exchange with other countries and limited development of dance and theatrical techniques. Dance or theatre as a career choice is not apparent and not considered to be lucrative. Dance, theatre and music in a formal, professional setting is, therefore, rare. In the informal sector there is a much larger number of dance, music and theatre groups.
What educational concepts and learning strategies are used in its specific development context? The method is developed by mixing two styles of dance together (contemporary and traditional) making it possible for it to be contextualised in different cultures and by different audiences, and giving new input to both styles. The training is based on cultural heritage and social identity. Through mapping, an individual is stimulated to find their own strength in order to connect with others. By sampling ethnic vocabulary and by connecting with modern concepts and European forms, a hybrid form arises that give ancient dances new and current power
The methodology is based on individual artistic cultivation, development of an analytical and critical ability, independence and responsibility, using typical theatrical instruments, such as dance techniques, and improvisation in movement, text, and composition. In the training programme for didactic skills the ability to transfer knowledge and skills to others focussed on quality and professionalism. The project used professional trainers: a variety of choreographers, directors, composers, light designers and technicians,
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dance instructors, and didactic specialists, as well as professionals in management, marketing, fund raising, and sponsorship. The idea behind it is that knowledge transfer should always be carried out by experts in their field and professional trainers. The training was through a tailor-made, structured, but flexible programme. An intercultural approach is crucial in learning processes in which collaboration, knowledge and cultural understanding is essential
The teaching approach included: peer-group learning, evaluation, interactive methods, experiential learning, teaching-by-example, teaching rotation. Methods included: partner work, role play (gender issues), observation of others, physical and social assignments, analysis of movement, workshops, peer-to-peer training, role model mirror exercises, case studies, lectures. Teaching is directly related to practice through the performance Léwé, also for the children, and didactic skills through direct application in the primary schools
The vision on teaching was important in this project as well: every child should get the chance to dance, even when they have no talent for it. To accomplish this, it is particularly important to break movements up in smaller parts. Didactic training helps do this and can be more effective than peer-group learning alone. Suggestions for improvement from people involve included: dance classes as part of the school curriculum and the establishment of a school/ training programme/ youth group for dance.
What are the institutional and organisational implications? Collaboration between partners needs to be based on mutual and equal partnership to function effectively, with a shared responsibility of development and quality of performance. There is tension between receiving payment for work (performances and teaching) and receiving payment for training (dance or didactics instruction). Self-investment in terms of time and money is difficult to combine with financial needs. There is also tension between professional and amateur status. Group loyalty was also an issue: group activities are often fragmented creating difficulties with group loyalty and planning. Pressure from competing dance groups (that have often trained dancers) and the need to make a living also affect group loyalty.
Suggestions from people for future improvement include better collaboration with the schools, i.e. time and hours of the rehearsals should fit in better with the school programme and communication with parents. Authorities should be involved with regards to school activities and teaching, as it will help embedding in curriculum, and help with support from parents. Group loyalty could be improved through stricter contracts and pay-cuts and youth training. Finally, there is room for further improvement regarding communication and regular feedback between partners.
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What do participants in these initiatives need in terms of learning? Dancers were often involved in more than one dance group. The majority of participants were not “professional” dancers, i.e. they had other occupations/ jobs and there is a large variety in educational background (ranging from no education to Bachelor’s degree). There is a high level of illiteracy and innumeracy and limited French skills. They had little to no previous knowledge on contemporary dance techniques and few dancers had received professional training before. There are differences in levels of skills and ambition. Also, the highest level of skills and highest personal progress are not always the same. It is, therefore, a very diverse group and learners need guidance on an individual level, not solely group- based, particularly as (lack of) confidence, responsibility and initiative are major obstacles in the project’s activities, and form part of the learning goals. The dancers agreed that their major progress met these goals (confidence to stand in front of a class, the ability to communicate, etc.). Other learning needs to include further improvement of skills of contemporary dance: balance, contact and interaction with others on stage, timing, movements and dynamics were mentioned. Management wants to improve the ability for dancers to work independently and practice at home
The children learned about their cultural heritage, explored their artistic talents and used their bodies (sports education). Dance classes developed the children’s memories and motivated them; they have a positive psychological affect on the children. They gave shy children the chance to express themselves or discover hidden talents and it can possibly be a career option. Dance can make children more balanced, socially active, and able to express themselves. Other than that, the children simply had fun!
How can they be involved in its design? Participants had insight in their own learning process (though limited) when asked, but opinions and insights are rarely voiced. Through constant evaluation exercises the participants are involved more; however, this remains a struggle. Dancers have to overcome major hurdles (from family and society) to be able to dance professionally, particularly women. Life circumstances often guide the level of participation in the group and training (family responsibilities, illness, etc).
How can initiatives contribute to social and economic improvement? The dance techniques and competence in contemporary dance have improved, that is, dancers appreciate the improvisation and expression of contemporary dance and perceive the combination of traditional style and contemporary style as “natural”. Improvement can be made on physical fitness, self-discipline and independent training (self-investment). The teaching skills of all have greatly improved and most dancers accept and support the teaching vision (particularly as they have witnessed its effects) though still more
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improvement can be made regarding patience, professional behaviour and consistent use of teaching vision. From a professional development perspective, self-reflection, investment, responsibility, initiative, and professional behaviour and attitude of the group still need to be improved upon, though personal improvement has been made. Progress is gradual, but continues to occur. Professionalisation of management has greatly improved and further progress is expected. The effects on personal development are large: more confidence to perform on stage, courage and ability to teach and lead a group of children without using force, fulfilment in contributing to children’s personal development, ability to communicate and confidence to look people in the eyes, ability to be strong and powerful, ability to resolve problems when they occur, ability to deal with crises and be able to take action, ability to work independently, and the ability to concentrate. These outcomes are extended to people’s daily life. This progress is also gradual. It is unclear what the exact progress is with regards to gender equality. Progress appears to be made as many women claim to have gained confidence in their daily life and respond very well to female leadership. Men accept more guidance from women in training and female leadership, but it is unclear if this is extended into daily life. Only small steps seem feasible; it remains a struggle for both women and men involved, and when dealing with pressure from family and society. Through project activities some dancers are encouraged and facilitated to improve their French and literacy skills
The project had far-reaching results. Though the targeted group is relatively small (Walô and approximately 250 school children) many more are effected by project activities: the other children in the school, audience, teachers of the school, and parents (approximately 42 000 people). Also, the dancers use their new skills and knowledge in other dance groups. The performances (Léwé) were very successful. The audience was always very enthusiastic and many saw it more than once. Themes were understood (though they did not necessarily generate discussion), and the local themes generated enthusiasm. Contemporary dance moves and ethnic dancing were appreciated. Other performances, in Mali, Benin and the Netherlands, were successful and contributed to professional development of the dance group
In short, project initiatives have contributed greatly to social improvement through more confidence, which has lead to greater social and economic participation. Local communities and children have benefited greatly from performances (social participation and broadening of horizons) and had fun, which is also of great importance. Economic improvement is still limited, though some attempts are made, such as teaching dance as an employment opportunity, finding sponsors, but these have not yet has not generated great results.
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8 Final Analysis
In chapters 6 and 7 the two in-depth case studies were described and analysed. This final analysis integrates the two case studies and addresses the emerging themes. The three most important themes are the gap between local traditions and contemporary (foreign) concepts and forms, the connection of learning spaces and the consequences of transformative learning processes in the “low-skilled”. Further discussion in terms of practice-related research outcomes and the contribution to the academic debate is addressed in chapter 9.
8.1 A New Intersection: Creative Industries, Development and Learning
In Felt Connection the creation of a new and innovatively designed product line and the quality improvement of the existing “ethnic” product line were combined. Although both product lines share a similar goal (creating feasible business opportunities for (rural) Mongolia, protecting Mongolian ancient felting techniques, and skills development), there is an important distinction to be made. The improvement of the “ethnic” product line operates in a difficult, but nonetheless “known” intersection of (rural) economic development, training and international trade. Connecting European designers to Mongolian felt producers/ artists to create a new design product line is positioned within a new intersection of creative design, economic development, and learning. Similarly, with the addition of the development dimension to the artistic and professional development that has been their focus in the past, the project activities of Le Grand Cru and Walô are also embarking on previously unexplored terrain: the intersection of development, performance-based industries, and learning.
I have positioned this study within the realm of sustainable development through lifelong learning (see also paragraph 2.1). This position deviates from a primarily trade-oriented approach to the Creative Industries to a more holistic approach; a perspective that is based on local context and addresses the imbalance of the voices being heard in debates on development, Creative Industries, lifelong learning, indigenous knowledge, and social equity, without neglecting the needs of people for income generation, employment, and a way out of poverty. This is situated in a global context and in the knowledge society. This position is reflected in both case studies: the Creative Industries development goals go beyond income generation and focus on human development goals, such as (female) empowerment, identity construction, and cultural heritage. In both case studies the emphasis is different: Felt Connection does focus on trade and market opportunities, but also takes position on cultural heritage and people’s quality of life and choices, Le Grand Cru and Walô do the same – their primary focus is on (female) empowerment, community building and cultural heritage, but
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they simultaneously address issues of employability and (international) opportunities in professional dance. It can be proposed from the two case studies that success on all levels is not guaranteed. I suggest that this is a consequence of the fact that these projects are embarking on mostly unknown territory, in which a number of issues arise. How should activities be defined: as a training programme, creative process, business collaboration, employment, or match-making? In the case of Felt Connection, how are roles defined: are people facilitating a learning process or designing? What designates participants as co- designers rather than merely producers? This invokes ownership issues. Ownership of content creation is an important issue in design, particularly in collaborative projects. What is the (business) model, sales approach or cultural entrepreneurship that should be adopted for projects that operate in the intersection? Is it a group effort or an individual process?
The answer to many of these questions are in fact strategic choices: the choice for the development of a design product line as an instrument to reach another goal (expanding business opportunities), or for an innovative Mongolian design product line as a goal in itself. Similarly, the choice for the development of a performance that mixes ethnic dance and contemporary dance as an instrument to reach another goal (opportunities in European stages), or for the development of creativity in Beninese dance. When creative development initiatives embark on these new fields they need to predefine the position they take within the intersection, that is their strategic choices, and be aware of the issues they are likely to encounter when operating in this intersection. In this chapter I address the issues that arose from the two case studies, as described in chapter 6 and 7. This builds on the analytical sections already included in the case reports, but I will integrate these further and feed back into the theoretical framework of chapters 2 and 3.
Sustainable Development I argued in paragraph 2.6 that sustainable development is the most suitable perspective for viewing creative development initiatives. Within this realm it is worth exploring how the initiatives are positioned in terms of readjusting the imbalance of voices.
The Walô initiators have expressed concern for the loss of cultural heritage: young kids adopt foreign dance styles. To only consume foreign culture may create isolation of cultural heritage, it is necessary to produce cultural needs as well. For instance, the director of a Beninese theatre company believes that the command of Africa is embedded in culture: “Culture opens people up to hear; a message sinks in through art and culture”. She believes that, for this reason, culture is the only way in which change can be effected in Africa. “Culture is the way here, it is what people are, their identity. It is what motivates them. They know that on stage there is no lie, therefore they accept what goes on there and the message can reach them”. In the
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Mongolian context, the Mongolian Arts Council states: “For Mongolians, who have already become customers of the rapid development of the creative industry, product and service spread worldwide, to be only consumers might bring risk of isolation from their own cultural heritage because of attraction to foreign cultural needs”. Mongolia is, therefore, taking its first steps in developing a Creative Industries policy and expresses the wish to become producers of cultural needs. Therefore, the main concern is to involve Mongolian producers/ artists in the design process as co-designers and develop Mongolian creative and product skills. This position is not fully reflected in the primary goals of the Felt Connection initiative, but can be analysed as secondary or subsequent goals. The trials and difficulties that occurredin Felt Connection, as well as in the collaboration between Le Grand Cru and Walô, serve as a guideline of some of the issues that need to be addressed when working towards an increase in local creative production.
Openness to Other Influences As addressed in paragraph 2.6, isolation of traditional arts and culture can, in fact, threaten the continuation and evolution of these ancient traditions, as countries like Benin and Mongolia cannot escape the consequences of globalisation and the knowledge society. Outside influences, cultural exchanges and the introduction to contemporary concepts can lead to an innovative evolution of ethnic and traditional concepts and opportunities for local communities to hear their own “voice”. In Mongolia and Benin, this openness to other influences is an important feature of the approach; respecting and preserving traditional skills and knowledge, but applying them in new (global) contexts. As discussed in the next sections, this openness was experienced as very positive by the Mongolian and Beninese participants, which supports the arguments to avoid isolation of traditions and culture and also the idea that locally contextualised lifelong learning needs connections with the global context to make sense (see also paragraph 2.1).
8.2 Connecting Spaces of Learning
Chapter 3 addressed the contribution of education and learning to creating a context in which creative talent can flourish. I argued, in paragraph 3.2, that a key task of education is to support learners through a process of adaptive career-identity building and learning about, and experiencing, various aspects of their intended occupations. This process emphasises the self-management aspects of career management skills. I also argued in paragraph 2.1, referencing lifelong learning for development, that education and learning needs to be viewed as a process of social transformation, participation and identity, in addition to learning new skills and knowledge. Issues related to this argument also emerged in the two case studies. In the Felt Connection project, activities failed to clarify the project’s intentions and framing, therefore, interfering with most of the Mongolian participants’ career building, social transformation, participation, and identity learning
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processes. Walô-Le Grand Cru was more successful on all these accounts. The main strategy employed in both Felt Connection and in the collaboration between Le Grand Cru and Walô was the possibility of creative co-production in an intercultural collaboration. I argue that the explanation of how they end up with such different results can be found in the execution of these strategies.
Creative Co-Production in Design Cross-fertilisation and co-production are complicated even without intercultural or language barriers. For example, copyright issues arise: who has “designed” and who has produced? Can this distinction always be made? The attempt at creative co-production in Felt Connection was successful to a certain extent as it did create a chance for cross-fertilisation, rapport between the Mongolian and European participants, a better understanding of Mongolian traditions and their life circumstances, and feasibility of the production dependent on season, facilities, work space, and other responsibilities. As mentioned previously, the results from a professional development point of view were successful: new techniques, materials and approach to design was much welcomed by the design team and Mongolian participants alike, though a little less with the rural felt groups than Ulaanbaatar-based designers. For Mongolian participants there was no fear of hurting traditions, but only enthusiasm to incorporate new techniques and inspirations and its boost to the traditional felt industry, which they are very proud of. Canclini’s (1992) theory of cultural reconversion suggests that the two can co-exist. This also feeds back into my argument in paragraph 8.1 and 2.6 on openness to other influences. The activities in Felt Connection used the qualities of both traditional and contemporary approaches and created new and innovative ideas together.
The collaboration between Ulaanbaatar-based and rural-based participants was meant to connect traditional Mongolian felt making with the more refined felt-making techniques by artistically trained people. Even though strategies to improve this collaboration are worth exploring, findings in the UNIDO report (2007) suggest that it would also be wise to think about using the differences in skills and materials and dividing product line and designs accordingly. This is actually similar to the approach of Le Grand Cru and Walô who develop different performances (featuring different dancers) to cater to each audience and Penduka!, in which each producers work refers to their life story and is suited to their own particular talents and skills. Even with a moderately successful creative co-production, outcomes from cross-fertilisation in particular could have been more advantageous in connecting to European taste and trends and the market. The UNIDO report (2007) states that the human capital encountered in their studies showed creativity, curiosity, flexibility and a sense of design; however, confidence, interpersonal and networking skills need to be further developed. This relates to the emphasis on the self-management aspects of career management skills, which I address as one of the core values of career identity building in paragraph 3.2. Felt Connection failed
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to do that, due to the lack of connection between Mongolian traditions and contemporary concepts and forms – they failed to position the initiative within the intersection of Creative Industries, development, and learning. This left most Mongolian participants confused about the project’s intention and unaware of their own positions in terms of career identity, social transformation, and identity.
Future Improvements in Co-Production In a practice-related analysis of Felt Connection in view of the empirical data, the positioning within the intersection could be improved by visualisation (pictures, interior design magazines, “mood boards”) and by including issues relating to the European lifestyle and market in the presentations/ lectures. In addition, the importance of tradition in Mongolia may make it harder to understand the European culture of changing home decoration and replacing furniture and decorations every few years. It can be concluded from the experiences in Penduka! that direct contact with clients is important, both through local shops or through international visits. Cultural exchanges to Europe may have similar results and may be a useful additional strategy. Local sales of the design product line to tourists may also be worth exploring as it connects the producer/ designer closer and avoids issues, such as transport and distribution that are now problematic in Mongolia. In particular, design, knowledge, understanding and imagination of the market is necessary, but can be derived from similar experiences in DDiD. There is also a need to train local producers in how to collaborate with foreign partners (clients, distributors, designers). Additionally, there is a need for the Europeans/ design team to understand the Mongolian culture and background (in this case their symbolism used in designs, the meanings of their colour use, etc.), and also to be inspired by their designs and meanings and use them to make new products together. This way the products can be closer to Mongolian imagination and it also may be conducive for marketing/ sales techniques. These ideas clarify the position of the initiative in the intersection and, therefore, provide a more solid learning process for the participants.
Creative Co-Production in Dance In contrast, one of the main features of the collaboration between Le Grand Cru and Walô was the facilitation of the connection between collaborative partners and, as a result of this, the ability to bridge the gap between ethnic and traditional dances and contemporary dance to arrive at creative co-production. Le Grand Cru’s method of mapping and sampling is a proven technique and has already resulted in many successful co-productions. Their emphasis on cultural knowledge and understanding, their approach to collaboration and the mutual respect between Le Grand Cru and Walô is conducive to an open atmosphere in which creativity can flourish. These core values confirm my arguments in paragraph 2.1 and 2.6. Dancers who have received limited training in contemporary dance all agree it feels natural to them and are well aware of the differences between the styles. These dancers appear to be seamlessly using the new
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techniques in their own dancing and teaching and feel attracted to both approaches. In addition, they are able to voice what other aspects they are interested in learning, ranging from techniques (e.g. keeping balanced) to improvisation and interaction on stage, signalling a true understanding of the new concepts. The reaction from both local and international audiences to the Beninese-based performance also shows that the dancing appeals to both audiences, though there may be some differences in which scenes are more appreciated. Le Grand Cru’s approach is also heavily focussed on its different audiences, creating different combinations of choreographies for different audiences, therefore adapting to its target audience. All audiences are able contextualise the performances, while still being introduced to foreign concepts and other traditions, personal struggles, and cultural identities.
Rapport on the Creative Level In addition to these findings that can be related back to the theoretical framework, there is another issue that arose during field research: the rapport on the creative level was much more successful than on a production level in both case studies. The shared artistic vision, highly developed skills and refined techniques of the felt producers/ artists in Ulaanbaatar allowed for cross-fertilisation and resulted in innovative designs. The design team’s interaction in the rural areas focussed mostly on the production level and was not as successful. Similarly, the lack of Beninese participant knowledge regarding European dance and stages seemed to be of limited relevance. The physical connection with dance and music makes it possible to adopt new combinations and styles without necessarily knowing or understanding its history, concepts, or cultural references. However, in order to do this they were partially dependent on international collaboration and cultural exchange as a connection to these concepts. Although this was an unexpected finding, I argue that this creative rapport is not coincidental. Part of Le Grand Cru’s and Walô’s approach is that participation is dependent on creative talent, despite developmental or gender-related project goals, and the starting point of their performances is artistic quality. Artisans d’Angkor, Theatre Embassy and the Caine Prize have that same starting point. Therefore, I argue that the (relative) success of these initiatives suggests that creative rapport is an important feature in successful creative collaboration and co-production.
Intercultural Collaboration and Facilitation In paragraphs 3.2 and 3.3 I argue that the notions of formal, informal and non-formal education and learning are useful to gain insight into political and theoretical approaches to learning, the changing nature of work, and its context, power, and control. Separating them may cause them to become fixed and isolated from each other, and the integrated holistic way in which people learn could become lost (Colley et al 2003), i.e. the connection of the spaces of learning becomes more difficult. Given this, it can be concluded from the
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two case studies that facilitation of creative co-production is crucial. Analysis of both Felt Connection and Walô-Le Grand Cru suggests it is not sufficient to focus only on collaboration between developed and developing countries, but collaboration needs to be contextualised and facilitated. This is further supported by experiences of the Theatre Embassy. So-called South-South collaborations could be stimulated because of lack of language barriers, cultural recognition, and geographic location.
Le Grand Cru and Walô do this through cultural exchanges with Mali and Cuba and, originally, the aim of Felt Connection was to establish new contacts in Ulaanbaatar for the rural workplaces. The collaboration between Le Grand Cru and Walô runs comparatively smoothly, although Le Grand Cru has expressed the desire for more regular and continuous communication. Generally cultural differences (e.g. management style, long-term/ short-term perspective, religious issues) are well managed, but it does need to be maintained and further improved upon. Particularly as one of the goals of collaboration is to decrease the dependency on their collaboration and introduce sufficient skill and knowledge to group members of contemporary dance that allows them to continue creation independently. The role of Walô’s “directrice” is crucial within this partnership: her own international experience as well as her bridging role between European and Beninese culture and language make co-production possible. But this is not the whole story, as one of Le Grand Cru’s project coordinators states,
We have also worked really well and constructively with people that don’t have this experience. In the end, it is about people who have the same vision of life and society. Personally I believe in the recognition of soul mates, not constrained by geographical borders but transcending cultures. Collaboration only works when that recognition and chemistry is there; the basis of mutual trust and respect that overcomes cultural differences, which is therefore necessary and in equal measure from both parties. Whether or not western norms become leading should not be relevant; in this irrelevancy you recognise the power of people who are able to work in an intercultural setting.
These words support the argument that facilitation of the collaborative process (a mutually respectful relationship is not created out of thin air) is needed for the integrated and holistic manner in which people learn.
Learning Processes I argued in paragraph 3.3 that the Creative Industries needs a more holistic view on learning, one in which the individual and social levels of learning in working life are connected together and which also includes the emotional dimensions of the learning process (Illeris 2007). How did this arise in the two case studies?
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Cross-fertilisation was not a goal in itself for Felt Connection and neither was creative co-production nor Mongolian creative production. Despite the rapport that existed on the creative level, the previous analysis suggests that linking European and Mongolian designers/ artists is in itself insufficient to bridge the gap between Mongolian traditions and European contemporary design. Therefore, within the new intersection of creative design, economic development and learning a more extensive learning strategy is needed. In the collaboration between Le Grand Cru and Walô, cross-fertilisation and co-production was a goal in itself, and Le Grand Cru’s method of mapping and sampling combined with Walô management’s leadership was a sufficient strategy to bridge the gap between Benin and the Netherlands. What was interesting to see was that within the new intersection of performance-based industries, human development and learning, a more extensive learning strategy was employed: one that connected different spaces and levels of learning, facilitating the learning process and involved the participants in their own learning process. This supports my argument in paragraph 3.2 that it is of key importance that learning contexts are created across the learning spaces, even though our so-called “learning society” is not yet sufficiently mature for this to take place (Illeris 2007). When aiming to stimulate creativity, I also argued that learning needs to become a distributed system, dedicated to creativity, innovation, customises needs and networked across many sites (Hartley 2005), i.e. the learning spaces need to be connected (Illeris 2007). These arguments are further addressed below in the context of the two case studies.
Learning Processes in Felt Connection The view on “education” in Felt Connection was limited to lectures/ presentations covering relevant topics such as quality demands in Europe, measurements, pricing, distribution, the European interest in “cradle-to- cradle” production, and colouring workshops, which combined group presentations and hands-on work. In Felt Connection the lectures/ presentations (colouring), as well as the production processes, took a top- down approach and were very limited in Mongolian input (their own creative work, technical skills, traditional techniques, use of symbols, decorative taste, etc). This was partly due to a lack of preparation and lack of knowledge of the design team about the Mongolian situation and work processes, and limited time for research, but also due to lack of initiative in this by the Mongolian participants. The intention in Felt Connection was that all designers would make predefined products/ designs, experiment with the Mongolian group within clear boundaries (with direct product application in mind), and “teach”/ transfer knowledge, guiding the Mongolian group into producing straight away. The problem with this approach is that the facilitation of the learning process and the product development are expected of the same people, which not only interferes with the design team’s own informal learning process, but also does not make the most of the collaboration or do justice to individuals’ creative process. This argument is supported by Brookfield who
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states that facilitators need more time to reorganise their work as facilitation and need training to prepare for (facilitating) self-directed learning (1986, 81-84).
Within the group process and collaboration the learning that took place “happened” through interaction and learning-by-doing and constituted forms of peer group learning, experiential learning and workplace learning, all of which was intended by Felt Connection initiators. Mongolian participants were positive about their professional development outcomes (e.g. new materials, “new” colouring techniques, design approach described as a “breath of fresh air”) and about the forms of learning (described as “an exchange” instead of top-down). But the results of these informal learning processes were restricted due to limited time, large and diverse groups, lack of communication/ language barriers, etc. The project initiators and participants felt that the informal learning processes would benefit from a small-scale approach: smaller groups, direct linking of Europeans and Mongolians, more intensive collaboration within these connections and some designated time to research the local situation and to experiment together. In addition to this, I argue that although informal learning through cultural exchange may be beneficial for creative input and the so-called “breath of fresh air” that allows Mongolians to look at their work anew and find new inspiration, it is not sufficient for Mongolia to become producers of cultural needs. Once more, to do this it is necessary to gain insight into the intersection; something that was not the case in Felt Connection, as previously noted. A lack of understanding of the products and their application, an inability to “read” the drawings, which visualised the designs (patterns, type of stitching, etc) and not the product itself or its application, and a lack of knowledge of the meaning and purpose of the design fairs illustrates that the informal learning process did not provide sufficient insight into the intersection.
Even when informal learning remains the focal point, I make the case that gaining insight into this intersection can be improved by connecting different forms and levels of formal, informal and tailor-made learning, in which each space of learning (Illeris 2007) addresses different parts of the intersection. This is in agreement with my arguments in paragraph 3.2 and 3.3 regarding the holistic way people learn and the need for learning contexts to be created across learning spaces (Illeris 2007). I argue that this will allow participants to build a coherent framework in which all new information, skills and understanding can be placed and put to use. This will also will give projects operating in this intersection a more recognised identity, credibility and position within a Mongolian or international context. As stated previously, this is needed for learners to become aware of their own positions in terms of career identity, career self- management skills, social transformation, political participation and other issues related to lifelong learning. Also regarding workplace learning, as argued in paragraph 3.3, building a portfolio of work, creating career networks, specialist training or unpaid internships all benefit young creatives in their protean career and the
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building of a career identity. In this, a strong connection to the workplace is important for the creative workforce.
Continuing with the analysis on learning processes in Felt Connection, in line with the previous argument on connecting to the workplace, I also argue for a connection to non-formal learning, which can be carried out through local institutions and initiatives (e.g. Khustai Nuruu National Park, UNDP, local arts and culture scene) for classroom activities and new links with relevant professional groups that may be dealing with similar issues to make the educational purposes less diffuse. Entries into the formal system can be complicated as institutions dealing with felt making in Mongolia are close-knit communities, in which tradition and history predefine roles and possibilities. Initiatives operating in a new intersection should not be confused with these communities, but have their own status. However, disregarding these completely may not be wise either, as they are powerful players in the field and have experience and facilities. I therefore argue, based on reflection of the case study, that entries into the formal education system could be more individually-based, through working with students, teachers, collaborating with university exhibitions; they don’t necessarily need to be felt-making institutions and activities do not need to be part of their classroom activities or curriculum. Extra-curricular activities may be more suitable and can avoid getting caught up in power issues and historical bonds, while still making use of institutions facilities, networks, and expertise. Recent developments with regarding initiatives and interests in the Creative Industry at the University of Arts and Culture combined with opportunities through Mongolian non-formal education policies make such connections more feasible. This argument is in line with Leadbeater’s (1998, cited in Hartley 2005) analysis that learning is a distributed system – not an institutionalised system – dedicated to creativity, customised needs, networked across many sites and with lively interaction between the programme and its context.
Learning Processes in Benin On the topic of learning and education, I previously found that the activities in the collaboration between Le Grand Cru and Walô constituted a successful integration and connection of different forms of formal, non- formal, and informal learning, in which each has its own role and position in a broader setting. Activities are part of a structured, though flexible programme. The vision and goals of the project are integrated in all learning activities, teaching style, didactics skills, management of the group, the thematic narrative, etc. Le Grand Cru and Walô ensure that the vision they want to carry out is not only expressed in words but also in (their own) actions.
Le Grand Cru involves specialised professionals for different parts of the project (e.g. management training, didactic skills, light design, and technical training). These professionals are connected to education
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institutions, self-employed consultants (non-formal), and/ or to the field of performance-based arts (informal). Through intensive guidance of professional people, who also support and reaffirm the vision of Le Grand Cru, the learners can make huge progress in limited time although the fragmented nature of the project activities remains problematic. Project organisers and teachers are constantly evaluating and adapting their approach depending on effects and circumstances. Learning strategies and activities are focussed on interaction and learning-by-doing; forms of learning include peer-group learning, experiential, and workplace learning. Instruments used are contact improvisation, (dance) instruction/ movement analysis, workshops, lectures (about management and technical skills), teaching supervision and (peer) evaluation, rehearsals, and the themes of the performance itself. Through the interconnection of different teaching and learning styles and the integration of formal, informal and non-formal learning, all learning activities are strengthened and reaffirmed by the other learning activities.
I argue that this strategy is appropriate for the variety of goals (ranging from artistic development to personal development and from management skills to international collaboration), but do agree that, due to limited time and logistical issues, there are limits to what can be accomplished. The focus on group and peer learning can also be placed within these limitations as these can lead to “group-think” (Janis 1982). There may be other strategies that are more conducive for individual development and growth and the learner’s own input into their learning process. I suggest that, in a more complex and dynamic context, the facilitator needs to create a learning climate that reduces competition and, in particular, encourages participants to speak freely (van der Veen 2002). But this is easier said than done: in the Walô–Le Grand Cru project activities, participant input in one’s own learning process is welcomed and stimulated, but not always successful. Also, some group members are reached better than others; finding ways to improve this remain a struggle. In line with the problems with the fragmented activities is the dependence on continuous guidance for the future of the project. The goals of the collaboration are very ambitious and hard to accomplish, so in order to meet all the targets and goals, more professional guidance and involvement of external people are continuously required. However, this should not take away from the fact that major progress is being made within very limited means. I also argue that it is not necessarily with more guidance this upward trend will continue.
8.3 Accommodative and Transformative Learning
In paragraph 3.4, I argued that within the context of the creative workforce in developing countries, we are dealing with the so-called “low-skilled”. I argued that to create a context in which talent can flourish, we need to look at people and institutions that focus on the individual within a group and approach their
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learning process accordingly to allow people-at-risk to find their personal way out and that learning goals in this environment are often concerned with accommodative (Piaget 1980; Nissen 1970) and transformative processes (Mezirow 1999), particularly in a developing context. I suggest that the main issue that arises from these transformative learning processes in developing contexts are the barriers to learning that are connected to the “low-skilled” (Illeris 2006). These transformative learning processes and subsequent barriers for low-skilled learners can be identified strongly in the Benin case and to a lesser extent in the Mongolian case.
In both the Mongolian and Beninese case studies, the majority of participants could be classified as “low- skilled”. In Mongolia, all participants had been educated, in some cases to a tertiary level and none of the participants were illiterate. However, they could be described as low-skilled in the sense that they have a recognised education, but the skills they have are not in demand, i.e. insufficient knowledge of what is needed to enter into European markets. In Benin, some participants had received education, even to a tertiary level, but the majority were uneducated in the sense of the traditional low-skilled group, i.e. adult early school leavers who have not participated in, or completed any, formal qualifying education or training, and are often illiterate and innumerate. The UNIDO report (2007) also states that few of the creative class encountered in their research has advanced education, and cites Florida (2000, cited in UNIDO 2007) to further support the statement that members of the Creative Industries need not be highly educated to be successful. Training methods and approaches to knowledge transfer do need to be adapted (UNIDO 2007), but as I have argued, it is additionally important to pay attention to barriers to learning (Illeris 2004). This is further discussed in chapter 9.
Transformative Learning in Benin In the Benin case study, the sections on the participants’ perspectives and the analysis showed that the project activities had an enormous effect on the participants’ every day lives and identity formation. When asked about learning effects, the majority of participants mentioned generic skills and confidence issues: “the ability to look someone in the eyes when they enter my house”, “the confidence to stand in front of a class room”, “to be able to communicate”, “to be able to focus”, “to dance the lead role”. Despite these major changes, the extent of cultural change (female empowerment, own initiative, responsibility and self- investment, didactic style, etc) aimed for in this project will need to be long-term goals as they are too ambitious to all be met in the short-term. The female participants may be able to communicate better, but do not yet have the powerful presence that “la directrice” envisioned for them. And while male and female participants may have learned more responsibility and initiative, the risk remains that people return to being lethargic once project activities finish. Significant changes in such internalised cultural truths do not usually
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occur within a few years. In addition to these social transformations, career identity issues arise: in Benin, dance is not considered a career option and many dancers (particularly, but not exclusively, the women) had to struggle with their families to be “allowed” to participate in the project. Receiving payment for their work and the vision of them performing created more acceptance from their environment. Extended family and friends were also proud to see their family and friends perform in such an innovative performance. In a developing context like Benin, the freedom to choose a protean career, the freedom for an artist to follow their own intrinsic motivations for work, is harder to come by. Hall (2004, 10) argues that adaptation is easier than identity change, while both are needed in equal measure for a successful career in the creative workforce. However, these changes do not occur easily; they are part of a larger transformation. “Transformative learning is learning that transforms problematic frames of reference – sets of fixed assumptions and expectations (habits of mind, meaning perspectives, mindsets) – to make them more inclusive, discriminating, open, reflective and emotionally able to change” (Mezirow 2003, 58).
The goals and visions of the project activities in Benin illustrate that successful participation in creative development initiatives necessitate the redevelopment of existing frameworks and the redefinition of identities of a number of participants; such initiatives requires these people to look at the world anew and let go of their existing truths. On this, van der Veen (2002) argues that a complex and dynamic environment triggers a form of creative and transformative learning that leads to the re-organisation of known facts and arguments. This can be a response to an externally imposed disorientating dilemma. I argue that, in the Benin case, the project activities (unlike anything they have experienced before) can be that externally imposed disorientating dilemma for the dancers. I further posit that dance, or creativity, is a very powerful tool in these identity transformations and is used to accomplish this through exercises like contact improvisation, stimulation of self-expression and improvisation, traditional gender role reversals, etc, possibly making it generate larger and quicker effects. I also argue that connection and integration of different learning spaces (as addressed in paragraph 8.2) was another tool to ensure that effects spread out through everyday life, work, education, etc (see also van Beilen et al, 2007).
Barriers to Learning This transformation may be an improvement on the current situation of the participants, but such a change is often a very painful process as people let go of previous identities and face major changes in their perception of the world (Illeris 2007). This is argued by Mezirow to be part of transformative learning: “Taken-for-granted frames of reference include fixed interpersonal relationships, political orientations, occupational habits of minds, religious doctrine, moral-ethical norms, psychological preferences and schema, paradigms in science and mathematics, frames in linguistics and social sciences, and aesthetic
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values and standards” (2003, 59). Not everybody able to do this as this process very much depends on age, personal situation, personality, courage, etc. (see also Illeris 2007). Those that are able to may not do so without having to overcome major obstacles of a personal nature and also of their direct environment that resists this change.
Transformative Learning in Mongolia Issues concerning accommodative and transformative learning were not voiced by the participants in Felt Connection the same way as in Benin. However, as argued by Markos and McWhinney the current interest and development of transformative education includes “the gap between rich and poor, have and have-not and north and south, highlighting systemic needs for educational processes to stem life-threatening disease, famine, and ecological shifts, and global needs for social change” (2003, 5), all of which are present in these project activities. As I have previously argued, there was a visible gap between cultural traditions and contemporary concepts and forms in the project activities of Felt Connection, causing confusion for many participants (Mongolians and Dutch) about their role, the project’s intentions, and the anticipated outcomes. Taylor argues that intercultural competence is a transformative process, altering one’s perspective to understand and accommodate the demands of the host culture (1994, 156). As argued, how the connection between collaborative partners is facilitated is crucial in order for creative co-production to be truly successful. This also applies to transformative learning processes.
Also, as this project is dealing with the so-called “low-skilled”, I suggest, because barriers to learning are implicated in being “low-skilled” (Illeris 2006), that it is feasible that barriers to learning are present. The Mongolian participants are better classified in Illeris’s second group, which is concerned with people who have a recognised (vocational) education, but possess skills that are not in demand. The attitude of this group is often ambivalent: they know further education will improve their chances, but at the same time strongly wish this was not the case so they can continue on as before (Illeris 2003b, 2003c, cited in Illeris 2006, 18). Therefore, I argue that their learning defence is expressed through a threatened career identity, i.e. it can take the form of “identity defence”, which is mobilised in situations where we feel our identity threatened (e.g. clinging to a previous career identity when “forced” to retrain) (Illeris 2004). Although most participants were enthusiastic about learning new skills and their professional development, there were also many Mongolian people who refrained from participation. Also, participation was perceived as an exchange and, particularly in the rural areas, there was some reluctance to produce new designs. Sometimes the people who do not participate are the most interesting group: why not? Possibly it was only due to lack of payment, but possibly also reluctance to retrain. My research findings did not identify this issue, but it would be worth exploring if refusal to retrain was also due to barriers to learning.
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8.4 Research Questions Readdressed
What factors in (inter)national policies and contexts influence these initiatives? Mongolia’s first steps in developing a Creative Industries policy is the expression of the wish to become producers of cultural needs and the development of Mongolian creative and product skills. Isolation of traditional arts and culture can threaten the continuation and evolution of ancient traditions, particularly as countries like Benin and Mongolia cannot escape the consequences of globalisation and the knowledge society. Outside influences, cultural exchanges and the introduction to contemporary concepts can lead to an innovative evolution of ethnic and traditional concepts. When cross-fertilization and co-production are used as strategies, copyright becomes an issue and needs to be addressed.
What educational concepts and learning strategies are used in its specific development context? Within the new intersection of creative design, economic development and learning, an extensive learning strategy is needed: one that connects different spaces and levels of learning facilitating the learning process, and involves the participants in their own learning process. Illeris’s (2007) holistic model of workplace learning can be applied by educational initiatives in their efforts to support learners through a process of career identity building, and also in learning about, and experiencing, various aspects of intended occupations in their chosen field. Findings in the Benin case study, in particular, suggest that transformative learning processes occur in these creative development initiatives, and both in Benin and Mongolia learners were “low-skilled”. Creative development initiatives, therefore, need to develop strategies that address learning defence and resistance.
What are the institutional and organisational implications? In both Benin and Mongolia the possibility of creative co-production in an intercultural collaboration was the main strategy. The facilitation of the connection between collaborative partners and, as a result of this, the ability to bridge the gap between ethnic and traditional dances and contemporary dance for creative co- production is important. Cultural knowledge and understanding, an intercultural approach to collaboration and mutual respect between partners is conducive to an open atmosphere in which creativity can flourish. Analysis also suggests that creative rapport is an important feature in successful creative collaboration and co-production. This is also linked to artistic talent. Therefore, the professional facilitation of creative co- production is crucial.
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What do participants in these initiatives need in terms of learning? The intersection of creativity, development and learning is still unknown; this caused many of the Mongolian participants to be confused about the project’s intentions. They need to build a coherent framework of the different activities in order to get insight into this complicated intersection and to be able to benefit from, and take ownership of, it.
How can they be involved in its design? The facilitator needs to create a learning climate that reduces competition and particularly encourages participants to speak freely (van der Veen 2002). Evaluation and peer-group learning are powerful tools to involve learners; however, it can also lead to “group-think” (Janis 1982) – the individual development and growth and learner’s own input into their learning process may need to be addressed differently. Some group members are reached better than others; finding ways to improve this remain a struggle and needs to be addressed.
How can initiatives contribute to social and economic improvement? Learning effects included professional development (skills development) and an increase in confidence that had direct effects in everyday life. This has opened up more opportunities for learners to assess their quality of life. However, operational difficulties, lack of policies and facilities, disconnection of learning spaces, as well as limitations in addressing barriers to learning, does limit this contribution and can be improved.
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9 Conclusion and Recommendations
In chapter 5, I first used quantitative data from UNCTAD in order to sketch an overview of the state of the Creative Industries in different regions in the world. This enabled an initial inventory of case studies suitable for further research. I argued that this broader policy context is required to gain insight into the way creative development initiatives operate (institutional level) and how it affects learner’s outcomes (individual level). Issues that are raised in the inventory case studies, the comparative case studies and in the description and analysis of the in-depth case studies are related back to this broader policy context and to issues raised in the literature review in chapters 2 and 3. This all leads to the first research outcome of this thesis: the practice-related outcome, which will be presented as a frame of reference for the operation of creative development initiatives.
After the analysis in chapter 8, a pressing question remains: what are the broad implications for learning and education, and the Creative Industries in a developing context? This chapter provides as overview of these implications and finalises the contribution to academic debate that was started in the analysis in chapter 8, particularly regarding the issues of transformative learning, the gap between traditions and contemporary concept, and the connection of learning spaces. Literature addressed in chapters 2 and 3, and the staged analysis of chapters 5, 6, 7 and 8 will be integrated. Practice-related outcomes are also invoked in the academic debate. As such, this chapter also integrates theoretical and practical implications.
9.1 Practice-Related Outcomes
More opportunities can be created or opportunities could be better utilised when the activities analysed in chapter 8 are contextualised; there are developmental issues, learning issues and artistic issues which could benefit from a connected, integrated framework. Additionally, when learning is viewed as a tool for finding a personal way out of a socially or economic problematic situation, there is a need to explore what the participants in these development initiatives need in terms of learning, how they view the process and to what extent they are involved in their own learning process. How can this be accomplished? An analysis of this intersection on a policy, programme and learner’s level is included below; it is based on desk-research, in-depth case studies, and reviewed literature. Please note that this is not a framework or model, but merely a frame of reference. The three levels are grounded by the assumption that in order to gain a holistic perspective one needs to be able to address all three levels and be able to move between them.
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This section sketches a general map of the intersection between the Creative Industries, development, and learning. As noted, these conclusions have been derived from literature review, quantitative data, inventory case studies, comparative case and the two in-depth case studies in Benin and Mongolia. Although it gives a useful broad overview of a previously unexplored intersection, this is by no means the full story. As stated in paragraph 5.6, no two projects are the same; some are not even similar to one another. Still, they all deal with creative talent in a developing context. Tailor-made approaches are crucial to fit in with the target audience as well as the (local) context of the initiatives. As stated, how to make that talent flourish in those challenging circumstances is one of the most important questions for the qualitative research in this study. Two of these tailor-made approaches were studied more extensively. Through this more extensive study, two additional main issues concerned with learning processes in creative development initiatives were identified that are further explored in paragraph 9.2 and 9.3 and form the contribution to academic debate.
Policy Level Creative development initiatives do not take place in an isolated setting, but have equal access to socio- environmental and cultural resources to create openness to other influences without losing their “own voice” (cultural citizenship) (Venturelli 2005). They are positioned in an inter-ministerial setting which calls for innovative multidisciplinary policy measures in order to address multi-dimensional objectives (Cunningham et al 2008a). These would include the removal of obstacles for trade and export, safeguarding cultural heritage and diversity, and enhancing social inclusion. Cultural policies are a key element for enhancing the creative economy. Creative development initiatives incorporate a new mix of public/ private partnerships (Cunningham 2008) and create opportunities for micro-credit to meet individual needs (Cunningham et al 2008a). Furthermore, they bring together a range of sectors that have not been previously linked with each other (Cunningham et al 2008a), and deal with critical issues relating to the labour market and mobility (UNCTAD 2010). Finally, the development debate should extend beyond physical access to technologies and include local content creation, as drawn from Finding a Voice.
In addition to funding opportunities, as drawn from initiatives, such as Theatre Embassy and Le Grand Cru- Walô (among others), international collaboration is an important factor for (local) networking and status. Within international collaboration, mutual commitment (financial, coordination, time, or otherwise) is crucial. South-South partnerships should be stimulated because of lack of language barriers, cultural recognition and geographic location, as shown through the examples of the Theatre Embassy. International collaboration should be constructed in a constant dialogue and intercultural communication14.
14 Personal communication, F. de Geus, artistic director Le Grand Cru
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Programme Level
Context Interventions that take a holistic approach (i.e. promotion of cultural aesthetics, training and workshops, research and development, and a connection to the market) and include a social policy and/ or operate as an association create further commitment and loyalty in its participants, and self-sustainability. This is also a strong brand position for export purposes, particularly when products are unique, reflect the creator’s identity and are tailor-made. Also, education needs to inspire a “yearning for learning” and learning is a distributed system – not an institutionalised system – dedicated to creativity, innovation, customised needs, and networked across many sites. There is lively interaction between the programme and its context. The project is targeted at one or more disciplines without losing sight of the links with the broader sector of the Creative Industries and the programme should, when possible, create connections or integrate tourism purposes.
Target group Interventions are directed at a wide range of societal groups and ages: current practitioners of one (or more) of the Creative Industries, but also the low-educated, minority groups, and socially excluded to offer them new skills and opportunities of expressing their own voice.
Strategies Interventions can engage in lifelong learning strategies by connecting different spaces of learning and tailor- made learning trajectories in order to navigate through a portfolio-career, characterised by self-employment, clusters and collaborative agreements, and alternative distribution networks. Strategies are tailor-made to fit the local context and scope of project. Accreditation of prior learning is important. The approach is to be based on participant’s previous knowledge, and strategies are based on local needs and use existing resources. Education has a role in consolidating knowledge, exchanges, and experience. Also, the educative method is characterised by interaction and connecting thoughts and action. Interventions adopt innovative ways of teaching and learning, such as social learning, situated learning, experiential learning, and peer group learning without neglecting knowledge-oriented ways of learning. Furthermore, educators must stimulate the public debate by taking up the role as facilitator. The most crucial element is the division of responsibility between teacher and learner. Training is carried out by professional trainers and training- the trainer is part of the overall approach. Finally, strategies include extended services, such as technical knowledge.
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Participants Creative talent remains the most important qualification for participation. Contact between participants is stimulating and instigates valuable and innovative creative production and interventions give learners control over their own learning process in which people can pursue opportunities through self-expression and creative production.
Organisation The programme is carried out within public/ private partnerships, (local) institutional networks (including financial institutions), and collaborative agreements. Programmes can take the form of matchmaking organisations. Different organisational models can be explored: network organisation, different partners, new ways to link and connect with others, use intermediaries, etc. There is a core team around the key person/ local leader. There is collaboration with the local population – local partnerships. Local recognition is important for creative production. Organisation is characterised by professional approach and coordination. Participation of learners in monitoring and evaluation helps to prevent ineffective or inappropriate programmes.
Learner’s Level
Learner’s outcomes Creative Industries can be a catalyst in boosting self-confidence, a sense of personal identity and positive personal growth. In that way, self-expression and creative production can lead to (increased) social and political participation, social involvement and the recognition of different identities (active citizenship). (International) appreciation of creative production can also lead to more confidence, pride, stability, and the ability to help others. Artists have a role in social cohesion, as a role model for youth, and in connecting others.
There are a number of strategies to combat the constraints faced by cultural enterprises/ entrepreneurs: the first strategy includes creative skills, values, and competences (product development skills and continuous monitoring and design). The second strategy includes skills, values and competences for (self) employment and income generation. These are specialisation and professionalism; long-term strategies; business and managerial skills (project development, marketing, communication); information and awareness of context (e.g. entrepreneurial environment, global digital networks; and knowledge on copyright issues and the role of the internet. In addition these skills, values and competences include change of contracts/ legal arrangements; technological infrastructure and traditional media policy; and market and audience
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development, local as well as (inter)national. Finally, future entrepreneurs need confidence; better knowledge on how to collaborate with (international) partners; access to international markets; knowledge about the point-of-sale of products (e.g. look and feel of local shop/ stage/ people’s homes); financial opportunities (creating access to capital and micro-finance); and knowledge of (alternative) distribution networks.
Learner’s outcomes need to include the ability to form public/ private partnerships, institutional networks, connections to intermediaries, the use of clusters and (informal) collaborative agreements, and collaboration with local population. Finally, the ability to create connections with tourism is important.
9.2 Implications for Learning and Education
To begin with we must take note of the characteristics of the creative sectors, such as small firms, self- employment, informal agreements and clusters, and the mix of market and state. Obstacles for the Creative Industries in developing countries include lack of investment, lack of entrepreneurial skills and inadequate infrastructure to support the growth of the Creative Industries (UNCTAD 2008a). Creative development initiatives need to consider copyright issues, distribution issues, public and private finances and the opportunities of digital networks, and make use of networks and partnerships, and sub-sectoral strengths and weaknesses (UNCTAD 2008a; Oakley 2004; Oakley 2006; Wallis 2008; Cunningham et al 2008a; Fleming 2008). Knowledge of these issues and specific policies on an (inter)national level in order to improve national circumstances are crucial for the creative workforce to be able to operate in this new reality, particularly in developing countries where these are often lagging behind.
Gap between Traditions and (Foreign) Contemporary Concepts Additionally I argue, based on my empirical research (see also paragraph 8.3), that there is another issue for the creative workforce in developing countries that needs focussing on: for those programmes that are interested in producing cultural needs for export purposes (in the form of sales, performances, or otherwise), the most important challenge in a developing context is to bridge the gap between traditions and (foreign) contemporary concepts. I argue that cultural exchanges and international collaboration are good strategies to bridge this gap, but need proper facilitation to be successful. An interesting factor in both the Mongolian and the Benin case study was that within intercultural collaboration the rapport on the creative level was stronger and more successful than on a production level. This is a starting point for a successful (international) collaboration and a point to build on for future initiatives. Cultural exchanges and intercultural collaboration may easily provide insight into local situations; however, it is not sufficient to simply join people
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together and count on creative rapport to enable programme participants to gain insight into all aspects of becoming producers of cultural needs. How the connection between collaborative partners is facilitated is crucial in order for creative co-production to be truly successful.
Connecting Learning Spaces A strong connection to the workplace is important for the creative workforce to learn how to manage their protean careers. Building a portfolio of work, creating career networks, following specialist training or unpaid internships all benefit young creatives in their protean career and contribute to the building of a career identity (Bridgstock 2011). An individual goes through a series of learning cycles (Hall 2004); a concept connected to the idea of the learning society (Jarvis 2007). I argue that in our so-called learning society, a challenge for the Creative Industries is for education and learning to contribute to creating a context where talent can flourish. Each learning space has some learning opportunities at its disposal and it is of key importance that learning contexts are created across the learning spaces; however, our so-called “learning society” is not yet sufficiently mature for this to take place (Illeris 2007). When aiming to stimulate creativity, merely expanding the formal education system is not the answer. Learning needs to become a distributed system – not an institutionalised system – dedicated to creativity, innovation, customised needs and networked across many sites – that is, the learning spaces need to be connected (Leadbeater 1998 in Hartley 2005, 4). Based on experiences in Felt Connection, I argue that it is not sufficient to combine the different activities and expect to generate results, the different forms of learning need to be truly connected for it to generate a coherent framework for participants. This is also reflected in Illeris’s model of workplace learning (2007) and in van Beilen et al (2007) where it was concluded that educational interventions in a sustainable developing context engage in lifelong learning strategies by connecting different forms and spaces of learning, creating (local) partnerships with (cultural and non-cultural) institutions, tailor-making learning trajectories, recognising prior learning and adopting innovative ways of teaching and learning without losing attention to knowledge-oriented ways of learning. Though the notions of formal, informal and non-formal education and learning are useful to gain insight in political and theoretical approaches to learning, due to the changing nature of work, and its context, power and control, separating them may cause them to become fixed and isolated from each other, so the integrated holistic way in which people learn becomes lost – the connection of the spaces of learning becomes more difficult. Each space of learning needs to address a number of issues of the intersection in order for the participants to build a coherent framework in which all new information, skills and understanding can be placed and put to use. As also stated in van Beilen et al (2007), a more holistic view on learning is, therefore, needed where the individual and social levels of learning in working life are connected together and which also includes the emotional dimensions of the learning process (Illeris 2007).
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Although this thesis has used Illeris’s holistic view of learning, as it is the most suitable in the context of the creative workforce in developing countries, I do argue that Illeris's concept of emotion is rather narrow: it links emotion to motivation to learn, which has been a focal point in this thesis as well. Though important, motivation to learn is a limited view, connected only to barriers of learning this may invoke and transformational learning processes. It is not linked to ideas of creative thinking or self-expression, which is a limitation particularly when “creativity” is such an important value and learning outcome in these initiatives. Further exploration into learning processes in creative development initiatives can make use of broader approaches that define emotion as social-emotional intelligence (for instance Goleman 1995) or authentic, intuitive knowledge (for instance Dirkx 1997), particularly as this concept of authentic, intuitive knowledge is closely connected with creativity.
Professional Facilitation When connecting the informal learning process of learning-by-doing, peer-group learning, workplace learning and situated learning with non-formal learning and entries into the formal learning system, a professional facilitator – bilingual and preferably local – is needed to gain optimal results from the connections (Brookfield 1986). A good example was the role of la directrice of Compagnie Walô in the collaboration between Le Grand Cru and Walô. Professional facilitation, targeted at people’s own input, would also allow participants more say in their own learning process. Bennell (1999, 38) notes that people in a developing context manage their own process of skill development through their own efforts. NGOs or interventions need to provide the support that enables them to take responsibility for diagnosing their own problems and developing appropriate solutions (39). However, I argue that this does not mean that learners should be their own “teachers”, or that facilitators should solely rely on peer-group learning, or for learners to be their own facilitators. Facilitators need time to reorganise their work as facilitation and need training to prepare for (facilitating) self-directed learning, which leads to the conclusion that not everyone can be a facilitator (Brookfield 1986, 81-84). Thus, facilitation cannot be left to chance but needs sufficient preparation and pre-determined roles. Therefore, I also argue that learning and education, and in particular, the way these are carried out (facilitation) are crucial in the process of bridging the gap between traditions and contemporary concepts.
The project activities of Le Grand Cru and Walô illustrate these points. These activities connected different spaces and levels of learning, facilitated the learning process and involved the participants in their own learning. This approach to learning also bridged the gap between traditions and contemporary forms, partly because it builds on rapport at the creative level. This supports my previous argument that professional facilitation and connection of learning spaces are crucial to bridge the gap. In addition, I argue that this
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will give projects operating in this intersection a more recognised identity, credibility and position within an (inter)national context, as supported by findings in the case studies Artisan’s d’Angkor and Penduka! Although the connection of learning spaces may be a generic educational issue, I suggest that it is especially true for the creative workforce, which benefits from learning in a distributed system (Hartley 2005, 4) and a close connection to the workplace (Bridgstock 2011). From a developing context, this is also a valuable observation: often the focus of education in developing countries lies on the formal education system (Zeelen et al 2010), a factor that may not be conducive to the flourishing of creative talent when taking into account Hartley’s (2005, 4) recommendation for learning as a distributed system. To reiterate, I therefore argue that the emphasis on the connection of different spaces of learning is crucial.
The question remains to what extent such learning processes do manage to bridge the gap and allow for people to be producers of cultural needs, but it would be a stepping stone for those individuals who are searching for their personal way in. There will always be limits to what extent the connection of different spaces of learning and facilitation manages to involve learners in their own learning process. When learning outcomes are connected to personal development, empowerment and identity construction of people, this often means learning processes become transformative learning.
Transformative Learning Processes I posit that the connection of different spaces of learning is important particularly when dealing with the so- called low-skilled. A prominent risk for many developing countries is that there are many people with great creative talent, but with very limited education, know-how, skills, or access to the market (due to life circumstances, living location, limited technology, or other) whom may never be able to make the most of their talent. Although this is also the case in developed countries, this challenge is larger in developing countries. As addressed previously, obstacles for Creative Industries in developing countries are lack of investment, lack of entrepreneurial skills and inadequate infrastructure (UNCTAD 2008a). In most developing countries there are high levels of illiteracy (UNDP 2010) and high levels of early school leavers (Zeelen et al 2010). The results from my empirical research and the quantitative data collected by UNCTAD (2010) suggest that there is a very limited focus on creativity in the formal education sector and even less so in official informal and non-formal education programmes. Also, policy makers mostly focus their attention on preservation of cultural heritage and less so on the development of the Creative Industries, although this focus is shifting, such as in Mongolia. I therefore argue that artists in developing countries mostly need to fend for themselves and conducive elements for the Creative Industries in many of these countries are limited. Challenging circumstances in developing countries (poverty, lack of safety, lack of welfare facilities,
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gender inequalities, etc [UNDP 2010]) cause people to not have the “luxury” of being able to follow a protean career as their survival takes precedence over their intrinsic motivations.
When looking at what kind of people and institutions we must entrust the mission to create a context in which talent can flourish, we need to look at projects that focus on the individual within a group and approach their learning process accordingly to allow people-at-risk to find their personal way out (van der Kamp and Pot 1999). As stated previously, a crucial element of Illeris’s model of workplace learning is that it allows room for both rational and emotional elements of individuals that are involved in learning, as well as individual psychological phenomena like blockings, distortions, defence, resistance and similar factors (Illeris 2004), which are particularly relevant when the goal of a learning environment is accommodative or transformative learning. Within the notion of the protean career the issue arises that adaptation seems to be easier than identity change, while both are needed equally required for the protean careerists/ creative worker (Hall 2004). I argue that educational initiatives need to support learners through a process of career- identity building (Meijers 1998), as well as in learning about and experience various aspects of intended occupations in their chosen work field (Bridgstock 2005). Based on the results from my empirical research, that the goal of this learning environment often asks for the redevelopment of existing frameworks and the redefinition of identities of a great number of participants; it requires these people to look at the world anew and let go of their existing truths. Through accommodative learning (Piaget 1980; Nissen 1970), people restructure already established schemes of thinking, while transformative learning (Mezirow 1999) is more far-reaching in nature and concerns the learning that takes place when a large number of schemes are reorganised simultaneously and with relation to cognitive, emotional and social dimensions of learning at the same time (Illeris 2007, 41-47). Exploration of creative talent is a very powerful tool in these identity transformations, as was supported by participant’s reflections in the Benin case study. As argued by McWhinney and Markos (2003, 33) one of the goals of emancipatory education is social transformation: some learners transform by using new forms of rote learning; others deepen their engagement into a personal transformation.
A transformation may be an improvement on the current situation of the participants, as it was in Benin, but such a change is often a very painful process as people are letting go of previous identities and are facing major changes in their perception of the world (Illeris 2007). Not only is everybody not able to do so, but also those that are able to may not do so without having to overcome major obstacles of a personal nature and also of their direct environment that resists this change (Illeris 2007). In fact, based on findings in the Benin case study, there is often a mixture within a group of learners of accommodative and transformative learning, as the different backgrounds and previously learned skills accommodate the new skills and
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personal development. In addition, all participants enter the process with a different degree of readiness for change, which may not have been recognised sufficiently in transformative learning theory (Taylor 1994, 169).
As argued by van der Kamp and Pot (1998), there is a need to look at the individual within a group and approach their learning process accordingly. Recognising someone’s personal struggles (and degree of readiness to change) and facilitating transformative learning processes are therefore an important factor in the intersection of the Creative Industries, development and learning, particularly in initiatives that envision human development goals, like empowerment, participation, and cultural heritage. There will always be limits to what extent such learning processes do manage to make major changes in a country, but it would be a stepping stone for those individuals who are searching for their personal way out. In line with this, I suggest that one of the challenges of creative development initiatives is to overcome the learning defences and resistances (Illeris 2007) that are invoked by accommodative and transformative learning processes. For this, the task of the teacher must go far beyond the traditional concept of teaching: one must make active use of participant’s own experiences, and evaluation and monitoring must be chosen carefully, but the most crucial element may be the division of responsibility between teacher and learner (Illeris 2007). Mezirow analyses the role of the facilitator in a transformative learning process as follows:
creating the conditions for and the skills of effective adult reasoning and the disposition for transformative learning – including critical reflection and dialectical discourse – is the essence of adult education and defines the role of the adult educator, both as a facilitator of reasoning in a learning situation and cultural activist fostering the social, economic, and political conditions required for fuller, freer participation in critical reflection and discourse by all adults in a democratic society. (2003, 63)
In addition, van der Veen (2002) states that successful transformative learning seems to depend ultimately on the individual’s internal motivation to learn. I argue that this notion is closely connected to the intrinsic motivation that drives protean careerists. The challenge therefore for creative development initiatives is to tap into that internal motivation of learners and connect it to future career opportunities.
Prior Learning It is also important to keep in mind that identity change does not mean people become a completely different person. Previous experiences are part of who they are and what they know, and the recognition of prior learning (for example) is also an important part of learning in Creative Industries initiatives in
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developing context. Critical reflection has been invoked as a tool for transformative learning (Mezirow 1990): assessment of prior learning can help to “assign value to life’s experiences through critical reflection and reflective discourse and to act on the newly constructed knowledge. This self-affirming act can increase the learner’s awareness of the ways he or she learns from experience and foster the capacity for transformative learning” (Stevens et al 2010, 401). However, Brookfield (2000) warns against considering transformative learning as the primary focus of our educational efforts to the neglect of other kinds of learning. I argue that, within the context of transformative learning, we need to recognise prior learning in its own right, not only as a tool for critical reflection, but also as the recognition that learners have learned previously and that this knowledge is valid and useful for their every day life and shape who they are.
9.3 Implications for the Creative Industries in a Developing Context
Connecting spaces of learning and facilitating transformative learning processes are important educational issues that have been derived from the two in-depth case studies. With these, new insights into the learning processes in creative development initiatives are explored. These can be useful for future scenarios. In addition, there are other generic issues that are more concerned with the broader context in which these initiatives are placed. These include the tension between economic and social goals – the dynamics of the world market. This also includes the context of modernity, cultural hybridism and the negotiation of identities in relation to the cultural gap between traditions and contemporary concepts and forms.
Tension between Economic and Social Goals In both the Mongolian and Benin case studies there are tensions between the social goals and economic goals, though these are most apparent in the Benin case study. Both projects were dependent on public funding for their activities and the project initiators also viewed it as their main source of income. Felt Connection’s goal is to generate sales and economic development for a rural Mongolian area, as well as preserving the local felting skills and designs. Le Grand Cru/ Walô’s goal is different: the idea is to create innovative new dance performances that appeal to audiences in both Europe and Africa, as well as preserve cultural Beninese heritage and introduce dance to a younger generation, and in doing so create a local platform for Walô. These are mostly social development and artistic goals. However, I argue that when project goals are mostly concerned with social development, it remains important to view the economic properties of the projects and the financial sustainability of its activities, as these initiatives operate in a contemporary context of globalisation and the knowledge society and cannot escape their implications. The analysis of other initiatives, including Penduka!, DDiD, and Theatre Embassy (see also paragraph 9.1) reveal a number of tools to combine these goals: a holistic approach, and also as a brand position for export
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purposes; the incorporation a new mix of public/ private partnerships and opportunities for micro-credit; partnerships with other creative disciplines; connections with (cultural) tourism industry, and finally the exploration of different organisational models (network organisations, new ways to link and connect with others, use of intermediary, match-making, etc.).
New Strategies for Corporate Sponsorship In addition to the items drawn from paragraph 9.1, I argue that strategies for corporate sponsorship need to be further explored in a developing context as they may be very different from corporate sponsorship in a developed context. There is a need to find strategies to deal with the reasons that companies are hesitant to use their sponsorship as advertisement. Targeting internationally operating companies is one option, but the development of a (sustainable) tourism industry and connection to its activities would be a more innovative approach. This is not only a feasible opportunity for many creative companies for local performances, sales, etc, but can also be an interesting target for sponsorship. However, for creative talent to flourish it is important that connections with tourism allow space for artistic quality and creative development. Traditional culture and folklore can become a tourist attraction that repeats the same trick over and over again, such as traditional dance performance in hotel bars and low-quality mass-made handicraft products. The risk is that artistic quality and innovation become less important than the tourist’s expectations of “traditional culture” and do not allow for creative talent to flourish, as is argued in the Mongolian case study. I also argue that this new connection between creativity and tourism, where creative talent is the focal point, also leads to the exploration of new business models (Potts 2010).
Development of New Business Models In the Creative Industries context, the development of new business models that cater to its specific purposes is already part of a larger discussion. Potts (2010) states that innovation is difficult: not to come up with new ideas, but to get the consumer to see it and subsequently consume it. The difficulty in convincing people of the feasibility of your new ideas may be even more relevant for creative people in developing countries as the circumstances for artists are challenging (see also paragraph 9.1) and people can be hesitant to let go of preconceived idea, as drawn from the Benin case study. In terms of human capital, as stated in the UNIDO report 2007, skills to convince people of new ideas go beyond creativity, curiosity, flexibility, and include confidence, interpersonal, and networking skills. Kamara (2004) and Guille (1999) also include business, networking and marketing/ communication skills in their analysis of what education for creative people should pay attention to (see practice related outcomes). In terms of managing a protean career, this may be sufficient when one person can master all these skills, which is already rare according to Kamara (2004). However, creating new business models and getting consumers to see the value of your
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innovation may require different skills yet, as argued previously. The challenge is whether each creative development initiative can incorporate this into their approach. Based on experiences in the different inventory, comparative and in-depth case studies, I argue that is too complex and therefore not solely an educational issue. It once more calls for multidisciplinary approaches, not only in a policy context but also on the operational level: a mix of public/ private funding, of business-minds and creative-minds and of innovation and cultural heritage, and different institutions and (creative) disciplines that create new connections, possibilities, and innovative opportunities. In these new approaches, the social goals will not be forgotten. On the contrary, the uniqueness and cultural value could be crucial in the development of these new business models: a holistic approach (see also practice-related outcomes) remains an interesting opportunity.
Dynamics of the Market Both the case studies in Benin and in Mongolia, and the majority of the initiatives that were studied in the inventory and comparative case studies, incorporate some form of development collaboration. This raised interesting issues that also apply to many initiatives that view Creative Industries in an international context. After all, as argued before, globalisation and the knowledge society are contemporary challenges that cannot be avoided by developing countries. In the majority of the projects this is most apparent in the sense that the developed world is the main intended “consumer”, though local sales/ performances/ etc are also part of the approach. In both the Benin and Mongolia case studies, ownership was an important issue. Who were the “owners” of project activities and was this intended as such? In both in-depth case studies “ownership” proved to be challenging. Were partnerships equal and based on mutual commitment? In intention, yes; in operation, not completely. Another issue is the international/ European tour or sales as a tool for professionalisation and increase of local status. For example, is a Beninese dance group only successful when they are accepted by European (or American, Australian, other) theatres? And if so, who or what institution decides what makes them suitable to perform there? In the same way, European (or American, Australian, other) consumers/ intermediaries/ businesses decide what products and services will sell or attract audiences, due to marketing, styling, trends and fashion that are specific for one location. When European “consumers” are the main target audience as they either have more money or can provide higher status locally, they automatically take the more powerful position, which is not necessarily conducive for developing countries or for equal partnership in development collaboration. The risk of exploitation remains, as it does in most forms of trade between developed and developing countries. The most important example is the principle of copyright, royalties and fees, which creates highly unequal conditions as powerful companies in the developed world currently dominate the market (WIPO 2003; Wallis 2008). And, as can be derived from the position of a number of Latin American countries, is “copyright” actually the right way to go
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(UNCTAD 2010)? There is some resistance in the region to IPRs emphasis in the concept of the creative economy. The suitability of IPRs for communitarian and traditional knowledge is contested. For a wide range of cultural goods, services and expressions that produce socio-economic impact and sustain cultural diversity IPRs are not applicable (UNCTAD 2010).
Power Relations When aiming for sustainable development (societal as well as ecological), the dynamics of the market cannot be denied and neither can power relations. Sustainable development is to be achieved under the conditions of contemporary society, of which Opschoor (2003, 97) makes the worrying observation that at “the international level the intergovernmental debate is getting locked in the trade negotiation setting. It must be feared that this might reduce the effective attention given to sustainability and handling of unsustainability”. One effort is based on creating alliances between public actors and private and nongovernmental ones. An example of such an effort was the UNDP report featuring global public goods: public programmes for poverty eradication, education, health, etc. featured as public goods (Opschoor 2003, 89-93). This line of argument, as well as current trends in trade, such as the principles of the “fair trade” movement (WFTO 2011), are also very relevant for the Creative Industries, as is suggested in Rogers’s (2009) analysis of Brac-Aarong. Not in the least because it has become a powerful sales and marketing technique, which is becoming increasingly mainstream in many developed countries.
The Creative Economy Report 2010 focusses on policy recommendation for developing countries to create more opportunities for Creative Industries and trade. However, based on the previous sections I argue that policy recommendations should include the developed country’s policies as well as international trade policies to create worldwide conditions that are conducive for the development of Creative Industries in developing countries and therewith the quality, diversity and variety of cultural goods and services that are available to consumers worldwide.
Modernity, Cultural Hybridism and Negotiation of Identities The analysis and conclusion of this thesis has focussed on the intersection of creativity, development, and learning. In paragraph 9.1, a number of issues were introduced that need to be taken into account in future scenarios for creative development initiatives. However, there is another important issue that has been introduced and referred to in both case studies and in the analysis and conclusion, which needs further exploration. This issue is situated in the context of modernity, cultural hybridism and the negotiation of identities, and is concerned with the cultural gap between traditions and contemporary concepts and forms. These issues arise in collaborative projects (such as Felt Connection, Walô-Le Grand Cru and some
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projects that were part of the desk research), but generally will arise in many situations where people are attempting to become producers of cultural needs for export purposes and also when producers are merely interested in creating content, products, or services for local needs.
Experiences from Felt Connection and Walô-Le Grand Cru illustrate a gap between traditional design and European contemporary taste and trends. In the Mongolian case, the main issue is the lack of most of the Mongolian participants´ knowledge about Europe, ranging from lifestyle and European interior decorating to the culture of design, the existence of temporary trends, colours and fashion and contemporary tastes, all of which are needed to be able to produce products with sales potential in these markets. The same challenges occurred in Benin: differences between Beninese ethnic dancing and European contemporary dance are large. These differences are particularly striking in elements of self-expression, interaction on stage, improvisation and movements, which are very different in the two styles. But maybe more importantly in this cultural context are the identity transformation issues: participants in Benin were negotiating between different identities, connected to traditional values and modern concepts of empowerment, gender equality, and new career options. “The rules or values of one culture may be significantly different from the other or others as there are the multiple cultures associated with popular culture, peer culture in a single situation or domain. When this happens, students may deal with emotional and cognitive stress. They are ‘caught’, they are confused, they are negotiating” (Grant 2008, 18).
A crucial challenge addressed in this thesis is whether the Creative Industries can contribute to the preservation of cultural heritage and simultaneously meet the concerns of modern life and changing lifestyles. Cultural reconversion (Canclini 1992) shows how traditions and modern processes can meet in contemporary society by reformulating functions and meanings. Therefore, creative activity should not take place in an isolated setting, but needs equal access to socio-environmental and cultural resources to create openness to other influences without losing their “own voice” in order for a creative environment to flourish (Venturelli 2005, 395). Still, this is not the full story. We need to know what is demanded of people in order fulfil the conditions of cultural reconversion.
The experiences of participants of Felt Connection as well as the dancers of Compagnie Walô can be described as “caught between two worlds”: “Cultural transmission faces new challenges. In response to the changing circumstances, members of an ethnic community must adapt their cultural concepts and, perhaps, practices in contact with the new society and the existing culture or cultures within that society” (Grant 2008, 16) – transculturation (Ortiz 1940). In our contemporary, interconnected society, various economies, cultures and peoples constantly intersect and interact. In high-modernity, self-identity has become a
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reflexive project for which the individual is responsible. Giddens calls the personal choices we make every day in an attempt to recreate and reproduce our self-identity: the “intentionality process” (Kaspersen 2000). Self-identity is not a given and constant entity, but a process – it is reflexive. Identity is found in the ability to maintain a unique narrative about oneself. In the era of modernity one is forced to choose a lifestyle as parts of one’s self-identity (Giddens 1994). And, as can be drawn from previous analyses, that ability to maintain a unique narrative is also what is needed for creative talent to flourish. Grant (2008, 240) states that in the creative work of young artists, “in their cultural significations, the world is being opened up and disclosed through their re-presentation of their lifeworlds”. It gives them the possibility of negotiating identities. The notion that identity is singular has often been challenged, such as in Hall’s (1992) vision of multiple identities. Cultural hybridism – the forces of globalisation and interconnectedness – muddy the boundaries of cultures (Grant 2008, 20), and lead to complex and hybrid identities.
I have focussed on the need for (professional) facilitation and for developing connected spaces of learning as ways to bridge the gap between cultural traditions and modern concepts and forms. Furthermore, I have argued that attention for transformative learning processes is crucial for successful creative development initiatives. These identity transformations are also connected to bridging the cultural gap and in doing so negotiating between different identities; something that is part of the transformative learning process. Therefore, for creative talent to flourish in a developing context, the intersection of the Creative Industries, development and learning needs to operate in sync with the concepts of cultural hybridism, modernity, and hybrid identity. However, as stated previously, this is not the focal point of this thesis. Nevertheless, it does not mean that the value of cultural theory should be underestimated in the exploration of learning processes in creative development issues and is, therefore, strongly recommended as a topic for further interdisciplinary study.
9.4 Research Questions Readdressed
What factors in (inter)national policies and contexts influence these initiatives? Paragraph 9.1 gives an overview of this research question, so I refer back to the issues raised there. I argue, in line with the implications addressed in that section, that the overall challenge is to put the global dialogue between cultures in a lifelong and lifewide environment in which citizens neither entirely coincide with societal demands nor are entirely liberated from societal influences (van Beilen et al 2007). Being open to other influences is crucial to this. The tension between the individual and their context of learning are addressed by dialogue and identity construction. Also, a country’s cultural policies are a key element for
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enhancing the creative economy, governments, and society. These need to account for the critical issues of the labour market and mobility. Initiatives operating in this context have a crucial role as well in voicing these issues and encouraging policy-makers into awareness and action. Further implications are that the project is targeted at one or more disciplines without losing sight of the links with the broader sector of the Creative Industries and the programme should, when possible, create connections or integrate tourism purposes. Interventions that take a holistic approach and include a social policy and/ or operate as an association, create further commitment, loyalty in its participants and self-sustainability. This is also a strong brand position for export purposes.
In addition, I argue that policy recommendations should not be limited to the developing countries alone, but need to include the developed country’s policies as well as international trade policies to create worldwide conditions that are conducive for the development of the Creative Industries in developing countries and therewith the quality, diversity and variety of cultural goods and services that are available to consumers worldwide.
What educational concepts and learning strategies are used in its specific development context? For this research question, I refer back to the issues addressed on the programme level in paragraph 9.1. Education needs to inspire a “yearning for learning” (Leadbeater 2005) and learning is a distributed system (Leadbeater 1998 in Hartley 2005, 4). In summary, I argue that lifelong learning and tailor-made learning are crucial strategies and concepts in a developing context, but this is a generic issue that also applies to developed countries. Accreditation of prior learning is also important: what the learner already knows and how to build on this. For creativity exercises, among others, interaction (also with its context) and connecting thoughts and actions are important, as are innovative ways of teaching and learning, such as social learning, situated learning, experiential and peer group learning without neglecting knowledge-oriented ways of learning. Knowledge of techniques, but also of generic issues, such as business skills are important.
What are the institutional and organisational implications? Institutional and organisational implications are also covered in paragraph 9.1 in the practice-related research outcomes on a programme level. Public/ private partnerships, (local) institutional networks and collaborative agreements are crucial for operation. Given this, different organisational models need to be explored. Collaboration with local population (local context-setting) is important also because local recognition is important for creative production. Another crucial issue is a professional approach and coordination, as the context in which initiatives operate is complex and relatively unknown; ineffective and
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inappropriate programmes need to be avoided. These issues are closely connected to the different learning spaces.
For initiatives to generate successful results, new business models need to be created to get consumers to see the value of your innovation. This is too complex for each creative development initiative to incorporate into their approach and, therefore, not solely an educational issue. It calls for operational multidisciplinary approaches: a mix of public/ private funding, of business-minds and creative-minds and of innovation and cultural heritage, and different institutions and (creative) disciplines that create new connections, possibilities,. and innovative opportunities. In these new approaches, the social goals will not be forgotten. On the contrary, the uniqueness and cultural value could be crucial in the development of these new business models: a holistic approach remains an interesting opportunity. In addition, I argue that strategies for corporate sponsorship need to be further explored in a developing context as it may differ from corporate sponsorship in a developed context.
What do participants in these initiatives need in terms of learning? Learning outcomes are summarised in paragraph 9.1, in the practice-related research outcomes. It is important to note the twofold nature of learning outcomes. First, the direct learning outcomes: the creative skills, values and competencies and the skills, values and competencies for (self) employment and income generation. These are issues that need to be addressed in the programme/ curriculum of an initiative. The second, however, is more concerned with self-confidence, personal identity and growth, which may lead to increased social and political participation, social involvement, and social cohesion. It is these last learning outcomes that are closely connected to transformational learning.
How can they be involved in its design? First of all, participation of learners in monitoring and evaluation can help prevent ineffective and inappropriate programmes. Furthermore, I argue for connecting spaces of learning (Illeris 2007) and the need for professional facilitation in connecting these, in order to build a coherent framework that allows learners to understand and overview the intersection they are operating in (Creative Industries, development and learning) and realise the implications, challenges and opportunities – be involved in its design. I argue that these initiatives often lead to transformative learning processes and, as many of these initiatives in developing countries are working with the so-called “low-skilled”, extra attention is needed for the barriers of learning these transformative learning processes invoke, particularly as “creative processes” and the tools used in expressing these (e.g. contact improvisation in dance, the role of personal experience [life stories] and views in creative expression) may be particularly powerful in transformative learning. Teachers must
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make active use of participant’s own experiences and evaluation and monitoring must be chosen carefully, but the most crucial element may be the division of responsibility between teacher and learner (Illeris 2007). Recognising someone’s personal struggles (as an individual in the group) and their degree of readiness to change, as well as the facilitation of transformative learning processes are important – particularly in initiatives that envision human development goals, like empowerment, participation, and cultural heritage. I also argue that within the context of transformative learning we need to recognise prior learning in its own right, not only as a tool for critical reflection, but also acknowledging that learners have learned previously and that this knowledge is valid and useful for their every day and shape who they are.
How can initiatives contribute to social and economic improvement? I argued, in line with the concept of sustainable development, that the challenge for developing countries in contemporary society is to meet the needs of people for economic development while avoiding the unwanted consequences of economic development and globalisation, such as societal problems, loss of cultural heritage, and environmental/ ecological problems. In line with UNCTAD 2008 (iii), I also argued that the Creative Industries sector could form a link between economic development and the continuation and evolution of local traditions and cultural heritage. The two in-depth case studies, as well as the inventory and comparative case studies have illustrated large effects in learners’ self-confidence, in every day life and in their product skills development. This can greatly contribute to their quality of life and the freedom of choice they have and lead to greater social, economical, and political participation. Examples of these include the business (unrelated to dance) that one participant in Benin started after the training programme, the use of newly learned techniques and materials in their own felt work, as two Mongolian participants demonstrated, and the increased confidence almost all of the men and women in Benin claimed to have gained, which allowed them to teach a class or perform in front of an audience, and effected their environment. However, these results, wonderful as they may be, are still limited in scope and most initiatives had greater ambitions. It is important to remember that change needs time and may be a painful process. Initiatives like these cannot operate alone: policies on gender equality and local emancipatory movements have important roles. From an income generation point of view, the initiatives studied did not yet contribute to major economic improvement. But it was clear that they had the potential to do so. For example, in the Mongolian case when some conditions improved. It also became clear that local traditions were not threatened by new influences, but actually created interesting innovations and new concepts and forms that respected heritage. Participants were proud to use their traditional skills and be recognised for it in a contemporary context. I, therefore, restate my argument that the Creative Industries can make a valuable contribution to economic and social development without hurting cultural heritage and local communities.
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9.5 Limitations to Research
Scope I am mindful that the application of a Creative Industries approach to a development context is still in its infancy. Many obstacles at policy, institutional and individual levels exist. As previous research on the intersection of the Creative Industries, development and education is scarce and often anecdotal, I have needed to rely on literature reviews of the three disciplines with the aim to connect them to explore a new intersection. This study therefore aims to provide a comprehensive analysis of learning processes in a number of creative development initiatives. This exploration has met with a few limitations in terms of scope. 1. Number of case studies/ countries. The number of creative development initiatives which could have been studied is endless. In this study I chose to start with desk-research for a slightly broader scope, after which the focus would switch to two more in-depth case studies. Still, the number of creative development initiatives (i.e. the different creative disciplines) and diversity of developing countries remain limited. 2. Focus on small-scale initiatives. A spectrum of enterprises is included inside the Creative Industries definition, although this study focuses on one end of the spectrum, i.e. the cases are small-scale interventions/ enterprises. Therefore, this study is limited in its exploration of large-scale enterprises. 3. Development context. Within the context of sustainable development, the focus of the selection of programmes is on countries that are at the lower end of the development spectrum, and groups or subcultures that can be at risk in these countries. I am interested in those programmes that are dealing with truly challenging circumstances in terms of financial security, economic development, and social equality. The focus of recent Creative Industries research and the quantitative data of UNCTAD has been on developed countries and emerging economies, such as so-called BRIC countries. These have not been studied in this research study. 4. Focus on creative development initiatives. This study has aimed to explore the intersection of the Creative Industries, development and education by studying programmes/ projects that operate in this intersection and, therefore, focuses on this perspective. The study is therefore limited in terms of individual learning processes or overall policy analysis.
Creative Industries Perspectives This study is limited in regards to some prominent issues in research and discourses about the Creative Industries in a developing context: issues like technology, trade-orientation and copyright. The Creative Industries sector is very broad and only limited attention could be paid to all of the different aspects in this
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study. In particular, technology has not featured prominently in this study. The choice is supported by quantitative data from UNCTAD (2010). In the overview it becomes clear that arts, crafts and design are a prominent opportunity for growth of Creative Industries export. Also, performance arts are a prominent feature in many countries and closely connected to the tourism industry. At the moment Creative Industries activities featuring technology are mostly explored in the so-called BRIC countries and in large-scale initiatives/ multinational companies. As I have focussed on small-scale interventions, I have chosen not to focus on technology-based interventions. But in the interventions I did choose, technology does play a part. In Mongolia, e-commerce and digital quality control are opportunities for the crafts and design industry. Similarly, light and sound engineering, filming, broadcasting and (social) media are connected to the activities of Le Grand Cru and Walô. It is not the focus of this current analysis, but opportunities through technology could be further explored in these interventions.
9.6 Further Research
These recommendations are based on outcomes of this research, discussions and recommendations from others (e.g. during seminars) and the literature review. This study is a first step towards the exploration of the intersection of Creative Industries, development and learning, but, as such it is not extensive. This study can be used as a frame of reference for further, more in-depth research and has been developed as such. First of all, there is a need for more quantitative research in this field. Reliable statistics in developing countries for both education and for the Creative Industries are still limited and difficult to compare. UNCTAD and UNESCO are working on improving these methods. This study focusses on qualitative research and, as such, recommendations for further research are also for qualitative research.
Further Exploration of the Intersection As mentioned previously, current guidelines and reports on the role of education for Creative Industries in developing countries have been scarce and often anecdotal. This thesis starts by taking a very broad scope and, through the analysis of creative development initiatives, moves on to a more focussed scope. However, within a single PhD study there is limited room for exploration of these creative development initiatives, and, therefore, the number of case studies has not been extensive. Further exploration of the intersection of the Creative Industries, development and education by extending case studies in all disciplines and a wider range of countries would therefore be recommended. A development context is very broad and different countries are at different levels of development and readiness for incorporating the Creative Industries in their development policies. In particular, studying initiatives concerned with new media and technological issues would be a welcome addition to the initial exploration of this study.
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Emotional Concept of Learning This thesis has used Illeris’s holistic view on learning as it is the most suitable in the context of the creative workforce in developing countries. However, Illeris's concept of emotion is rather narrow: it links emotion to motivation to learn. Further exploration into learning processes in creative development initiatives can make use of broader approaches that define emotion as social-emotional intelligence (for instance Goleman 1995) or authentic, intuitive knowledge (for instance Dirkx 1997), particularly as this concept of authentic, intuitive knowledge is closely connected with creativity.
Cultural Studies As stated in paragraph 9.1, the relevance of concepts such as cultural hybridism, modernity and hybrid identity have not been explored extensively in this thesis, while relevance to the exploration of learning processes in creative development initiatives has been found throughout the analysis and conclusion. Further research into these learning processes from a cultural studies perspective is therefore strongly recommended.
Individual Learning Processes This study has focussed on creative development initiatives, and has therefore explored the intersection through programmes/ projects. It would be equally interesting to research the intersection through an analysis of individual learning processes/ life stories, possibly through narratives. This can provide a more in-depth insight in what learners need in terms of learning. In this study, this was not carried out in a systematic manner, but individual perspectives still provide an interesting insight into people’s individual way out of a difficult situation. Results from the Finding a Voice project (Tacchi 2007; Tacchi & Watkins 2007; Skuse et al 2007) could also add to this research.
Creative Industries in a Specific Situation This study has taken a very broad scope regarding the use of the Creative Industries in a developing context. Within the scope of this study, the limited previous knowledge on the intersection of the Creative Industries, development and learning, and my own limitations (distance, cultural and language barrier) the most suitable option was to begin an initial exploration of the intersection, which can serve me, or other researchers, as a foundation for further research. It would also be interesting to explore the use of the Creative Industries applied to specific situations/ problems. One example would be early school leaving. In the Benin case study, it was suggested that in addition to the preservation of cultural heritage, teaching dance in schools may keep children in school, can create a sense of community, and allows for children to
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express themselves, but maybe most importantly helps to discover creative talent that would otherwise remain hidden and therefore possibly opening up a new career option. In light of research carried out by Zeelen et al (2010). I would be interested in exploring these ideas further.
Exploration of Specific Issues Finally, it would be interesting to further explore one or both of the main issues: connecting spaces of learning, and accommodative and transformative learning processes in creative development initiatives. Embedded action research, incorporating intervention strategies, may be the most suitable methodology for gaining deeper insight into these issues.
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