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1979 Margaret Thatcher, Britain's Spokesman for a New Conservatism: a Rhetorical Analysis of the Party Conference Speeches (1975-1978) (Volumes I and II). Teresa Hicks Bunetta Louisiana State University and Agricultural & Mechanical College
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Bu n e t t a , T er esa H icks
MARGARET THATCHER, BRITAIN’S SPOKESMAN FOR A NEW CONSERVATISM: A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE PARTY' CONFERENCE SPEECHES (1975-1978) (Volumes I and II)
The Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical PH.D. Col. 1979
University Microfilms I nternâtional300 N. Zeeb Road. Ann Arbor. MI 48106 18 Bedford Row, London WC1R4EJ. England
Copyright 1979 by Bunetta, Teresa Hicks All Rights Reserved
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. MARGARET THATCHER, BRITAIN'S SPOKESMAN FOR A NEW CONSERVATISM: A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE PARTY CONFERENCE SPEECHES (1975-1978)
A Dissertation
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
The Department of Speech
Teresa Hicks Bunetta B.A., Stephens College, 1973 M.A., West Virginia University, 1976
August, 1979
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. DEDICATION
IN
MEMORY OF MY LATE HUSBAND,
FRANK BUNETTA.
With gratitude
to our wonderful Lord
for the blessing of our marriage
and for giving me in Frank
a friend and counselor
who encouraged me in every possible way
to follow my dreams and to fulfill my goals
and without whom I would not have had the emotional,
spiritual, and financial support
essential for me in completing
a project of this magnitude.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The writer is grateful for the guidance and encourage
ment given by Owen Peterson, her major professor. His
integrity as a scholar and a teacher truly directed the course
of this study.
Other members of the graduate committee offered their
time, valuable insights and most of all, their enthusiasm:
Frederic Youngs, Jr., John D. Pennybacker, Mary Frances
HopKins, and Harold Mixon.
Special thanks to Richard Ryder, Margaret Thatcher's
personal spokesman, for his advice and willingness to provide
every possible assistance with the project and to the many
people at the Conservative Central Office who greatly facili
tated research by giving the writer access to essential data.
Stella Burge, head of the press cutting department, generously
offered her time and experience. John Lindsay at Conservative
Central Office made available the audio and video cassettes
of Margaret Thatcher's party conference speeches and party
political broadcasts. Throughout the research for this
project Margaret Thatcher's private office and the Conser
vative Central Office gave the writer complete access to
the data essential for research and demonstrated an interest
in furthering scholarship in every way possible.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Gratitude to Lord Blake for sharing his time, interest,
and his unique perspective. Appreciation to Professor Robert
Rhodes James for the assistance he gave the writer during
an extraordinarily busy week at the House of Commons.
Many thanks to the journalists, academicians, colleagues
friends, and family who contributed to this study.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS
VOLUME I
Page
DEDICATION ...... ii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ...... iii
LIST OF TABLES ...... vii
ABSTRACT ...... viii
Chapter
I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1
Purpose of the Study Contributing Studies Plan of the Study Institutions and Sources Important Terms
II. THE AUDIENCE AND THE OCCASION ...... 10
Great Britain in the Post War Years Political Events Since 1974 Issues in the 1979 Election The Tory Party and the New Conservatism The Immediate Audience and Occasion
III. THE SPEAKER'S BACKGROUND AND DELIVERY ...... 80
The Speaker's Background The Speaker’s Delivery
IV. THE STRUCTURE OF THE SPEECHES ...... 104
Thematic Emergence Rhetorical Order Method of Division and Arrangement The Proportioning of the lîaterial The Devices Used to Achieve Unity
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Page
V. THE LOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL M O D E S ...... 134
Logical Appeals Emotional Appeals
VI. THE SPEAKER'S IMAGE ...... 168
The Audience's Prior Knowledge of the Speaker Press Coverage of Mrs. Thatcher Intrinsic Ethical Appeals
VII. MEASURES OF E FFECTIVENESS ...... 224
The Response of the Immediate Audience The Reactions of the Press
VIII. C O N C L U S I O N ...... 236
Significance of the Study Suggestions for Further Study
VOLUME II
BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 242
APPENDIX ...... 405
VITA ...... 456
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. L IST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. Taxes as % of the Gross National P r o d u c t ...... 52
2. How the Tax Threshold F e l l ...... 53
3. The Chancellor's Tax Haul 1976-77 54
4. Redistributive Effort Tax and Benefits in 1971 and 1976 ...... 55
5. Voting for the Restoration of the Death Penalty ...... 59
6-13. The Marplan P o l l ...... 180-185
14. Gallup P o l l ...... 199
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT
In February, 1975, Great Britain's Conservative and
Unionist Party elected the Right Honorable Margaret Thatcher,
M.P. to the position of Leader of the Party. The Conservative
Party was at that time a minority party; thus Mrs. Thatcher
became the Leader of Her Majesty's Opposition. Mrs. Thatcher
became the first woman in Britain ever to head a major poli
tical party. She emerged after an intense ideological struggle
within the Conservative Party. In the battle for the party
leadership she defeated Edward Heath, then leader of the
Party and former Prime Minister. From the time of her elec
tion in February, 1975, until the defeat of the Government
in April, 1979, Mrs. Thatcher continued to rally strength
and unity as the leader of the party. She led a shift in
the ideological focus of the Conservative Party from the
left to the right; instead of a party in sympathy with the
social democrats and what some regarded as "a palatable brand
of British Socialism", the Conservatives under Margaret
Thatcher became proponents of free enterprise and
de-nationalization.
On Wednesday, March 28, 1979, Prime Minister James
Callaghan's minority Government fell. The vote was 311-
310 on a censure motion brought by the Opposition that
amounted to a vote of confidence. After his defeat Callaghan
viii
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. went to Buckingham Palace to propose that Queen Elizabeth
dissolve Parliament as soon as the essential business was
finished and set the election of a new House of Commons for
May 3.
Although several biographies of Margaret Thatcher
are in print, none analyzes the rhetorical skill which she
had demonstrated throughout her career. The period of this
study is of particular interest to the critic ; during the
four year period (1975-1978) Mrs. Thatcher rose in prominence
within her own party and gained a wider acceptance by the
public as a prospective Prime Minister. As leader of the
Conservative Party, Mrs. Thatcher became the voice and standard
bearer for a new conservatism. To a great extent she was
the one responsible for convincing the public that the Conser
vatives were able to govern more effectively than Labor,
and most importantly, that they would do so as a result of
her leadership.
This study focuses on the party conference speeches
delivered by Mrs. Thatcher annually from 1975-1978. On these
occasions Margaret Thatcher spoke to both the members of the
Conservative Party in the immediate audience and to the
general public through the medium of television ; thus on
these occasions, she spoke to considerably larger audiences
than she did on any other occasions during the period. Those
party conferences provided the leader of the Conservative
Party with an opportunity to outline an alternative course
for the nation and her party. The written transcripts of
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. the speeches reveal Margaret Thatcher's dominant theme to
be the necessity in leading Britain out of socialism and
re-establishing a free market economy.
These speeches offer the rhetorical critic an oppor
tunity to evaluate the effectiveness of a speaker whose goal
for each speech was to depict the plight of Great Britain
for a widely diversified audience. The intellectual and
emotional make-up of the audiences presented the speaker
with challenges unlike any she encountered on other speech
occasions.
Margaret Thatcher's party conference speeches from
1975-1978 are likely to have contributed to her credi
bility as a future head of state. This study examines her
goals as a speaker, the way in which she sought to achieve
them and the general effectiveness of her party conference
speeches from 1975-1978.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
In February, 1975, Great Britain's Conservative and
Unionist Party elected the Right Honorable Margaret
Thatcher, M.P. to the position of Leader of the Party. The
Conservative Party was at that time a minority party ; thus
Mrs. Thatcher became the Leader of Her Majesty's Opposition.
Mrs. Thatcher became the first woman in Britain ever to head
a major political party. She emerged victorious after an
intense ideological struggle within the Conservative Party
in which she gained the reputation as the only person "man
enough"^ to stand against Edward Heath, the leader of the
party and former Prime Minister. From the time of her
election in February, 1975, until the defeat of the Govern
ment in April, 1979, Mrs. Thatcher, as the leader of the
party, continued to rally strength and promote unity. She
led a shift in the ideological focus of the Conservative
Party from the left to the right ; instead of a party in
sympathy with the social democrats and what some regarded
as "a palatable brand of British socialism", the Conservatives
^Tricia Murray, Margaret Thatcher (London: W. H. Allen and Co. Ltd., 1978), p. 112.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2
under Margaret Thatcher became proponents of free enterprise
and de-nationalization.
On Sunday, March 25, 1979, The New York Times reported
the likelihood of Labor's failure to win in the forthcoming
vote of confidence. The writer described a new Government
lead by Margaret Thatcher in this way:
Presuming, for the moment, that she has a comfortable majority and that she moves toward her stated goals in a cool and calculated way, Britain can expect a slow but substantial turn to the right--not a dizzying lurch away from the postwar welfare state, but a determined attempt to rein it in. A large portion of North Sea oil revenues would be diverted into rebuilding the country's industrial plant. More nationalization would be shunned.2
On Wednesday, March 28, 1979, Prime Minister James
Callaghan's minority Government fell. The vote was 311-
310 on a censure motion brought by the Opposition that
amounted to a vote of confidence. Although the Prime
Minister is not bound by law to quit if he loses a confi
dence vote, there is a precedent which all previous Prime
Ministers have followed. James Callaghan is the first Prime
Minister ousted on a vote of confidence since Ramsay
MacDonald, Britain's first Labor premier, was turned out
58 years ago. Callaghan went to Buckingham Palace to
propose that Queen Elizabeth dissolve Parliament as soon
as the essential business was finished and set the election
of a new House of Commons for May 3.
^The New York Times. March 25, 1979.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. I . Purpose of the Study
Although several biographies of Margaret Thatcher
are in print, none analyzes the rhetorical skill which she
has demonstrated throughout her career. The period of this
study is of particular interest to the critic; during the
four year period (1975-1978) Mrs. Thatcher rose in prominence
within her own party and gained a wider acceptance by the
public as a prospective Prime Minister. The victory of
the Conservative party in the general election on May 3,
1979, depends largely on two factors : (1) the inability
of Labor to persuade the public that in time they will be
able to cope with the problems at hand and (2) the success
of the Conservatives in convincing the voters that they
are now able to govern effectively. As leader of the
Conservative Party, Mrs. Thatcher became the voice and
standard bearer for a new conservatism. To a great extent
she was the one responsible for convincing the public that
the Conservatives were able to govern more effectively than
Labor and, most importantly, that they would do so as a
result of her leadership.
This study focuses on the party conference speeches
delivered by Mrs. Thatcher annually from 1975-1978. On
these occasions Margaret Thatcher spoke to both the members
of the Conservative Party in the immediate audience and
to the general public through the medium of television ;
thus on these occasions, she spoke to considerably larger
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4
audiences than she did on any other occasions during this
period. Those party conferences provided the leader of
the Conservative Party with an opportunity to outline an
alternative course for the nation and her party. The written
transcripts of the speeches reveal Margaret Thatcher's
dominant theme to be the necessity in leading Britain out
of socialism and re-establishing a free market economy.
These speeches offer the rhetorical critic an oppor
tunity to evaluate the effectiveness of a speaker whose
goal for each speech was to depict the plight of Great
Britain for a widely diversified audience. The intellectual
and emotional make-up of the audiences presented the speaker
with challenges unlike any she encountered on other speech
occasions. The party conferences provide the general public
an opportunity to see and hear, via television, the leaders
of the major political parties. As Leader of the Opposition
Mrs. Thatcher presented herself and her policies each October
to an audience with contrasting and conflicting needs.
Margaret Thatcher's party conference speeches from
1975-1978 are likely to have contributed to her effectiveness
as leader of the Conservative Party, to her rise in promi
nence in Great Britain, and to her credibility as a future
head of state. It is the purpose of this study to examine
her goals as a speaker, the way in which she sought to achieve
them and the general effectiveness of her party conference
speeches from 1975-1978.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. II. Contributory Studies
Parallel studies using techniques similar to this
one are the following: Reta Alice Gilbert's A Description
and Evaluation of the Public Speaking of the Anti-Com Law
League, 1938-1846, Jerry Allen Hendrix' The Speaking of
John Sharp Williams in the League of Nations Debates,
1918-1920, Morris L. McCauley's The Preaching of the
Reverend Rowland Hill (1744-1833), Surrey Chapel, London,
and James Woodrow Parkerson's Senator Henry Stuart Foote
of Mississippi: A Rhetorical Analysis of His Speeches in
Behalf of the Union, 1849-1852. These works have aided the
researcher in the organization of data and the division of
chapters in the present study.
Ill. Plan of the Study
This dissertation is a rhetorical analysis of Margaret
Thatcher's party conference speeches delivered between 1975-
1978, a period which followed her election to the leadership
of the party and which preceded the first general election
in which she participated as leader of the conservative
party. Chapter I, the introduction, provides the orien
tation necessary for understanding both the purpose of the
study and the overall plan of the study.
Chapter II is an examination of the speaker's back
ground, including a description of her childhood, formal
education and professional experiences ; and her delivery
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6
which includes a description of her physical attributes,
vocal quality, and bodily action.
Chapter III consists of an analysis of the immediate
audiences and occasions with an emphasis on the historical
events directly related to the character and conduct of the
audiences.
Chapter IV presents a discussion of the way in which
the speaker organized the speeches and an outline of the
structure of each discourse.
Chapter V is an analysis of the speaker's use of the
logical and emotional modes in the party conference speeches
and an evaluation of their effectiveness.
Chapter VI is an analysis of the speaker's use of
the ethical mode; relevant to this are; (1) a discussion
of the speaker's image as it has evolved in the press ;
(2) an examination of her associations within the Conserva
tive Party; and (3) an evaluation of her intrinsic ehtical
appeals and their effectiveness with her audiences.
Chapter VII evaluates the speaker's general
effectiveness.
Chapter VIII constitutes a discussion of conclusions
reached in each of the analyses of the elements in Margaret
Thatcher's rhetoric.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. IV. Institutions and Sources
The researcher interviewed many academicians, journa
lists, members of Parliament, party workers, and informed
citizens during her visits to England in 1977 and 1978.
The interviews which proved to be of particular relevance
to this study were the following:
Lord Blake; Provost, Queens College, Oxford, Historian, Scholar, Political Observer.
Robert Rhodes James ; M .P., Historian, Scholar.
Lord Crowther-Hunt; Exeter College Oxford, Consti tutional advisor under Sir Harold Wilson, Political Observer.
Janet Brown; Television and stage performer, well- known for her impressions of Margaret Thatcher.
In September, 1977, the researcher heard Mrs. Thatcher
speak at a dinner meeting of the English Speaking Union
at the Houston Oaks Country Club in Houston, Texas. The
writer met and conversed briefly with Mrs. Thatcher.
Conversations and correspondence with Richard Ryder,
Margaret Thatcher's personal spokesman, were of special
value to the researcher in gaining practical information
about the Conservative Central Office on Smith Square, London;
the Centre for Policy Studies on Wilfred Street, London;
and the daily life and work habits of Mrs. Thatcher.
Periodicals
The researcher read over 2,400 newspaper articles
relevant to this project during her visits to London.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Magazine and newspaper articles represent publishers through
out Great Britain.
Institutions
The researcher had a staff pass at Conservative
Central Office on Smith Square and had complete access to
the vast collection of press clippings at C.C.O. The audio
and video tape facilities there were also made available
to the researcher, enabling her to view Mrs. Thatcher's
party conference speeches and the party political
broadcasts.
V. Important Terms
The Government 3
The Government is comprised of the Prime Minister
and his cabinet; therefore when the term is capitalized
it refers to that particular body. The Government exists
because it has a majority in the House of Commons. It is
a party Government ; thus in the general election the elec
torate chooses which party will govern. E.g., if it produces
a Conservative majority, there will be a Conservative
Government.
The major legislation enacted by Parliament is always
that of the Government. The Government establishes the
^W. Ivor Jennings, The British Constitution (London: Cambridge University Press, 1966), p. "SIT
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. external policy of the nation. The Government proposes
and disposes, but always as the Government in Parliament.
Parliament has no authority to govern, but only to criticize.
Normally, "the two party system operates and the Government
has homogeneous party majority.
The Opposition^
The Opposition is comprised of an alternative Govern
ment, the Leader of the Opposition and his/her Shadow
Cabinet. When the term is capitalized it refers to that
official group.
The Shadow Cabinet
The existence of a formal opposition in the British
system elevates the role of the party not in power. For
each member of the Cabinet, the Opposition has a counter
part, e.g. a Shadow Spokesman for Defense. The Shadow
Cabinet provides an alternative to the Government in power.
The Leader of the Opposition
The Leader of the Opposition, as the alternative
Prime Minister, has an official title, an office, and a
salary. When the term is capitalized it refers to that
official role.
^Ibid., p. 86.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER I I
THE AUDIENCE AND THE OCCASION
It is necessary to examine several aspects of British
political history since World War II in order to understand
the significance of recent Conservative Party conferences.
The occasion of each annual conference (1975-1978) and the
listeners in each audience can only be seen accurately within
the context of past and present events in Great Britain.
A survey of the social and political circumstances of the
last several decades and an examination of the events of
the past few years provide the means with which to understand
the speaker's choice of subjects and ways of approaching
each occasion.
Several topics important in reconstructing the
audience and the occasion are:
Britain in the Post War Years
Political Events since 1974
Issues in the Present Election
The Tory Party and the "New Conservatism"
The Immediate Audience and Occasion
Some knowledge about each of these topics is essential
in order to realize the context in which Mrs. Thatcher
delivered her party conferences speeches (1975-1978).
10
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The most difficult task is that of establishing a
proper sense of historical development. Political and social
events in Great Britain since World War II are interpreted
very differently by academics and journalists alike. Perhaps
the most important orientation for the reader is an awareness
of the unique perspective from which each side views the other.
If in fact a major political change is taking place in Britain
today then there is perhaps great value in viewing the rival
forces and in discerning the way in which they characterize
one another. It is necessary to consider the accuracy of
these perceptions and to evaluate the trends in sociological
and political thought. If it is difficult for the "experts"
to agree on where Great Britain has been and how she got
there, it is seemingly impossible for them to reach any sort
of consensus regarding where she is at present or where she
is headed.
I . Great Britain in Post War Years
In a book entitled What's Wrong with Britain?, edited
by Patrick Huber, City Editor of the Sunday Telegraph, a num
ber of distinguished commentators give their views on the
state of the nation. They discuss the nature and cause of
"the British sickness"Three essays which trace the
the economic and moral decline of Great Britain in the post war years. Opinion differs as to when it began and as to the exact nature of the malady, but there is general agreement as to the existence of what is called the
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 12
problems of the post war years indicate how widely opinions
vary among historians seeking to explain the decline in
Britain. Corelli Barnett, a distinguished military historian,
has a reputation for rejecting the accepted version of events,
i.e., pursuing a decided skepticism about national events.
He believes in "total history", which he regards as an
essential interlocking of political, military, social, eco
nomic, and technical facts.^ In his essay entitled
"Obsolescence and Dr. Arnold" he suggests that the key to
the present crisis lies in Britain's industrial incompetence:
Our real problem is "the English disease". And "the English disease" is not the novelty of the past 10 or even 20 years that even informed critics seem to support, but a phenomenon dating back more than a century. . . .°
Thus Dr. Barnett states that it is impossible to evaluate
the postwar period without looking well into the nineteenth
century. A summary of his case follows :
In the mid-1930's during the re-armament effort the
Cabinet discovered that the British steel industry was
totally inadequate. Armor for the new cruisers and air
craft carriers had to be ordered from Czechoslovakia, America,
and Germany who also supplied vast quantities of machine-
tools because the British machine-tool industry was too
"British sickness" or the "English disease".
^"Obsolescence and Dr. Arnold," What's Wrong with Britain?, ed. Patrick Huber (Great Britain: Sphere Books Ltd., 1978), pp. 29-34.
®Ibid., p. 29.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 13
small. Britain had to depend on foreign technology for the
entire re-armament effort.^
Although the British still believed that Britain
was "the workshop of the world" at the beginning of World
War I, technology lagged far behind other industrialized
countries. Exports consisted largely of coal and cotton
goods. American steel and shells rescued Great Britain
in the 1914-16 war effort.
In the 1890's a "Wake up England!" campaign ran in
several newspapers and the comparisons between British and
foreign industry bear an uncanny resemblance to those made
today. The problems cited then as now centered around the
conservatism of British management, the lack of marketing
skill, poor investment incentives, refusal to update plants
and methods, and the "nihilistic opposition of British trade
unions to technological strain.An 1884 Royal Commission
on Technical Education reported that the Europeans had passed
the British in applying science to industry and exhibiting
efficiency in their industrial organization.
After visiting America in 1835 Richard Cobden reported
that Britain's only hope for national prosperity lay "in
the timely remodelling of our system, so as to put it as
nearly as possible upon an equality with the improved
abid., p. 30.
^°Ibid., p. 30.
^4bid. , p. 31.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 14
management of Americans".
Thus, Corelli Barnett builds his case and dates the
beginning of "the English disease" from the time when other
nations became industrialized and British technology lost
its world monopoly. Barnett considers the notion of a special
British genius for technology to be one of the more indefen
sible British myths. He attributes the early industrial
lead to chance historical factors. Only genius could have
maintained that lead. Barnett is interested in why Britain
did not respond to the advance of foreign technology in
the 1860’s by surpassing the competition.
The answers lie in the unique nature of our initial world technological monopoly, which bred a fatal complacency, even arrogance. We came to believe, like an army after a victorious war, that we had found the formula for success ; and, as with such an army, faith in that formula quickly led to blinkered conservatism.
According to Barnett the formula was based (1) on a
belief in the "practical man" who learned on the job, "whether
in the board room or on a work bench," and (2) on "a total
disdain for the kind of thorough-going technical and scien
tific education to be found in rival countries by the
1860's".
In any case the individualistic doctrines of Victorian liberalism forbade the creation of an elaborate State education system on the European or American model. Right up to the Second World War, if not beyond, the British were to remain an ignorant and ill-trained nation compared with their competitors, for it was
^^Ibid., p. 31.
^^Ibid., pp. 31-32.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 15
only between 1900 and 1944 that Britain belatedly and gradually built up a complete system of State education.
Victorian public schools produced men with a mission
of governing the Empire. The ruling class held a contempt
for Yankee professionalism and pushiness. Barnett sees
the bias of the English middle-class and upper-class cul
ture as one which has decided antipathy toward industry
and industrial progress. This he regards as a major factor
in Britain's decay.
If it is true that Britain has lacked both the
necessary skills for technological advancement and the
"requisite mental outlook"^^ for nearly a century, then
the dreams (voiced largely by the "new Conservatives")--
of a thriving British economy based on free enterprise and
a capitalism which causes more people to know a higher stan
dard of living than the present system will allow--seem
particularly farfetched.
Another cause of the "English disease" as Barnett
diagnoses it also goes back to the industrial boom in the
early 19th century; that cause is the alienation, embit-
terment, and hostility of the British urban working class.
In the factory towns of the Industrial Revolution workers
knew only ruthless exploitation and repression. That molded
a segment of the nation.
^^Ibid., p. 32.
^^Ibid., p. 32.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 6
Barnett sees this history of exploitation— and the
lack of adequate housing, welfare, and education well into
the twentieth century--coupled with 20 years of massive
unemployment between the wars as the instruments which forged
the special character of the British working class. "The
cloth-cap mentality" as Barnett puts it contrasts sharply
with the "middle-class outlook of German or Scandinavian
workers".
It is important to keep Barnett's thesis in mind
throughout this study. If as he suggests the most powerful
forces in British society have been resistant to techno
logical adaptation and advancement, then we are bound to
examine very carefully the existence of this "new climate"
of which Lord Blake speaks and the impact of the "new
Conservatism" which Paul Johnson, former editor of the New
Statesman, sees as the bright hope and rising force of
Britain today.
Barnett believes that the national character and
outlook of Britain must be overhauled as well as the indus
trial system. Mrs. Thatcher maintains that the character
of the British people is their greatest asset and given
the strength of that resource she believes Britain has the
capacity to become a nation which once again thrives eco
nomically and rejects socialism. It is essential to keep
in mind historical perspectives and contrasting views of
^^Ibid., p. 33.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Britain's national character when evaluating the audience
and the occasion.
When Anthony Wedgwood Benn served as Minister of
Technology he attributed Britain's slow rate of growth to
the fragmentation of British industry. He saw the answer
in giant corporations on the American pattern which would
enable Britain to afford the necessary research to
reorganize.He felt that a period of "construction and
reform" began in 1964 and that industrial reconstruction
was well underway: e.g., Rolls Royce, strengthened by a
merger with Bristol Siddeley.
Sir Frank McFadzean, chairman of British Airways
and Visiting Professor of Economics at Strathelyde
University since 1967, counters Mr. Benn's position with
evidence that successful invention is not dependent upon
the size of operation; nor does he admit to a correlation
between expenditure on research and economic growth.
Currently Mr. Wedgwood Benn views small business
as the only true entrepreneurs. That seems to many to be
ridiculous and Sir Frank characterizes those who lean toward
that notion as "proponents of Galbraithian nonsense.
According to Sir Frank the unrealistic attitude
^^"The British Public As Victims," What's Wrong with Britain?, ed. Patrick Huber (Great Britain: Sphere Books Ltd., 1978), p. 37.
^^Ibid., pp. 29-40.
^^Ibid., p. 37.
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toward the cost of government services and the false concept
that they are in any way "free" are part of what is holding
Britain back.
We have "free" education and "free" health service ; we have subsidized milk, food, electricity, railways, coal and so forth. In fact these services are not free; all that can really be said is that the British government as tax payers, or the victims of inflation, are financing the British public as consumers of the services provided by the government. . . . There is a growing weight of evidence that public expenditure over a considerable range at both national and local level is for all practical purposes out of control. To the extent that the State cannot make costs go away there is a widespread hope that they will be carried by someone else; an attitude that finds a parallel in militant trade unionism when demands are made for massive wage increases unrelated to productivity.*^^
The crucial point here is that there are those who
suggest that Britain must accept the inflation rate in order
to prevent unemployment. Sir Frank suggests that the choice
is very different:
The choice is between a tightening of the money supply and a moderate degree of unemployment now or for us to progress into hyperinflation and eventually mass unemployment. *^1
Lord Ha ilsham, a politician, political philosopher,
and lawyer, describes the British plight as one of "moral
betrayal, not economic failure". He seems to regard the
search for "social justice" a poor excuse for the lack of
patriotism, public spirit, and a desire to obey the law.
Certainly much of the criticism of the Labor Party
2°Ibid., p. 39.
^hbid., p. 40.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 19 is rooted in the changing values within the party. Low
wages and deplorable working conditions gave rise to a mili
tancy that nearly everyone accepts as having been necessary.
Today, the public sector is often the target of the trade
Lord Hailsham's analyses of the power structure and
purposes of the trade union movement and the constitutional
structure of the Labor Party are useful. Part of any dis
cussion of postwar Britain must touch upon that body of
opinion which credits Britain's decline to the socialistic
policies of the Labor Party under the domination of the
trade unions. The objective of the trade unions is to raise
wages beyond the old surtax threshold, and, in other cases,
where it is not overtly political, it is frequently to defeat
some other, and supposedly weaker, union, or even, as in
the London docks container dispute, another supposedly
weaker, group within the same union.
The movement is more or less infiltrated at the top
by the Marxists and fellow travellers of various hues, and
so is the parliamentary Labor Party, which the trade union
movement fairly effectively controls by its political funds,
representing about four-fifths of the party's revenue, and
its card votes which control about four-fifths of the votes
in the party conference.
The Labor movement as a whole has more or less
declared open war on the middle class, by seeking to abolish
or restrict private medicine and education, to penalize
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the self-employed, the investor, the small landlord, the
farmer, the shopkeeper, by slanting the social services
against them, and by new and destructive taxes like the
Capital Transfer Tax and the wealth tax.
This description of the Labor Party illustrates the
enormous change that both the country and the party have
undergone since the early days of the British Labor Party.
Heroes like Keir Hardie represented the courageous and
abused who dared to change the world. Such men and the
world they encountered no longer exist in quite the same
way, but they engendered great waves of enthusiasm and com
passion. Today's Labor Party is perhaps still riding the
crest of such waves. Hardie's experiences as a young man
illustrate the agony to which the early Labor Party
responded.
The illegitimate son of a Scottish servant girl, Hardie had been raised in the most degrading poverty in the slums of the Patrich district of Glasgow. His mother later married, and the couple had eight children. At the age of seven Hardie obtained a job as a delivery boy, working twelve-and-one-half hours a day for fifty cents a week. . . . At a time when his mother was pregnant, his stepfather unemployed, a younger brother lay dying, and Hardie's wage constituted the entire family income Hardie arrived late for work one morning after tending his mother most of the night. His employer not only dismissed him, but fined the boy his previous weeks wages in order to make him more punctual in the future.^3
"Moral Betrayal, Not Economic Failure," What's Wrong with Britain?, ed. Patrick Huber (Great Britain; Sphere Books Ltd., 1978), p. 37.
^^Owen Peterson, "Keir Hardie: The Absolutely Indepen dent M.P." Quarterly Journal of Speech. Vol. LV. No. 2 (1969), p. 144.
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Such stories explain the moral commitment to Labor that
transcended class divisions; against such injustice
socialist ideology offered a new and better way for Great
Britain. Both the villains and the victims have changed in
the decades since Keir Hardie.
J. B. Priestly offers a somewhat sympathetic expla
nation of the current militancy in the trade union movement.
He seeks to explain why--now that there is less luxury among
the rich and far less discomfort at the other end--there
is more bitterness and greater militancy than ever before.
Two traditions live on: one which is struggling not to die
states that one class is entitled to more benefits than
another class ; a second, more powerful force, feeds on the
memory of past abuse, of overwork and underpay, and deter
mines never to let it happen again. Priestly concludes
that trade union officials are "haunted men carrying a large
chip on the shoulder".
Priestly also suggests that while the British might
want the benefits derived from high pressure, industrialized
society, the consuming interest in the gross national
product, life dominated by production and booming trade
cause most people to draw back. "We don't want that kind
of Britain. We are at heart more civilized people than
"Liberty not Equality Should Be the U.K. Watchword," W h a t 's Wrong with Britain?, ed. Patrick Huber (Great Britain: Sphere Books Ltd., 1 9 7 $ ) , pp. 75-80.
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our successful competitors."^^
Priestly talks of the central threat to the country--
one which has developed gradually in postwar Britain.
We have done the best we can in this country to free people from the intolerable discipline of circumstances. (Example: "Do the job right or clear out!") But people freed from this discipline must move towards self- discipline, otherwise they become idle-minded, undepend able, not fit to play a part in a liberal democracy. And at the moment there are too many of these people around, especially among the young.
But like Margaret Thatcher, Priestly believes that
when all else fails that British people will rally with
all of the greatness that is buried within them demonstrating
courage and "a spirit, at once compassionate and valiant".
There are numerous explanations for the decline in
Britain; controversy flourishes in nearly every area of
discussion. Has the national character shaped the destiny
of Great Britain? Is a disastrous monetary policy to blame
for current economic troubles? Are the educational systems
and the biases against technical training the reasons for
the lack of productivity? For the present study the questions
are more important than the answers ; they allow us to sense
the enormity of problems in Britain today and to view the
answers from several perspectives. There is no single
"Conservative view" of postwar Britain, but there is evidence
that the majority of Conservative M.P.'s rally around their
^^Ibid., p. 78.
2^Ibid., p. 79.
^^Ibid., p. 80.
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leader and support her views. She has gained ground in
the past four years. Her views are the ones which many
in the party feel will change the course of British history.
Thus, she not only carried a program to the party and the
people in her party conference speeches ; she has popularized
an historical perspective.
II. Political Events Since 1974
The general election in 1979 will be the eleventh
time that the British have gone to the polls since 1945.
If the Conservatives win, Margaret Thatcher's position as
the first woman Prime Minister will be of certain historical
significance. A win for Labor would mark the first time
that party has ever won a third election in succession.
The Liberal Party faces an enormous challenge and with it
the possibility that the Scottish Nationalists may emerge
as the third largest party in Great Britain.
From the perspective of Labor sympathizers, Labor
will go the country defending a solid list of achievements.
Those who are not inclined to view the Labor party with
much compassion feel that Labor's only hope for success
lies in concealing the failures of the Government and, in
doing so, promoting policies which are certain to hasten
the ruin of Great Britain.
^^David McKie, Chris Cook, Melanie Phillips, The Guardian/Quartet Election Guide (London: Quartet Books. T978), p. 44.
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It would be impossible to understand the audience
or the occasion for any speech delivered in Great Britain
since 1974 without some knowledge of the important political
events of the period. The circumstances which have shaped
the thinking of the past few years warrant some discussion.
This list itself indicates something of the flow of events:
The General Elections of 1974 The February Election The Return of Harold Wilson The October Election The Economic Conditions, 1974-1976 Inflation The 1975 Budget and the L6 a Week Pay Policy The 1976 Sterling Crisis The National Enterprise Board Party Leadership 1974-1977 Margaret Thatcher's Leadership Victory The Thorpe Affair The Resignation of Harold Wilson The Fight for Labor Leadership The Lib-Lab Pact Issues, 1977
Many of these events went unreported by the American
press ; thus, a simple explanation of the significance of
the topics listed provide a basic orientation of the period.
The General Elections of 1974
The February Election
The general election of February 1974 was held during
a state of emergency and the country was on a three day work
week. The Arab oil embargo continued after the Arab-lsraeli
war; the miners dispute began in November, 1973; electrical
engineers banned out-of-hours work; the Bank Rate rose to
13%. In December, 1973, a 63° F limit on office heating
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was imposed together with a 50 miles per hour speed limit.
The railwaymen's union, ASLEF, brought the nation to a crisis
point when they banned overtime and began a policy of non
cooperation. On the 7th of February at 12:45 p.m. Prime
Minister Edward Heath announced that the nation would go
to the polls on February 28th.
Firm Action for a Fair Britain, the Conservative Party
manifesto, proclaimed the need for strong government to over
come inflation, that government must win out over any group
of worker, however powerful such groups became. Heath repre
sented the Conservatives as the hope for those who had no
union to protect them and who were suffering at the hands of
those who had.
Labor sought to convince the country that they had
got the country out of a mess in 1964-70 and left it finan
cially strong. In their view they were the only ones ready
to do that difficult job again.
The general election of February 1974 provided an
excellent opportunity for the Liberal and Nationalist parties.
Liberals rose higher in the opinion polls than they had ever
been during an election. They emphasized a permanent prices
and incomes policy that would be backed by penalties to those
whose actions caused inflation.
The election campaign was, by all accounts, a bitter
one. For the first time since 1929 the election gave no
party an overall majority. Both Labor and Conservatives
had a drop in support. The Liberals and Nationalists profited
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seats while they won 6 million votes. However, the votes
polled for the Liberals marked a great personal triumph.
A high percentage of the electorate, 78.7%, voted; that was
still below the record polls in 1950 and 1951 (84.5% and
82.6% respectively).
The nature of the Conservative defeat affected the
response of the party leader, Heath. Instead of offering
an immediate resignation he entered into discussions with
Jeremy Thorpe, the Liberal leader, to determine whether they
could agree on a working arrangement. The failure of these
talks weakened the Conservatives in 1974. Thus, Harold Wilson
was assured of the unlikelihood of an anti-labor government.
The Return of Harold Wilson
The new government under Wilson had a balance of left-
wing politicians and those who were more moderate. James
Callaghan went to the foreign office ; Roy Jenkins was at the
Home Office and Denis Healey took the job of Chancellor of the
Exchequer. Michael Foot became Secretary of State for employ
ment and Wedgwood Benn, Secretary for Industry. The two
women in the cabinet were Barbara Castle at Social Services
and Shirley Williams in the new post of Secretary of State
for Prices and Consumer Protection.
Harold Wilson ruled out a coalition with any other
group and thus another election was inevitable. The 1974
Parliament lasted for six months— until October 1974--making
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. it the shortest Parliament in British history since 1681.
The social contract became the most significant plank
of Labor's policy. The social contract is simply the rela
tionship with the Trade Unions which Labor conceived in oppo
sition and which they developed in the short Parliament of 1974.
A view of the social contract from the perspective of
journalists who write for The Guardian, a newspaper in sym
pathy with Labor, describes the spirit of the social contract.
It is important to pay particular attention to this view
because Mrs. Thatcher has repudiated the success of the
social contract again and again:
The Labor government would pursue a series of policies-- the abolition of hated Conservative legislation, in creases in subsidies and social benefits, the extension of public ownership--which they and the unions alike believed to be in the national interest. In return for that, the unions would moderate the bargaining power of wage negotiations. But the formula on which the Social Contract, in its role as arbiter of wage settlements, was based turned out to be ambiguous. The unions were entitled to such settlements as would enable them to keep pace with the rising cost of living. But was that supposed to compensate for the rise which had already taken place— or to shore them up against the rises which might take place in the future? "If settlements can be confined to what is needed to cover the increase in the cost of living," said Healey in his supplementary budget of 12 November 1974, "we can reasonably expect to see a decrease in the rate of inflation in the coming year." But the accumulation of settlements well above what was needed to compensate for past price rises quickly demonstrated that the Chancellor's was a minority inter pretation of the deal.
David McKie, Chris Cook, Melanie Phillips, The Guardian/Quartet Election Guide (London: Quartet Books? 1978), p. 44.
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The October Election
The Parliament had lasted only 184 days and for the
second time in the century, two general elections had
occurred within the same year, the first such occasion being
1910.
Liberals contested every seat in England and Wales
except for Lincoln. Labor urged the electorate to give
it the mandate necessary to finish the programs it had begun.
Labor's majority was not a great triumph, but the gain of
a majority of 43 over the Conservatives.
Economic Conditions, 1974-1976
The close victory left Labor with the possibility
of a minority government in the near future. By-election
defeats and defections could easily wipe out the narrow
majority.
The four main political targets in Wilson's economic
program all failed--adequate economic growth, full employ
ment, a stable balance of payments, and stable prices.
Unemployment rose by 140,000; over 700,000 were unemployed.
The volume of consumer spending fell for the first time
in 20 years. Clearly, the wages policy within the social
contract appeared not to be working. Some wage settlements
^°Ibid., p. 23.
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rose to 30%.
The 1975 Budget and the E6 a Week Pay Policy
Denis Healey's "rough and tough budget"--as he called
it, preceded a compulsory wages policy. t6 represented
10% of average earnings and the government determined that
sum to be the ceiling on pay increases. No exceptions were
to be allowed and those earning more than E8500 were to
get nothing more. No firms could pass on in price rises
any part of a pay settlement. Up until August 1976 the
limit appears not to have been breached. Although there
were no legal sanctions against individual unions, the price
code mentioned operated as very powerful sanctions. The
recession in the economy and the voluntary cooperation of
the trade unions aided in upholding the wages policy. However,
both the budget and the wages policy implemented during
a serious world-wide recession led to a sharp rise in
unemployment.
The 1976 Sterling Crisis^^
On the 1st of January 1976 the L had stood at $2,024.
By September 28th it had collapsed to $1,637. Neither the
balance of payments deficit nor the high internal rate of
inflation sufficiently explained the crisis. Everywhere
people feared the future of the economy and the failure
p. 24.
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of confidence in business. The Government appeared unable to
contain public expenditure. Publication of a White Paper
on Public Expenditure 1979-80 heightened the fears of the
Public Sector Borrowing Requirement. The North Sea Oil
aided Britain's recovery but not before the crisis had struck
a nerve and an alarm had been sounded.
The National Enterprise Board^^
In November of 1975 Parliament enacted legislation
which provided for a new National Enterprise Board. Even
before the board came into operation the state rapidly made
acquisitions in the private sector. By 1976 the companies
partially or wholly owned by the State included Ferranti,
Alfred Hebert, British Leyland, Rolls-Royce, Dunford and
Elliot. The nationalization of the aerospace and ship
building industries occurred through the passing of the
Aircraft and Shipbuilding Nationalization Bill. However,
the Government had to agree to delete ship-repairing com
panies in order to pass legislation during the 1976-77
session. Conservatives and Liberals opposed the bill at
all stages. The Lords defeated a private bill to enable
the British Transport Docks Board to acquire Flexistone
docks. Labor took no action on its long-standing commitment
to nationalize all ports. In spite of pressure within the
party to legislate to take banks and insurance companies
^^Ibid., p. 24.
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into public ownership, the leadership resisted. The left
wing of the party constantly sought to replace the mixed
economy, but the Labor government chose to amend and adapt.
Party Leadership, 1974-1976
Margaret Thatcher's Leadership Victory
Heath, having lost two campaigns in quick succession,
immediately faced the prospect of being replaced. The party
had begun to realign itself and rethink political and economic
ideology throughout the Heath administration; suddenly the
shifts in thinking became visible and explosive. While
members clamored for Heath's replacement. Heath held his
ground, waiting for the report of the Home Committee which
had been set up to consider the future method of choosing
the party leader. The Committee recommended that when the
party was in opposition, there should be an annual election
by all M.P.s.
Margaret Thatcher came forward as a candidate only
after Sir Keith Joseph made it clear that he would not run.
Her friendship with Sir Keith; her zeal for free enterprise ;
her appreciation of monetarist policies ; and what many termed
as her middle-class values set Mrs. Thatcher apart from
the other candidates. Some observers, such as Lord Crowther-
Hunt, former Constitutional advisor to Wilson, still regard
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her leadership victory as something of a fluke.
Few M.P.s were willing to come out against Heath
in the first ballot. Clearly it was a vote of confidence.
Margaret Thatcher received 130 votes, Edward Heath 119,
Hugh Fraser 16, and there were 11 abstentions.
For the second ballot four more former ministers
declared their candidacy and Hugh Fraser withdrew. But
after the second ballot on February 10, 1979, a third was
unnecessary. Margaret Thatcher won 146 votes out of 271
cast giving her a clear over-all majority. William Whitelaw
received 76 votes. Sir Jeffery Howe and James Prier 19 each,
and John Peyton 11. Margaret Thatcher, like the others,
had a great deal to lose in running on the first ballot,
but her courage paid off. For the first time a major
political party chose for its leader a woman.
The Guardian (pro-Labor) correspondents, like many
others, characterized Mrs. Thatcher's victory as a swing
to the right.
For the leadership vote had led not merely to defeat for Heath but also for such center moderates as Whitelaw and Howe. Margaret Thatcher's new team, however, was in most respects made up of a fair cross section of the party, although the dropping of such liberals as Robert Carr, Peter Walker and Nicholas Scott and the appoint ment of Sir Keith Joseph to take charge of policy and research rather disguised the fact.34
^^Personal Interview, Lord Crowther-Hunt. Exeter College, Oxford, December 15, 1978.
^^David McKie, Chris Cook, Melanie Phillips, The Guardian/Quarter Election Guide (London : Quartet Book^ T978), p. 28.
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Under Margaret Thatcher the Conservatives won a series
of by-election victories. In September of 1975 the Times
[London] came out in support of her "new Conservatism" which
gave credence to Margaret Thatcher's authority and docu
mented the significance of the ideological struggle within
the party.
The speeches which Margaret Thatcher delivered between
February, 1975, and July, 1977, outlined a struggle, chart
a strategy, and illustrate her rise from the position of
elected leader to the role of undisputed head of her party.
The rise was neither gradual nor constant. During the spring
and summer of 1975, the British press waited for a person
ality to emerge from the calm that followed the clamor of
leadership battle. For those who had expected her to break
out of the starting gate chomping at the bit the morning
after her election, she proved to be something of a disap
pointment until she delivered her speech in New York City
on September 15, 1975. The anger and delight which are
reflected in the mass of conflicting conclusions in the
press reports indicate that her words drew the battle lines
and established Margaret Thatcher as a controversial champion,
an articulate and powerful voice. The speech was a major
political victory for Mrs. Thatcher, and if the Conservative
Party wins in the next general election it may well be
viewed as the triumphant first step in the course of her
becoming Prime Minister. The day after her New York speech
the Evening News reported; "After seven months as Leader
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of the Opposition, Mrs. Thatcher appears to have found her
voice. A no-nonsense voice it is too, the voice of an alter
native Prime Minister.The Washington Post outlined
a wide range of responses back home, one of which was "The
Times of London changing its generally disapproving editorial
view of her as a result of the same New York speech, in
which she voiced what the Times termed 'the new
vatism'".^^
Mrs. Thatcher made a significant leap forward in
July, 1977. Suddenly, she seemed to many observers to be
moving rapidly toward No. 10 Downing Street. Paul Johnson,
former editor of the New Statesman and a recent convert
from socialism to the "new Conservatism" made this obser
vation on July 24, 1977, in the Sunday Times.
For the first time since she was elected as Leader of the Opposition, she enjoyed an unqualified parliamentary triumph, and on a subject which is dearest to her heart and interests and which, indeed is abso lutely essential to the future well-being of all of us--the conduct of the economy. These parliamentary triumphs are more important than they may seem to the outsider. For someone like Margaret Thatcher, who has never quite been accepted as a future Prime Minister, even by some on her own side, they are needed to establish the reservoir of self-confidence without which no one can get to the top in British politics.^'
^^"Speak Up at Home, Maggie," Evening News, 16 September 1975. ------
^^Jeanette Smyth, "Thatcher Midst the Colonials," Washington-Post, 19 September 1975. 37 Paul Johnson, "All of a sudden Margaret Thatcher Is Looking like a Real Prime Minister," Sunday Times, 24 July 1977.
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This particular rhetorical triumph suggests the
possibility of a casual relationship between Mrs. Thatcher's
rhetorical and policy changes within the Government. Paul
Johnson, who is both a respected and seasoned observer,
also said this of her parliamentary success:
Oratorical victories do not spring out of thin parliamentary air. They reflect realities too. And the reality in this case is that the Government has now abandoned its own economic policy as a failure, and embraced Mrs. Thatcher's. 38
By 1977 Mrs. Thatcher had made enormous strides in
refuting the claims of Keynesian economists and popularizing
the monetarists' position. Her task seems to be that of
convincing the people that a Conservative Government, under
her leadership, will know how to make free enterprise work
in Britain and to bring prosperity to a country on the verge
of becoming a third rate power. Later chapters deal with
the way in which Margaret Thatcher develops such ideas,
but this chapter focuses on the way in which those ideas
have become credible to the people of Great Britain. As
an examination of the key political events since 1974 and
the issues dominating the current election campaign provide
the background necessary in order to understand Lord Blake's
observations concerning the "changed climate" in British
politics. Lord Blake perceives a new body of political
thought and influence coming from the right, not the left.
As Provost of Queens College, Oxford Robert Blake is in
'«Ibid.
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constant contact with scholars, journalists, and students;
from his vantage point "no one is listening to the socialists
any more".
The Thorpe Affair
Certainly the October 1974 election marked a distinct
loss of momentum by the Liberals. In the by-elections up
until the Lib-Lab "pact" of March, 1977, (discussed later
in this chapter) the Liberals continued to lose strength.
By 1976, Thorpe had been party leader for nine years.
His association with a collapsed secondary bank caused
tremendous criticism. Amidst these circumstances a most
unsavory affair surfaced in the press. Norman Scott, a
former male model, alleged that he had a homosexual rela
tionship with Thorpe. In spite of Thorpe's denials the
affair caused a furor. Then on May 10 Thorpe resigned.
The Liberals worked out a highly complex system to elect
a new leader and David Steel, who had been the party's Chief
Whip, emerged as leader. By December of 1978 Thorpe's private
affairs dominated the news concerning the Liberal Party.
As a result of the Scott affair Thorpe was charged with
conspiracy to commit murder.
39 Personal Interview, Lord Blake. Queens College, Oxford, December 15, 1978.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. The Resignation of Harold Wilson
Harold Wilson announced on March 16, 1976, that he
would resign as Prime Minister. The announcement came as
a total surprise in spite of the rather sound reasons he
put forward. Among his reasons were, first, his long career
in Parliament; he had served on the front bench for thirty
years, in the cabinet for eleven, and as Prime Minister for
eight. Secondly, he felt that younger men should be given
the opportunity to take his place; this proved ironic because
at sixty Wilson was in his political prime and his eventual
successor, James Callaghan, was older.
Critics of Wilson argued that he had quit with three
major crises threatening: the economic crisis ; a widening
left-right split within the party; and an ever-decreasing
parliamentary majority which made another election seem
imminent. Wilson did not accept a peerage, but on April
22nd the announcement was made that he had received the
Order of the Garter.
The Fight for the Labor Leadership
In the first ballot of the contest for the Labor
leadership, six contestants stood. Michael Foot and Tony
Benn represented the left wing; James Callaghan and Roy
Jenkins, the moderate camp. Foot polled 90 votes ; Callaghan
84, Jenkins 56, Benn 37, Healey 30, and Crossland 17. In
the second round Callaghan and Foot led the race with
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Callaghan receiving 141 and Foot 133. In the third ballot
most of Healey's support went to Callaghan who won 176 votes
to Foot's 137.
Foot's amazing success in the contest indicated the
substantial leftward movement within the party in one decade.
Although Foot's personal magnetism accounted for some support
it did not entirely explain his success.
Callaghan became Prime Minister on April 5, 1976.
In contrast to Wilson's brilliant academic career at Oxford,
Callaghan had only an elementary and secondary education.
He made his career as a civil service tax officer. Under
Wilson he served as Chancellor of the Exchequer, Home
Secretary, and Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary.
The Lib-Lab Pact
The Callaghan administration succeeded in holding
on for as long as it did as a result of the working arrange
ment it came to with the Liberals. Labor has managed to
hold on for the full five years before necessarily calling
an election. Time, in some respects, has worked in
Callaghan's favor.
In March,1977, Callaghan faced certain defeat in a
Conservative vote of "no confidence". He was weakened by
by-election losses and the Nationalists had stated that
they would vote against Labor in the vote of confidence.
Callaghan's only hope for remaining Prime Minister and
avoiding an immediate general election was an agreement
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with the Liberals.
In spite of the criticism that both Callaghan and
Steel received the pact proved a sensible solution for the
Labor and Liberal parties neither of which wanted an
election.
Issues, 1977
In 1977 the North Sea Oil benefits began to tranform
the balance of payments showing an actual surplus. The
pound gained strength, largely because of the weakness of
the dollar. The sterling crisis of 1976 clearly marked
the gravest period in the government's economic struggles.
But the economy was still in recession during 1977 and critics
of the Government voiced doubts in Labor's ability to lead
Britain into a period of prosperity.
The Devolution Bill provided another delicate issue
which divided the Labor Party. The Labor Party relied
heavily on support from the Scottish National Party,
The most popular scheme which was advanced by the
majority of the Royal Commission on the Constitution,
appointed in 1969, proposed the creation of regional
assemblies for Scotland and Wales elected on the basis of
proportional representation. However, eventually Labor
came to support devolution with elected assemblies for
Scotland and Wales. By mid-1978 devolution had moved closer
to being a reality; it only remained for Scotland and Wales
to give the necessary assent in the référendums.
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As to the question of Ulster troubles, little was
resolved. Elections were held in May 1975 in order that
a constitutional convention might come together and recom
mend how the province should be governed. On the 5th of
March, 1976, the convention was finally dissolved and direct
rule from Westminster continued.
Finally, Labor’s domestic legislation made some note
worthy changes in the society. Conflicts in the Lords
centered around two measures--the Dock Work Regulation Bill
and the Aircraft and Shipbuilding Industries Bill; the latter
became law in March 1977. The main legislation which
Callaghan could cite included the following:
Police Act (establishing a Police Complaints Board authorized to assist the police in investigating charges made against the police by the public.)
Health Services Act (providing for the progressive withdrawal of private medicine from National Health Service hospitals.)
The Education Act (requiring local education authorities to abolish selection in secondary education.)
Race Relations Act (created a new Commission for Racial Equality.)
III. Issues in the 1979 Election
The Management of the Economy
Clearly, the management of the economy is the single
greatest issue in the 1979 general election. It is also
the most difficult one to describe with unwavering objec
tivity. It is important to look at the explanations which
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economists and journalists have made regarding both the
Government's management of the British economy and current
economic theory. In their Election Guide journalists from
the Guardian present an assessment of the present Government
in a light which would be acceptable to most social democrats.
Although labels are hazardous they are essential in
distinguishing factions within great political parties such
as the Conservative and Labor parties in Britain. The Tory
left and the Labor right are often said to be committed
to the ideals of social democracy, choosing the mixed economy
as the means to achieve their goals. Both the Labor left
and the Conservative right aim to change the economic system
drastically if given the power to do so, the former desiring
more government control and the latter working toward a free
market economy. Such necessary simplifications of the
ideological differences between the two parties present
a particular difficulty to the American reader. We must
resist the tendency to equate their "left" and "right" with
our own; the differences are great. If we place Barry
Goldwater, Philip Crane, or Ronald Reagan on the right end
of the Republican Party and George McGovern on the left
end of the Democratic Party, the entire range of ideological
diversity would fit within Britain's Conservative Party.
We have no major political party which contains a block
of members who are out to reconstruct the economic system
and nationalize all industry as is the case with Britain's
Labor Party. Among "moderate" Conservatives at least there
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is some question as to whether Mrs. Thatcher is at the right
of the Conservative Party or is instead a moderate calling
for a new Conservatism; it is essential for the American
reader to remember that the left-right continuum in British
politics is much more inclusive than our own. The middle
ground continues to shift toward the left in Britain; thus
a ’’middle way” or ’’moderate course” must be viewed strictly
within the context of the British system.
The following summary of the Government's management
of the economy is that of the Guardian journalists to which
we referred earlier:
Labor's left condemned the failure to break out of the old, tried, and in their view, discredited, system of orthodox deflationary policies, rather than their own "alternative strategy” of industrial reconstruction through extensive state intervention behind protec tionist walls. The Liberals put special weight on the instability of British government, the chop and change for largely party purposes which had robbed industry of what it had always needed most of all to encourage investment and enhance productivity: a climate of continuity. The Conservatives said that Britain's troubles in these years had been substan tially of the Government's manufacturing, chiefly because of the Chancellor's failure to read the writings on the wall, his reluctance to cut public spending, his inconsistent governing of the money supply. The Conservatives put their hope in an "enterprise package” of major cuts in direct taxation, balanced by increases in direct taxation where necessary, and most of all an attack by Government s p e n d i n g . ^0
Certainly it could be said, as the election approached, that the worst should now be over, and the decline in living standards arrested. . . . The question which the Opposition parties asked and the Government was
40 David McKie, Chris Cook, Melanie Phillips, The Guardian/Quartet Election Guide (London: Quartet Books, 1978,
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required to answer was whether Labor's management of the economy had exacerbated the inevitable problems-- rather than saving us, as the government claimed, for still worse.
In 1978 Penguin Books published a paperback by Trevor
Russel, a dissident Tory. He joined the Conservative Party
in 1969, having been a member of the Labor Party prior to
that. As of December 1978 the bookstore at Conservative
Central Office had decided not to continue stocking the book.
It had obviously irritated those in control of the Party.
An article in the Daily Telegraph characterized Trevor
Russel's acccount in this way:
Penguin's typical Tory has hysterics for about 170 pages about the Right-wing Terror apparently being conducted by Mrs. Thatcher and Sir Keith Joseph and ends with a moving plea for moderation. . . . He falls for the antique "Keynesian" patter about one present unemploy ment being caused by lack of Government-induced "demand." But the evidence is clear that it is caused by such Government-induced distortions as wage fixing and union monopolies which price people out of jobs. Elsewhere, Mr. Russell (predictably) demands "the Middle-Way." His middle-way has become a left lane ; no place for a Tory, only for Penguin's idea of one.
Russel is quite outside the current power structure in the
Conservative Party, but his opinion does reflect a side of
the Tory Party. He enthusiastically supports Peter Walker,
a cabinet member in the Heath Government.
Heath, Walker and others on the left of the Conservative Party have shown themselves much more perceptive about the future of capitalism than Mrs. Thatcher, Joseph and the Tory Powellites. Theirs is a realistic rather
^4bid., p. 52.
42"Turn Left for Middle Way," Daily Telegraph, 2 October 1978. ------
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than a romantic view, a pragmatic, rather than an ideological one. Because there have been hiccups at times during the past thirty years does not mean that the postwar system of Keynesian economic management is suffering from an ulcer. Mrs. Thatcher and Joseph deny that they believe in laissez-faire, but they do pay homage to the doctrines of Adam Smith and Milton Friedman. Not for many years has the leadership of the Conservative Party drawn its inspiration and ideology from sources like that. Free enterprise has got to show that it can successfully attain its economic objectives without sacrificing the values which people hold dear. Capitalism has changed, and must continue to change. Many of the reforms it has experienced have been imposed by government--and many more will doubtless have to be imposed in the future with the aim, as Walker says, of enhancing it. The alternative to change and reform is destruction, sooner or later. That could happen anyway, at the hands of a full-fledged Marxist Labor government--and there will be little any future Tory government or Tory party can do about that.
Many on the Tory left are much closer to the social
democrats within the Labor Party than to those who are at
all sympathetic to monetarist views. Keynesian economics
have dominated postwar Britain; monetarism originates in
America in the "Chicago school" of economics associated with
Milton Friedman; the two schools of economic thought are
diametrically opposed to each other. In the 1970's
monetarism became a contender for influence on policy in
Britain.
The virtual unanimity of the financial press--and more especially, the stand taken by "The Times"— That the money supply must be brought under control
Trevor Russell, The Tory Party: Its Policies, Divisions and Future (Middlesex, England: Penguin Books Ltd., 1978), p. 27.
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was possibly the most important single cause of the progress made by,monetarism in public debate in those years [1973-75]/?
The disciples of John Maynard Keynes led the economic
thinking in both Great Britain and the United States for
more than a quarter century. The Keynesian formula worked
well in the United States until the late 1960's: The U.S.
Government stimulated the economy by increasing spending
during the slumps and by cooling off the booms with cut
backs.
But the recession-ridden 1970's [U.S.] have demolished the Keynesian notion that there is a tidy trade-off, controllable by government, between inflation and unemployment. Both, it turns out, can rise at the same time, frustrating fine-tuning attempts to maintain eco nomic balance.
In the United States Newsweek magazine, June 26, 1978,
published an article entitled "The New Economists". The
shift in economic thinking is marked by economic theory which
"out Friedmans Milton Friedman". The article suggests that
"the best and the brightest of graduate students and young
professors are leading the Conservative shift. But they
are not necessarily conventional political conservatives".^^
While examining both attacks on and endorsements of the
monetarist view it is important to keep in mind this shift
among scholars and financial journalists in Great Britain
^^Tim Congdon, Monetarism (London: Center for PnliVv Studies, 1978), p. 12. ^ ''hbid.
^^Newsweek. 26 June 1978.
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and the United States.
The new economists range in ideology from a variety of monetarism which spurns activitist government intervention in the economy to a pragmatic "neo- classicism" that accepts some government action but is profoundly critical of past policies. All of them endorse the view that markets work more efficiently when the government leaves them alone, and they are deeply suspicious of broad efforts to manipulate the economy. All charge that the old schools ignore the impact of government policies on real people and mar kets. The new conservatives claim that their research shows that government has actually strangled savings and investment--and they insist that private production mechanisms now need a respite from years of government intervention. '
The statement above refers to the United States economy.
Of course the degree of government intervention in Great
Britain is vastly greater.
Trevor Russel refers to a resistance to government
intervention as "blinkered ideology". Since the war the
Conservative and Labor parties alike have accepted increased
government intervention as essential, differing largely as
to degree. But the time has come when the Tory left and
the Labor party can no longer dismiss the monetarists' views
as unenlightened and indefensible. Attacks such as the
following abound in the pro-Keynesian, anti-monetarist liter-
Free enterprise has got to show that it can success fully attain its economic objectives without sacrificing the values which people hold dear.^^
^^Trevor Russel, The Tory Party: Its Policies, Divisions and Future (Middlesex, England: Penguin Books Ltd. 19 78), pT 25,
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Such statements now appear trite, simplistic, and
misleading in the face of new economic theory. There are
now formidable opponents to Keynesian economics and such
resistance cannot be dismissed by calling it "blinkered
ideology".
Harvard Professor Martin Feldstein, the most promi
nent of the new market economists, has completed research
which indicates that the pro-interventionists must defend
their own position in terms of the way in which interven
tionist policies have actually benefited society. Past
suppositions have been overturned. There appear to be
problems of economic detail that Keynesians tend to ignore.
Whereas the Keynesians, for example, assumed that society as a whole would clearly gain by cutting unemployment through government stimulus, Feldstein's own studies conclude that the benefits have been less than the cost of the inflation generated by the stimu lus. His analysis shows that high unemployment compen sation predictably boosts the jobless rate by reducing the incentive to find work. But he also found that employers use unemployment benefits deliberately to lay off workers during slack periods and avoid building inventories. From both angles, Feldstein argues, unemployment benefits are actually a cause of unemployment--an effect that would be minimized if they were taxed as ordinary income.
Public Spending^^
In the years from 1964-73 public spending doubled
49 'The New Economists," Newsweek. 26 June 1978, p. 60.
^^David McKie, Chris Cook, Melanie Philips, The Guardian/Quartet Election Guide (London: Quartet Books Ltd.. Ï9>8), pp. 66-73.
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in the United Kingdom. Although inflation accounts for much
of the increase, the expansion in real terms was phenomenal.
It must be said that Mrs. Thatcher at Education and Sir Keith
Joseph at Housing were big spenders as well as the Labor
governments of Harold Wilson and James Callaghan. Both Sir
Keith and Margaret Thatcher have since repented for much
of what they did not do as Conservatives and also for the
policies which they did in fact support.
"After all," Keith once asked the Conservative Party,
"we have held power for half of the last 30 years ; how did
we allow such things to come to pass?"^^ But under Margaret
Thatcher's leadership the Opposition has voiced a new
Conservatism that denounces much of what the Conservative
Party as well as the Labor Party has done in this century.
Sir Keith Joseph, like many of the monetarists, is
a formidable intellectual. In rethinking public spending
Sir Keith, who remains one of Mrs. Thatcher's most intimate
advisors, does not feel tied to his former commitments. Both
he and Mrs. Thatcher seem especially able to say "We missed
the mark before, but we're on course now". In a profile
of Sir Keith Joseph which appeared in the New Statesman^^
he is both scorned and saluted. The opening lines in the
article quoted Edward Heath's opinion of Joseph, "A good
^^"Prophet Without Honor," New Statesman, 29 October 1978. ------^^Ibid.
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man fallen among monetarists. They've robbed him of all
his judgment, not that he had much in the first place." The
final paragraph gets at the heart of and perhaps the justi
fication for a new Conservative's views on public spending,
views which demand radical change.
In risking the contempt and derision which British politics reserves for the man of ideas, Joseph had retrospectively abolished all the years he has spent as a Tory up to now. It would be interesting to know from what source he draws his burning conviction that the next time will be different. But prophet s - - armed or unarmed--are seldom so obliging.
Everyone expected that Labor would go farther than
a Conservative government in expanding public expenditure.
Collective effort and a lack of faith in individual provisions
is part of the historic Labor philosophy. In a classic Labor
document. The Future of Socialism by Anthony Crossland,
the revisionism of the social democratic wing of the party
is spelled out ; spending public money for public good is
the basis of that ethic. But in the Labor governments of
1964-1966 the imposition of the ethic began to run amuck.
Labor had to contract rather than expand and to adjust
spending accordingly.
It became increasingly hard to see how Labor's plans could be paid for without additional demands on the public which--in the eyes of the Crosslandite wing of
^\bid.
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the party--was already paying rather more tax than it could equably tolerate.
Throughout Denis Healey's term at the Treasury the
conflict between insuring sound financial management of
a mixed economy and remaining the great provider for the
helpless and dependent created a tension that remained
unresolved. The government trimmed the budget in an effort
to make the counter-inflation policy work. Repeatedly they
introduced subsidies and removed them gave out reliefs and
took them back.
Taxation
Many have claimed that the British taxpayer now
carries heavier burdens than his counterpart almost anywhere
in the world. Others would insist that that is disputable.
The level of direct taxation placed Britain at the top of
the European league in 1977.
Liberals and Conservatives urged bigger cuts in
taxation by switching more of the burden on the indirect
taxes. The Prime Minister and the Chancellor went along
with this in spite of Labor's historic commitment to direct
taxes which are progressive (i.e. a systematic redistribution
of the wealth by taking a higher proportion of income from
David McKie, Chris Cook, Melanie Philips, The Guardian/Quartet Election Guide (London: Quartet BoôËs Ltd. . 1978), p. 67.
^^Ibid., pp. 66-73.
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the rich than from the poor). Increases in the VAT (value
added tax) and duties on beer and cigarettes dropped behind
the rate of inflation. Therefore, those items actually
decreased in price in real terms after four years of Labor
Gtovernment.
An American journalist, Jeffrey Hart, discussed the
forthcoming election with Mrs. Thatcher in September, 1978.
She considered taxes and productivity to be among the key
issues.
Her view: British productivity must be reactivated, taxes must come down. She says that this point is beginning to sink in; and on taxes and productivity she sounds like a British version of Jack Kemp. She says that the Socialist doctrine of redistribution is dead, bankrupt. Without productivity, there's little to redistribute.
Education, Law and Order, Race and Immigration
The Labor and Conservative parties clashed vehemently
on the subject of education. The Opposition charged that
the Government pushed "doctrinaire" policies rather than
improvement in teaching standards. The lowered standards
in the basic skills of reading, writing, and arithmetic,
as well as the problems of discipline, vandalism, and
truancy, came under fire.
The Government denied full inflationary increases
in government grants. Rage and indignation mounted when
^^Jeffrey Hart, "Waiting for Thatcher?", State Times (Baton Rouge, Louisiana), 19 September 1978.
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TABLE 1
TAXES AS % OF GROSS NATIONAL PRODUCT
at factor cost inclusive and exclusive of social security contributions
1975 incl SSC 1969 1972 1975 based on INC EXC INC EXC INC EXC EEC tax SSC SSC SSC SSC SSC SSC Statistics
Canada 36.7 33.3 37.6 34.3 37.7 33.6
Denmark 42.0 39.9 51.8 49.3 50.4 49.4 49.8
France 40.7* 25.9* 40.1 25.0 41.2 24.5 41.9
Italy 33.4* 20.5* 33.3 20.0 34.0 18.7 34.4
Netherlands 43.1 27.5 47.9 30.6 53.1 32.1 53.3
Sweden 44.5 35.7 50.5 40.4 52.2 42.0
US 31.1 25.2 33.3 26.4 32.5 24.6
UK 42.7 37.1 38.4 32.4 40.8 33.5 40.3
Belgium 38.0 27.2 39.5 27.3 44.7 30.9 45.7
Germany 40.0 29.0 40.0 27.6 41.9 27.8 41.9
Ireland 34.0 31.3 36.7 33.4 n.a. n.a.
dapan 20.8 17.0 22.0 17.8 22.4 17.0
* = 1970 Figures. Figures below line compiled on different accounting basis from those above.
SOURCE: Economic Trends, December 1977.
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HOW THE TAX THRESHOLD FELL
Income tax threshold as percentage of median earnings
1971- 2 ...... 64.5
1972-3 ...... 68.6
1973-4 ...... 58.6
1974-5 ...... 59.5
1975-6 ...... 50.0
1976-7 ...... 50.6
SOURCE: Social Trends
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i r il i ■ I îi^p,P il î p W , ; ipfP^ 0 il 1 j ils I
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. REDISTRIBUTIVE EFFORTS OF TAX AND BENEFITS 1971 AND 1976
This table shows the income, before and after all tax and benefits, of each of ten income groups. The main figures show income ; the underlined figures beneath them show in come as a proportion of the average.
1971 1976 Before After Before After
I 23 557 33 1,493 1.28 36.1 0.87 44.5
II 258 695 409 1,654 1 ^ 45.0 10.8 49.3
III 777 932 1,277 2,142 43.1 60.4 33.8 63.8
IV 1,195 1,139 2,376 2,470 66.3 73.8 62.8 73.6
V 1,531 1,299 3,180 2,891 85.0 84.0 84.1 86.2
VI 1,827 1,502 3,877 3,276 101.4 97.3 102.5 97.7
VII 2,115 1,701 4,585 3,716 117.4 110.2 121.3 110.8
VIII 2,472 1,965 5,420 4,087 137.2 127.3 143.3 121.9
IX 3,015 2,243 5,683 4,820 167.3 145.3 174.1 143.7
X 4,813 3,405 10,066 6,985 267.1 220.5 266.2 208.3
SOURCE: Economic Trends, February 1978 (with addi tional calculations) which see for details of sampling and method.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 56
Reg Prentice, then Education Secretary, suggested that they
sell their treasures. The universities suspected that Labor
held a bias against them and the Conservatives shared that
suspicion.
In Jeffrey Hart's September, 1979, article on Mrs.
Thatcher he reports his comments on education.
In its dying throes, the Labor government is trying to impose "comprehensive schools" as one mode of primary and secondary education. Labor opposes any special treatment for especially gifted students. Mrs. Thatcher thinks the voters are up in arms about this drastic egalitarianism.
Law and order has become a critical issue in the
mid-seventies in Britain. In the party conferences the
Conservatives called for more police and more public support
for them; they asked for stiffer penalties and a tougher
approach to young offenders. Tories cited instances of
workers being beaten up by pickets, of direct action by
totalitarian Trotskyites, and of threats to the peace and
order in communities by marches and demonstrations.
The Irish Republican Army carried out a sustained
campaign of violence on the British mainland in 1974 which
culminated in the worst terrorist incident in British his
tory when 21 people died in bomb explosions in two public
houses.
Conservatives pressed for the restoration of the
death penalty. Many M.P.s who were not ideologically
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opposed to hanging considered it a threat to the stability of
the society, arguing that it might cause increased violence
and hostage taking if it were reintroduced.
In two debates— 11 December 1974 and 11 December
1975— the Commons rejected the restoration of the death
penalty for terrorist crimes by votes of 269 to 217 and
361 to 232. On both occasions there was a "free vote",
but the house divided along party lines.
Race and immigration became a major issue early in
1978. Both major parties agreed that strict immigration
control would promote good race relations. The Labor left
rejected this assumption and at the 1967 party conference
they called for a repeal of both the 1971 and the 1968
Immigration Acts. The Liberals at the 1976 party conference
called for all restrictions on the entry of United Kingdom
passport holders and unrestricted entry for dependents and
fiances of those already settled in the U.K.
Early in 1978 James Callaghan remarked to reporters
in Bangladesh that immigration was "a problem for us, not
for you". Soon after his remark immigration became a major
issue in the election campaign. Mrs. Thatcher's now infamous
remark on television that Britain would be swamped by
peoples of different culture and that Conservatives want
an end to immigration to maintain good race relations and
^^In a "free vote" party discipline is not enforced; the M.P.s are encouraged to vote their conscience.
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to maintain the "fundamental British character" caused an
enormous stir. The newspapers reported explosive reactions
by Labor and Liberal M.P.s and other outraged observers
who denounced Mrs. Thatcher as a racist and accused her
of attempting to win the National Front vote.
In Jeffrey Hart's report of Mrs. Thatcher's stand
on the issues he views the situation somewhat differently;
Labor is trying to portray the Conservatives as racist. Mrs. Thatcher stresses the point that she does not want and never has advocated expulsion of recent colored immigrants. She does think that Britain has absorbed about as much such immigration as it can, and that future immigration should be curtailed. On this I judge her to be in tune with popular feelings.
IV. The Tory Party and the New Conservatism
In postwar Britain the Tories have been led by the
progressive wing of the party and their views have not been
totally out of step with those of the "social democrats"
in the Labor camp. During previous Conservative Governments
those at the right of the party were labeled reactionaries;
the "best opinion" usually regarded them as being motivated
by self interest, stubbornly resisting a fairer society.
Assuming that there are always those motivated by self
interest in every political party, an examination of the
views of those who genuinely believed that Britain was
pursuing a deadly course is useful. Such people have
^^Jeffrey Hart, "Mating for Thatcher?" State Times (Baton Rouge, Louisiana), 19 September 1978.
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VOTING FOR THE RESTORATION OF THE DEATH PENALTY
1974 For Against DNV Total 1975 For Against DNV Total
Con 202 55 18 275 Con 216 48 12 276
Lab 3 296 18 317 Lab 3 296 16 315
Lib 1 11 1 13 Lib 3 8 2 13
Nat 5 3 1 12 Nat 5 7 2 14
Others 8 3 1 12 Others 7 4 2 13
Total* 219 371 41 631 Total* 234 363 34 631
+ Speaker and 3 deputies 635 + Speaker and 3 deputies 635
DNV = Did not vote *Totals include tellers
SOURCE: David McKie, Chris Cook, and Melanie Phillips, The Guardian/Quartet Election Guide, London: Quartet Books, 1978, p. 118.
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achieved recognition in recent years that would not have
been possible a decade ago. There is evidence of "new
climate" in Britain. The intellectual establishment can
no longer decree that the "best intellectual thinking" must
rise from the left.
First came broad based student support:
Part of the reason for this dramatic swing in the Conservatives among students is undoubtedly dissatis faction with the antics of the extreme Left who dominated the student politics during the late sixties and early seventies. Over the past three years moderates of all kinds have been doing increasingly well in student elections.
The popularity of intellectual opinion which dared to
denounce socialism began gaining ground on campuses in
the seventies. The defensive posture of those Conservatives
to the right of the party changed and a new conservatism,
not unlike Gladstonian liberalism, forged ahead calling
for a new approach and urging another economic system.
This rallying of the moderates may not be the only reason for the headway that Conservatism is currently making among students. Michael Forsyth reckons that ideology could be an equally important factor. He points to the impact made by Sir Keith Joseph who spoke at more than 120 universities, polytechnics and colleges in the last academic year [1976]. Everywhere he went his uncompromising intellectual defense of free mar ket economics won an interested and enthusiastic response from large student audiences. More than fifty people joined the Conservative Association of St. Andrews after debate between Sir Keith and Steve Parry, then Chairman of NUS. Forsyth [1976 Chairman of the Federation of Conservative Students] reckons that the Conservatives have done well in university and college elections when they have dropped the defensive.
^^lan Bradley, "Students Move Right," Spectator, 19 September 1978. ------
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apologetic style of the moderates, and come out as unashamed supporters of free enterprise and capitalism. "In doing this," he says, "we have produced an argument" which is directly opposed to that which has been put to students for years ; and when confronted with a choice between socialism and capitalism, many of them prefer capitalism.
In an essay^^ entitled "A Changed Climate" Lord Blake
discusses the way in which a sort of "intellectual revolt"
is taking place in Britain. Signs of an active resistance
against the orthodoxies which have ruled public life since
the early 1940's are emerging. He cites, first, the experiences
of the New Zealand and Australian counterparts to the British
Labor Party and, second, the dwindling credibility of Keynesian
economics. In both New Zealand and Australia the parties
committed to socialism and a controlled economy were driven
out of office in 1975 even though they appeared to have
solid trade union support. In Germany the socialists have
moved to the right in order to build power. As to the shift
in economic thought it is simply a matter of timing. For
a quarter of a century deficit finance and high public expen
diture reigned as the means of achieving full employment,
and expanding economy and a stable currency. In recent
years the pursuit of these policies has produced "a stagnant
economy, the highest unemployment since the nineteen-thirties
Lord Blake, "A Changed Climate", The Conservative Opportunity, ed. Lord Blake and Lord Patten, (London: The Macmillan Press Ltd., 1976), pp. 1-12.
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and the worst inflation since the sixteenth century” .
Lord Blake, as Provost of Queens College, Oxford and
active member of the Conservative Party remains in touch with
academics, journalists, party workers, students, and ordinary
citizens. As an historian he studies change and as a seasoned
observer he senses it:
If the intellectual atmosphere is going to be the same at the next general election, whenever that may be, there would be little prospect of Conservative success, except in the event of a major economic crisis, some traumatic debacle such as a split in the Labor party in 1931. In fact, however, there are signs of one of those rare and profound changes in the intellectual climate which occur only once or twice in a hundred years, like the triumph of the entrepreneurial ethos in nineteenth century England, or the rise of Voltairian scepticism in eight eenth-century France, or the disappearance of Puritanism after 1660. There is a wind of change in Britain and much of the democratic world--and it comes from the right, not the left.
There is, of course, another opinion within the Tory
Party which still looks to the McMillan-Butler tradition as
the strength of postwar Toryism. They cite Churchill and
Rab Butler as the champions of a new Tory image, authors of
the progressive alternative.
Butler produced a set of policies which were moderate, progressive, up-to-date and relevant: their basis was a rejection of laissez-faire economics, the endorse ment of a Keynesian approach, i.e. direct and positive government intervention, to the management of the economy, and the acceptance of the Welfare State. All this was anathema to the old guard Tory Right, but the party enbraced it--and so did the people. The
^^Ibid., p. 4.
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Conservatives regained power in 1951 and held office for thirteen unbroken years. But now the Tory Party is no longer led from its Left: Mrs. Thatcher comes from the Tory Right, as do her leading supporters. They reject the legacy they have inherited (from Disraeli, Baldwin, Macmillan, Butler and Heath), for they regard postwar Toryism as a failure, a pale carbon copy of Socialism. . . . Unfortunately for them, the progressive wing of the party is not prepared to see the reforms achieved by their predecessors jettisoned without a fight. Thus, the scene is set for a fierce struggle inside the Tory Party--one which will not be resolved simply by winning the next general election.
IV. The Immediate Audience and Occasion
At present the party has rallied around Margaret
Thatcher and divisions such as those just described by Trevor
Russel remain neatly tucked below the surface. Career
politicians like to win and at present Mrs. Thatcher is lead
ing the party to victory. Ideological differences may rage
below the surface but the party conferences 1975-1978 did not
provide the forum for a denunciation of the sort in which
Trevor Russel indulged in his book. However, that a body of
opinion exists which is in sympathy with Russel is important
in understanding Mrs. Thatcher's audiences at the annual party
conferences.
Finally, a description of the British political party
conferences themselves is necessary in order to fully appre
ciate the audiences and the occasion. Perhaps, it would be
fair to say that they are more civilized than are national
^^Trevor Russel, The Tory Party: Its Policies, Division and Future (Middlesex, England: Penguin Books Ltd. T978), ppTTl~r2. '
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conventions In America. Neither the Labor Party at Blackpool
nor the Conservatives at Brighton have the elaborate, media-
dominated spectacle that we witness in the United States.
Delegates actually talk to each other face to face.
The National Union of Conservatives and Unionist
Associations present the annual conference in Brighton each
year. The speech delivered by the party leader closes the
conference. The schedule of events for the 1976 Conference
illustrates the way in which the conferences are conducted:
First Session, 5th October: Morning
Economic Policy and Taxation
Address by Chairman of the Party Organization
Second Session, 5th October: Afternoon
Education
Ulster
Immigration and Race Relations
Third Session, 6th October: Morning
Employment and Industrial Relations
Party Policy and Public Relations
Fourth Session, 6th October: Afternoon
European Community
Local Government and its Finance
Law and Order
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Fifth Session. 7th October; Morning
Homes and Land
Defense and Overseas Affairs
People, Parliament and the Constitution
Sixth Session, 7th October; Afternoon
Industry, Small Business and the Self-Employed
Party Organization
Social Services and Health
Seventh Session. 8th October; Morning
Financial Appeal
Address by the Leader of the Party^^
The purpose of the conferences is to debate and clarify
positions, set rules, and elect party officials. When Mrs.
Thatcher speaks as Leader of the Opposition it is always
with the understanding that "a vote for the Conservatives
is a vote for me". It would be impossible to determine for
certain to what extent the people vote for the leader or
the party; public opinion polls shift constantly. One thing
is certain; the party conferences provide the leader with
an opportunity to tell the party and the nation, via
television, what kind of policies and programs to expect.
93rd Conservative Conference Brighton 5th-8th October 1976, Verbatim Report (London: Conservative and Unionist
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Voters of every persuasion seem to acknowledge that the
Conservative Party under Heath and the Conservative Party
under Thatcher are two different parties. The conferences
are the chief means by which the party describes to the pub
lic just what those differences are. In the 1975-1978 party
conference speeches the new leader had the task of first
differentiating a Labor Government from a Conservative
Government and secondly of contrasting the Conservatives
in Opposition with Conservatism in the past. The audience
is primed for such a discussion; the occasion demands it.
All of this is done amidst a schedule of daily debates and
black tie, invitation only dinner dances at night.
The 1975 Conservative Party Conference
The tasks which faced Margaret Thatcher at the Tory Party
conference in Blackpool were t w o f o l d : 1) to consolidate
her grip on the leadership and 2) to re-define the party's
philosophy. In seeking the party's support for policy
priorities she attempted to change the direction which had
been pursued by Mr. Edward Heath.
The former leader did not speak at the conference
proper, at fringe meetings or on television. Certainly that
removed any threat of upstaging feared by Mrs. Thatcher's
supporters. The Tory Reform Group led by Peter Walker, Robert
^^Financial Times, 6 October 1975.
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Carr and Nicholas Scott— all Heath supporters— were active
at Blackpool. It was the first conference appearance of
the new group and it provided evidence of the division with
in the party. Other fringe groups also made themselves heard:
1) the right wing Seldson Group, circulated a pamphlet arguing
for denationalization but were debarred from a stall at the
Winter Gardens, the center for the 1975 party conference
in Blackpool; 2) the Bow Group proclaimed that it embraced
all wings of the party, "even though it has been largely
taken over by the right".
Unlike the Labor Party the Tories are not normally riven by doctrinal controversy. But in the last couple of years the party has nonetheless been enjoying the heady-- and somewhat dubious--delights of personal and ideo logical disputation; and never more than at Blackpool this week.""
The Conservatives courteously gave Mr. Heath a standing
ovation when he made his first appearance on the platform
and again when he left accompanied by Mrs. Thatcher.
Heath seemed to regard his conference ovation as some positive demonstration of support for him whereas, as Ian Aitken of the Guardian put it, it was the only ovation ever seen at a funeral, the Tories cheering Heath not because they wanted him as leader, but pre cisely because they did not.'^
The night before Heath denied reports at the Imperial
Hotel that he had attacked Mrs. Thatcher and Sir Keith
Joseph as traitors. The charges were never convincingly
^^Spectator, 18 October 1975.
^^Spectator, 18 October 1975.
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refuted and the bitterness grew.
Sir Keith Joseph warned the Conservatives of the
danger of the "middle ground" in his reply to a wide ranging
debate in which speakers were asked to advocate what policies
the Conservative Party should adopt for the future :
The trouble with the middle ground is that we do not choose it or shape it. It is shaped for us by the extremists. The more extreme the Left, the more to the left is the middle g r o u n d . '1
The Daily Telegraph regarded the response to Sir Keith's
speech as an indication that the conference did not have
the division that political commentators had suggested. Sir
Keith emphasized the point that Mrs. Thatcher and her
supporters occupied the "middle ground" in British politics.
An important consideration, the reaction of the delegates,
often escaped the press; however, an editorial entitled "Back
to Toryism" described the unity which transcended the ideo
logical quarrels:
The truth is that the issue which occupied the political commentators— that between monetarists and dirigistes-- is not even intelligible, let alone emotive, to the majority of delegates--a fact emphasized by the impar tial enthusiasm by which demands for strong economic measures of any kind have been g r e e t e d . 72
The Guardian described the reaction of the delegates
as a "shift in the party's center of gravity" evidenced by
the succession of speakers, all well received, who "called
^^Daily Telegraph. 9 October 1975.
^^Daily Telegraph, 11 October 1975,
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for an all-out onslaught to halt the drift to the left and
to end the fashionable talk about coalitions and propor
tional representation".^^
The 1975 conference was held in Blackpool at the Win
ter Gardens, an old vaudeville theatre which is referred
to as the opera house. Blackpool itself has been described
as a "garrish workingclass resort". The seating capacity
at the Winter Gardens is 3000. Since nearly 1000 press
people attended there was room for only about 2000 others
in the main auditorium. Cameras were hung on the balcony
opposite the stage and the lights were suspended from the
ceiling and placed around the room. Both the 1975 and 1977
Conservative Party Conferences were held at the Winter Gardens
and they were set up in this way.
Patrick Cosgrave, historian and journalist, commented
on the style of dress at the Conservative conference compared
to the Labor Party Conference. He regreted that since Mrs.
Thatcher no longer wore hats the other Tory ladies seldom
wore them either. He also commented on the appearance of
more casual, rather than careful dress.
Of course. Conservatives, both men and women, remain streets ahead of their Labor counterparts, who get dowdier and scruffier year by year. It seems that it is "de rigeur" for middle-aged Labor women (except, and this is refreshing, Mrs. Castle) to be dowdy . . . and for the cohorts of the young to be untidy
^^Guardian, 9 October 1975.
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where they are not unnoticeable and even, quite fre quently, dirty.
The description suggests a class distinction between the
two parties which is undeniable. The look of a Conservative
Conference like the sound is quite different from the Labor
Conference.
It is frequently said that the purpose of the Labor
Party is to "contain disunity while that of the Conservatives
is to express unity".Certainly that determination to
rally together must be taken into account when evaluating
the immediate audience. "The desire of the party to express
its unity was a powerful help to Margaret Thatcher at her
first conference.Clearly the majority of the audience
earnestly desired that the speaker represent them well.
The 1976 Conservative Party Conference
The 1976 Conservative Party conference was held in
Brighton at the Métropole Hotel. The maximum seating in
the auditorium is 5000; thus, the facilities for the 1976
conference afforded the greatest number of people to attend.
Only about one-fifth of the total number of people in atten
dance were members of the press. But the hall was apparently
most unsatisfactory for many in the audience. One writer
^^Spectator, 18 October 1975.
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described the conference hall as "a cramped affair that hid
nearly half the delegates behind vast pillars apologetically
adorned with television monitors".
Alan Watkins described the tone of the Conservative
conference:
Conservative delegates— I refuse to call them "represen tatives"- -tended in the past to become pretty ferocious once inside the Conference hall. The party establishment would devote a lot of trouble to making them seem less so. It was not quite like this at Brighton. The Conservatives collectively appeared almost moderate.'®
Several key events leading up to the 1976 conference
determined the attitude of the delegates. In the summer
and early fall the speculation continued as to whether or
not Edward Heath would make a public gesture of reconcilia
tion to Mrs. Thatcher. The clash between Sir Keith Joseph
and Edward Heath intensified in the summer of 1976. Early
in July Heath charged that the Center for Policy Studies
was set up when he was Conservative leader without his know
ledge. The Center which was established by Mrs. Thatcher
and Sir Keith Joseph to educate public opinion in the impor
tance of free enterprise and market policies "has caused
resentment by some supporters of Mr. Heath who regard it
as being the base for the party’s monetarists".^^
Prior to the 1976 party conference and only 24 hours
^^Economist, 9 October 1976.
^^Observer, 10 October 1976.
^^The Daily Telegraph. 5 July 1976.
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before publication of the party's strategy document Sir
Keith called a news conference to launch an anthology of
speeches he had made over the past two years. The Center
for Policy Studies published the book and the Conservative
Central Office had no advance notice of its release. The
views expressed in the book do not coincide with the strategy
document which was released by the party. The Daily
Telegraph described the repercussions:
His statement yesterday is regarded as an embar rassment to the party on the eve of the publication of the much-awaited strategy document and is bound to cause a flutter at the party conference at Brighton.
This kind of division within the party was overlooked
amidst more compelling events. First the leaders were
preoccupied with early poll chances. The Daily Express
described the difference of opinion:
Mrs. Thatcher is surrounded by hawks, who believe an election is imminent . . . and doves who cannot see one in sight. Party Chairman, Lord Thomycroft is on the side of the hawks.°-*-
The political event of the greatest significance during
the conference was Mr. Heath's speech in which he expressed
support for Mrs. Thatcher.
His speech does show that the Tory Party has come together again. He is no longer the lost leader, with his own followers implicitly opposing the present leadership of the party.
Daily Telegraph, 2 October 1976.
^^Daily Express, 6 October 1976.
^^Daily Express, 7 October 1976.
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Certainly everyone expected the old argument between the
"free market" school and the "state interventionist school"
to continue, but in different ways, perhaps.
The really important point, of which Mr. Heath's speech was a symbolic expression, is that in the present circumstances of the country this argument is less important than the practical necessity of providing a strong government.
Against a background of "growing national apprehension,
not say alarm, the Conservatives--in terms of their o^vn
cohesion--the Conservatives have done well this week."^^
The Government announced a 15 per cent minimum lending rate
which lead to demands from Mr. Michael Heseltine, Tory
industry spokesman, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer
(Mr. Healey) and the Government should resign immediately.
Heseltine's speech won the biggest ovation of the conference.
His words coming after a week of restrained and subdued speeches from the platform acted like a tonic on the morale of the delegates.85
Thus, the crisis in the Government ; Mr. Heath's gesture of
reconciliation; Mrs. Thatcher's "assured and balanced call"
the morning before her formal speech; and the statement of
policy. The Right Approach. issued the week before all made
contributions to the unity of the conference.®^ The Times
describes the significance of Heath's speech in this way:
®®Ibid.
®^Times [London], 9 October 1976.
®^Financial Times. 8 October 1976.
®®Times [London], 9 October 1976.
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It has been a division both of policy and of person ality, souring relations, weakening the opposition front bench, and importing an uncharacteristic element of dogma into the discussions of future policies. . . . So there were a great many prayers for the great recon ciliation when Mr. Heath went to the rostrum at the party conference at Brighton yesterday.
Finally, more than two hours prior to Mrs. Thatcher's
speech lines formed for hundreds of yards around the back
of the Métropole Hotel. The Guardian describes a somewhat
amusing scene :
Half an hour before, the crush in the conference hall was so tight that the stewards would not even allow people out to the lavatory in case their places were taken: "You'll just have to tell them to hold their bladders," one central office steward said with weary politeness to a volunteer usher. Meanwhile, prankish Young Conservatives were gaily distributing label badges saying "Put a Woman on Top for a Change." Most of the recipients didn’t realise they were meant to be risque; elderly matrons stalked about with the stickers on their tweed suits, oblivious of the double meaning.
The 1977 Conservative Party Conference
The impact of Mrs. Thatcher's parliamentary triumph
in July, 1977 must have had an effect on the 1977 party
conference. The audience, like the general public, had been
told through the press that suddenly Mrs. Thatcher looked
like a real Prime Minister.
The conference was held in Blackpool again at the
Winter Gardens. Instead of the 5000 seat capacity of the
^^Times [London], 7 October 1976.
^^Guardian, 9 October 1976.
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Métropole Hotel they had 3000 seats in Blackpool, a third
of which went to the press. However, there were decided
advantages. The enormous columns which obstructed the view
were gone.
The debates at the 1977 conference lacked excitement
for the most part. The most significant debate was on the
issue of the closed shop. Mr. Prior set forth a new compro
mise worked out by the Shadow Cabinet.
The week of events did not carry the tension or the
drama of the 1976 conference. Mrs. Thatcher's role as leader
of the party had been established. Ted Heath no longer posed
a threat. The audience was ready to receive its leader and
to support her.
The 1978 Conservative Party Conference
The 1978 Conservative Party Conference was held at
the New Conference Center in Brighton. Although it did not
have the seating capacity of the Métropole Exhibition Hall
it did not have the columns obstructing the view. The
seating capacity is 4000 at the New Conference Center ; the
hall was filled to overflowing and one-fourth of the people
in the auditorium were members of the press.
The most significant aspect of the conference atmos
phere was that the general election did not occur that fall.
The conference, normally the high point of the year for party activists, is an anti-climax, the second best option. They would rather have been someplace else. But nasty Jim Callaghan has thwarted them by not
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playing along with the general expectation by calling a general election.
For nearly two years the Conservatives had been
electioneering. The Prime Minister's startling decision
not to hold an October election dealt a psychological blow
to the Conservatives.
The evidence of the division within the Conservative
Party was documented in Trevor Russel's book, The Tory Party--
It's Policies, Divisions and Future released a few days before
the conference. "Russel called on the 80 or so conservative
M.P.s on the left of the party to stand up publicly against
Mrs, Thatcher and the right-wing."^® The book appeared to
have made no perceivable impact within the party.
The big news of the week came when Edward Heath
endorsed the Labor Government's 5 per cent pay limit--twenty-
four hours after Mrs. Thatcher had passionately opposed it.
"In an interview with Juliand Haviland of ITN, Mr. Heath
walked into the political wilderness".
The anger was both immediate and widespread within
the conference:
He was widely accused in the conference corridors of spoiling a promising Tory festival. However, Mrs. Thatcher's reaction was that it always takes two to make a quarrel.
^^Birmingham Post, 5 October 1978.
^°Daily Mail. 12 October 1978.
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She advised colleagues to resist the temptation to hit back vigorously at Mr. H e a t h . 92
Sir Keith Joseph, in a loudly applauded speech, made his
objections to Heath clear without mentioning his name.
Apart from the excitement which Heath stirred, the
conference speeches were all designed not to "rock the boat",
but rather to eanble the party to "coast effortlessly home"
The well tried Tory techniques of choosing for debate only the blandest resolutions on the agenda, and then refusing to allow critical amendments to be called, were much in evidence. Many delegates grumbled privately about this, but only during the Rhodesia debate was any attempt made to challenge the chairman's ruling-- and even then it was half h e a r t e d . 94
Two days before her speech Mrs. Thatcher conducted
talks with Northern Ireland Unionists. Those talks
reportedly were effective in beginning to heal the deep divi
sion between the two parties which occurred after Mr. Heath
sacked the Unionist Government in Stormont in March 1972.
When Mrs. Thatcher arrived to deliver her address on
the 14th of October the conference was in "very cheerful
spirits". The delegates gave her a standing ovation when
she arrived. The mood among the delegates was one of cele
bration. Since the general election had been snatched from
them, they were ready for an exhilarating occasion which
^^Evening Standard, 12 October 1978.
^^Economist, 14 October 1978.
^^Daily Mail, 14 October 1978.
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would allow something of a catharsis. Speaking of Ted Heath,
one reporter said:
And perhaps most happily of all, he was not there. He was not even in Brighton to cast a chill on everything. He was back in London or on his yacht or somewhere.
Before they heard Mrs. Thatcher speak the audience was
probably determined to let nothing interfere with a trium
phant evening. It was to be a birthday celebration as well.
The presentation of the Paddington bear and the iced birthday
cake (with the key of No. 10) concluded what was certain
to be a rousing speech; the audience was primed for a victory,
a cause to celebrate.
VI. Summary
"The British Disease"
Although there is no consensus regarding the exact
nature of "the British disease", there is complete agreement
as to its existence. Both the Labor Party and the Conser
vative Party profess to be better prepared to administer
the necessary cure. The most compelling argument that the
Conservatives have appears to be that Labor has had five
years in which to demonstrate its superior ability and has
failed to do so. Labor's best argument is perhaps that the
radical change for Britain which the Conservatives propose
would cause an enormous upheaval throughout British society.
^S a i l y M ail. 19 October 1978.
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The Labor Party cannot deny a record dotted with failures
and the Conservative Party cannot deny the fact that their
proposed changes would at least temporarily create something
of a shake-up in the welfare state.
"The Changed Climate"
Another area of general agreement relates to "the
changed climate". New waves appear to be forming through
out British Society. The 1979 general election in Great
Britain will determine among other things who is riding those
waves. The list of formidable intellectuals who have moved
away from socialist ideology and who are now in support of
the "new conservatism" is ever increasing. Many scholars
such as Lord Blake believe that men of ideas have fore
shadowed a major change in the political climate and that
in the seventies the shift from the left to right began to
be felt throughout the society in general; the word had
filtered down; assumptions about the welfare state had come
into question.
"The New Conservatism"
The Conservative Party made a decided turn when they
voted for Margaret Thatcher as leader. The controversy within
the party is great, the diversity enormous. Russell Lewis
discusses his party and its new leader in his book Margaret
Thatcher :
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. . . Conservatives have a problem of identity. They cannot stand still. They must either join the trend to Socialism (which is arguably what pre-war Conser vative Government tended to do) and try to show that they are better at Socialist administration than the Socialists, or they must try to put Socialism into reverse. Does it matter? What is at stake? To resort to a much abused word, it is freedom.
In choosing Mrs. Thatcher the Party voted against more
socialism and made a decided move toward reversing it. The
"new conservatism" as opposed to the conservatism of post
war Britain looks toward Germany and others as having
experienced the economic miracle of the "social market
economy" (Professor Erhardt's term). Such an economy is
characterized by free capitalism which serves the strong,
able bodied and a compassionate state which caters to the
weak. The Government serves in those capacities which private
enterprise cannot conveniently supply : defense, maintaining
law and order, administering justice, preserving a stable
currency, and providing collective services.
As regards the nationalized industries, the major problem is the defeatist conviction among the public and even among Conservative politicians that they cannot be unscrambled. Well they can, and details are given in Goodbye to Nationalization (edited by Dr. Rhodes Boyson, Churchill Press, 1971).98
Mrs. Thatcher's major themes of self-reliance and personal
independence have been reverberating since her election to
leadership in 1975. That she is suggesting a very different
Russel Lewis, Margaret Thatcher (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975), p. 156.
^^Ibid., p. 159.
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kind of Conservatism has probably become clear to most of
Mrs. Thatcher's audience. The television viewing audience
and the immediate audience for Mrs. Thatcher's party
conference speeches (1975-1978) surely understood something
of the "English disease", "the new conservatism", and "the
changing climate". To what extent the country accepts
Margaret Thatcher's views on these topics can be but judged
perhaps by the general election results. That she under
stood the nature and needs of the audience and the particular
demands of the occasion were evidenced in the appeals she
chose to use in her speeches.
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THE SPEAKER'S BACKGROUND AND DELIVERY
I. Introduction
After Margaret Thatcher became Leader of Her Majesty's
Opposition in February, 1975, details concerning her child
hood, her student days at Oxford, her legal training, her
marriage and children, and her parliamentary career began to
emerge in a variety of newspaper accounts of her life. Three
biographies appeared in book form shortly after Mrs. Thatcher
became Leader of the Opposition, all written by Conservative
Party supporters of Mrs. Thatcher ; these volumes covered
essentially the same territory. In 1978 three more books
about Mrs. Thatcher appeared: each offered some new material
and provided fresh ideas about her parliamentary background in
particular. The majority of people in Britain probably
The books to which reference is made are: George Gardiner, Margaret Thatcher: From Childhood to Leadership (London: William Kimber, 1975); Russell Lewis, Margaret Thatcher : A Personal and Political Biography (London: Rout- ledge, 1975); Ernie Money, Margaret Thatcher: First Lady of the House (London: Leslie Frewin, 1975).
^^^The books to which reference is made are: Tricia Murray, Margaret Thatcher (London: W. H. Allen and Co., Ltd., 1978); Patrick Cosgrave, Margaret Thatcher: A Tory and Her Party (London: Hutchinson and Co. Ltd., 1978); Trevor Russel, The Tory Party: Its Policies, Divisions, and Future (London: Penguin Books, Ltd., 1978).
82
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remained unaware of the books altogether or else only were
familiar with the press coverage of the manuscripts. Tricia
Murray, whose book, Margaret Thatcher. came out in paperback,
conducted a number of interviews with well-known Labor
supporters who had not made previous "on the record" comments
about Mrs. Thatcher.The description of Mrs. Thatcher's
professional life which surfaced in that volume revealed that
political opponents such as Sir Harold Wilson looked upon her
with respect and admiration. Patrick Cosgrave wrote a poli
tical biography in which he detailed the leadership battle
with some candor, not as a dissident Tory, but rather as her
former speech writer. Cosgrave is a scholar, historian,
and journalist who has all the necessary credentials to
describe the "inside Right". Trevor Russel made a number of
bristling attacks on Mrs. Thatcher, and urged the left wing
of the Tory Party to come out publicly against her. Clearly,
Russel's view of Mrs. Thatcher's parliamentary performance
contrasts with that of Cosgrave's.
The newspaper journalists took note of each volume
and speculated on the way the books were likely to affect the
general public. E m l e Money's book, Margaret Thatcher ; First
^^^Tricia Murray, Margaret Thatcher (London: W. H. Allen and Co. Ltd., 1978).
^^^Patrick Cosgrave, Margaret Thatcher : A Tory and Her Party (London : Hutchinson and Co. Ltd., 197?).
^^^Trevor Russel, The Tory Party: Its Policies, Divisions, and Future (London: Penguin Books, Ltd., 1978).
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 84 Lady of House, was described as "the third in an inglorious
line of panegyrics makes the Tory leader sound like a feminine
version of one of the more superlative American comic strip
characters. Like superman or batman she conquers all."^^^
The journalists expressed a longing for a flesh and blood
figure to emerge in the biographies. Hugh Noyes at the Times
[London] expressed it this way: "Pro-Thatcher eulogies can go
only so far, and after that they become somewhat tedious.
The New Statesman offered far more appreciative comments on
the biographies by Russell Lewis and George Gardiner.
The authors, Russell Lewis, a former director of the Conservative Political Centre, and George Gardiner, political journalist turned Tory M.P., are exceedingly well disposed towards Mrs. Thatcher, as you might imagine from their anxiety to salute and celebrate their heroine so quickly, after seven short months. While both have written hurriedly, they are not, I think, either mislead ing in their appreciation of her qualities or crudely effusive. As partisans, they have naturally wished to place her in a good light--and are perfectly entitled to do so, by virtue of her accomplishments as well as their own sympathies.106
Joe Haines wrote an article entitled "Adoration of
St. Margaret" which appeared in the Daily Mirror on 27 November
1978. Clearly, he had not enjoyed the biographies which had
appeared since 1975, but he was even less impressed with
Tricia Murray's account:
^^^Times [London], 4 December 1975.
^^^New Statesman. 6 September 1975.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8 5 If Mrs. Thatcher's admirers really want her to become Prime Minister they should stop writing books about her .... It (Tricia Murray's book) is so adoring it is embarrassing. Mrs. Thatcher is not Sr. Margaret. Nor is she a female Winston Churchill or a reborn Boadicea. She is able and intelligent and the best leader the Tories could get in a bad year for them. No more.10/
The speaker's delivery has also been observed and
interpreted by people with opposing tastes and opinions. An
accent that sounds "educated" to one may sound "contrived" to
another ; and a pitch that is "grating" to one's ears may
sound "interesting" to another. Since no definitive studies
have been made measuring the number of people who respond in
a particular way to Mrs. Thatcher's voice, the researcher
must simply record the reactions which have been expressed.
II. The Speaker's Background
Competition is not new to Mrs. Thatcher. She began
at an early age and continued to be a winning competitor
throughout her life. At the age of ten she passed a scholar
ship examination and went to the Kesteven and Grantham Girls '
Grammar School.Later she won a bursary to Somerville
College, Oxford where she graduated with a Bachelor of Science
in Natural Science (Chemistry). Despite the demands of chemis
try and afternoons in the laboratory she was active in politics.
The prestigious Union Society which held regular debates was
^^^Daily Mirror, 27 November 1978.
^^^Russel Lewis, Margaret Thatcher (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975).
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still closed to women, but she joined the University Conserva
tive Club and became chairman in 1946. After leaving Oxford
she did chemical research for four years and studied law in
her spare time. As twenty-three year old Margaret Hilda
Roberts, a research worker for a concern which manufactured
plastics, she was chosen from a list of twenty-seven appli
cants to become the parliamentary candidate for the Hartford
Division. In the 1950 and 1951 general elections she was
defeated, but she had served her apprenticeship. By standing
in a hopeless or marginal seat and by doing well, she was
considered for a safe one.^^^ She was called to the Bar by
Lincoln's Inn in 1954 and practiced as a barrister, specializ
ing in taxation law. Her field of specialization was obviously
an advantage when she later became Opposition spokesman on
taxation matters. In 1959 a Conservative M.P. announced that
he was retiring from his seat in Finchley where he had been
returned at the previous election with a majority of twelve
thousand. Margaret Thatcher was accepted as the candidate for
Finchley from among nearly one hundred applicants. She had a
legal background and she had demonstrated a confidence in
speaking.
In her first parliamentary session she was fortunate
^^^Essex County Standard, 4 February 1949.
^^*^Russel Lewis, Margaret Thatcher (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975).
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in the ballot for leave to introduce a Private Members Bill.
She introduced the Public Bodies (admission to meetings) Bill
which reached the statute book in October, 1960. The bill
gave the press and public a statutory right to admission to
meetings of public bodies such as local authorities, education
committees, and regional hospital boards. Before this time
only the press had the statutory right to attend. The contro
versy over the question of admission to meetings had caused
an enormous stir prior to this and had been the subject of
earlier but unsuccessful Private Members’ Bills.
Mrs. Thatcher's first ministerial appointment came in
1961 when she became Joint Parliamentary Secretary to the then
Ministry of Pensions and National Insurance. She held this
post until the government changed. When Edward Heath formed
his Cabinet in 1970 she was appointed Secretary of State for
Education and Science and was made a Privy Councillor. After
the general election in February, 1974, she was appointed to
shadow the Department of Environment for the Conservatives.
Later that year she was appointed as Opposition Treasury spokes
man. In February, 1975, the Conservative Party determined to
take a decidedly different direction by choosing a new leader,
and out of that process Margaret Thatcher emerged as the head
of the party.
One of her biographers tells a frequently repeated
story about the poetry reading prize she won at the local drama
^^^Ibid., p. 26.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. festival at the age of nine. "Her head mistress said, 'You
were lucky, Margaret!' To which Margaret replied, 'I wasn't
lucky, I deserved it.' Forty-one years later, at the age
of fifty, Margaret Thatcher responded to her leadership victory
in a very different way. If she believes she deserves it, the
thrust of her message is that all those who work hard and
achieve excellence also deserve the fruits of their labors.
She stated it this way in the speech "Let the Children Grow
Tall";
Let our children grow tall--and some grow taller than others, if they have it in them to do so. We must build a society in which each citizen can develop his full potential both for his own benefit and for the community as a whole; in which originality, skill, energy and thrift are rewarded; in which we encourage rather than restrict the variety and richness of human nature.113
Margaret Thatcher's father, Alfred Roberts, played an
important role in her speech education. Margaret collected
arm loads of books for him every week and according to a local
librarian he was the best read man in Grantham. Roberts was
the owner of a grocer's shop, a Rotarian, and a leading citizen.
His interest in politics, current affairs, and the welfare
state must have made an impression on Margaret as a young girl.
^^^Ibid., p. 11.
^^^Margaret Thatcher, "Let the Children Grow Tall," Written Transcript of the Speech Delivered to the Institute of Socio-economic Studies, New York City, 15 September 1975.
^^^Tricia Murray, Margaret Thatcher (London: W. H. Allen and Co. Ltd., 1978), pT 16.
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He joined the Grantham Council two years after Margaret was
born and served for twenty-five years. Eventually he became
Mayor and later Alderman. The Roberts' household was a place
of lively debates and perfect decorum. Mr. Roberts, a staunch
Methodist and tee-totaller took his family to church three times
on Sunday. He never took a Sunday paper.
The family lived modestly in the flat above the store,
which had no bath and no running water. It was a home abound
ing in exemplary Christian standards, in which she learned order
and thrift and in which she acquired a zeal for learning and
a desire to compete. Her childhood was scarcely one of idle
ness or frivolity. She learned at an early age to make life-
changing decisions and to take an active part in the direction
of her life. Clearly, her role as leader of a major political
party with a goal of redirecting the course of British history
exemplifies that early training. Perhaps nothing is more
significant that her early associations. Margaret Thatcher's
girlhood was very busy. She excelled at school, both academ
ically and in extra curricular activities. After school she
helped serve in the shop, learned to play the piano, and read
omnivorously. It was war time and she had many restrictions
and few opportunities for frivolity.
Margaret cared a great deal about her father's activi
ties. According to numerous accounts he was at the center of
^^^Ibid., pp. 15-18.
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everything of consequence going on in the town. He served as
a lay preacher in addition to his numerous civic duties. Be
cause her father was on the bench Margaret was able to meet
leading people at the bar. One of the important meetings turned
out to be with the recorder, Norman Winning, who turned out to
have a physics degree from Cambridge. He advised her to continue
her studies in science if she eventually wanted to go into law,
reasoning that a scientific background would be useful should
she want to specialize in the lucrative area of patent law.
Two societies must have shaped her character in those
formative years : first, the town of Grantham, small and friend
ly, which even now numbers only about 28,000 inhabitants,
probably contributed to her strength and stability; second,
Oxford, still a closed society and decidedly a ticket to a
wider world, contributed to her social awareness in perhaps
a way only the "Oxbridge" institutions could. During the latter
part of Margaret Thatcher's stay at Oxford most of the people
there were ex-service people on grants, which made it less
class conscious and more democratic than the Oxford of the
1930's attended by Edward Heath and Harold Wilson.
Margaret Thatcher's environment as a child at home and
in school appears to have provided the stimuli necessary for
her development as a leader and public speaker. Certainly,
the route she took through Oxford, the bar, and political
activities contributed to her speech education. It would be
^^^Ibid., p. 22.
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difficult to imagine a better way in which she could have
prepared herself. Margaret Thatcher's educatiohal background;
the popular description of her parents as solid citizens and
fine Christians; her role as wife of an executive and the
mother of twins ( b o m just before she passed her bar examina
tion) ; and her reputation in Parliament as a hard worker and
an honest opponent with a first-rate mind are all significant
factors in the speaker's background.
Ill. The Speaker's Delivery
In discussing the major elements of delivery, the
chief concern of the critic focuses on the way in which key
attributes add to the meaning and acceptability of the message,
how those attributes serve as causal factors in gaining
attention and stirring the desired response, and what role they
played in the emerging image of the speaker. The four elements
considered here are: (1) the mode of delivery, (2) general
appearance, (3) bodily action, and (4) voice including
articulation and pronunciation.
The Mode of Delivery
First, as to the mode of delivery, Mrs. Thatcher
delivered each of the party conference speeches from a care
fully prepared manuscript which appears to be her usual mode
A Craig Baird, Waldo W. Braden, Lester Thonssen. Speech Criticism, 2nd ed. (1940; rpt. New York: Ronald Press, 1970), p. 522.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 92 of delivery. Having viewed the video tapes of these speech
events, this writer found that although the speaker tended
to refer to the manuscript a great deal, she was at all times
"comfortable" with the material; i.e., the words, phrases,
concepts seemed to be her own. In a discussion with the
writer in December, 1978, Robert Rhodes James, M.P., commented
on Mrs. Thatcher's mode of delivery.
Robert Rhodes James is best known as a political
historian. He left the academic life to seek a Tory seat
in the House of Commons in October, 1976, and "frankly
astonished some delegates"^^^ at the Conservative party con
ference when the news of his short-listing appeared. In July
of 1976, Professor Rhodes James resigned his position in
Kurt Waldheim's office at the United Nations. He was responsi
ble for all of Waldheim's public speeches during his time at
the U.N. Professor Rhodes James met Margaret Thatcher in 1959
when she went into the House of Commons ; he was then senior
clerk at the House. "He was responsible for writing most of
the speeches which Mrs. Thatcher delivered during her recent
[1976] trip to Pakistan, India, Australia and New Zealand.
According to Professor Rhodes James, Mrs. Thatcher felt comfort
able with the concepts and phraseology because they were her
of Commons, 13 December 1978.
Evening Standard. 7 October 1976.
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concepts and phraseology, not those of her speech writers.
She does not use speech writers to construct a text for her,
but rather as resource people. "She has a very good instinct
for choosing who will help at a particular time," he said.
She often writes draft after draft, much to the chagrin of
her staff, right up until the last moment.
Professor Rhodes James cited the 1976 Party Conference
as an example of the way in which her staff and confidants
find her a marvel, but also disconcerting and exasperating.
The night before the 1976 Party Conference speech she sat up
until 4 a.m. writing and rewriting. "As a result the speech
was flat," James said. After delivering the speech she went
into a room to address the overflow crowd. In that room, with
out notes, or the presence of cameras or sound tapes "she
delivered a smashing speech" he said. Again her staff
experienced enormous frustration.
Mrs. Thatcher herself is apparently dissatisfied with
her skill in using a manuscript. Janet Brown, well known
comedian and impressionist who is literally making a living
by studying Mrs. Thatcher's delivery and impersonating her,
recounted to this critic a conversation with Mrs. Thatcher in
which she discussed the difficulties she encountered in using
a manuscript.
JANET BROWN; And she was very interested and she said, "This of course is my problem just now, because I find
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 94 it difficult reading from a script.” And she said, "There aren't many people who have mastered the art of speaking from a script but," she was very honest, "Harold Wilson has. He's excellent at it." And she obviously set her mind to conquer that one as well, and the next interview I watched her on, she had made use of every little thing I'd spoken to her about and I thought, good for you! You know she didn't miss a trick.122
Throughout the party conference speeches there were
segments, each year, in which she maintained a fluent, extem
poraneous quality. She did not read long portions of the
speeches to her audience and consequently, she maintained
good eye contact with them. Robert Rhodes James recalled the
1972 Party Conference when Mrs. Thatcher served as Secretary
of State for Education under Heath. Many said it was the worst
speech they had ever heard. "Dry. Monotone. She read it . . .
her voice trailed off at the ends of sentences," Professor
Rhodes James said of that speech. A number of people said,
"She's finished" afterward. It was that poor a performance.
But she has come a long way since then and obviously has her
mind set on learning how to be more effective.^^^
This critic viewed the 1978 party conference speech
delivered by Mrs, Thatcher. It exemplified her development in
speaking from a manuscript. She appeared confident, in control,
and to be very much enjoying her delivery.
^^^Interview with Janet Brown. London, Chesterfield Hotel, 14 December 1978.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 5 The Speaker's Appearance
Second, Mrs. Thatcher’s appearance is likely to have
made an impact on her audience; both positive and negative
reactions must have resulted. For many in her audience the
well-groomed hair, neat suit, and trim figure were irritating-
or so it is frequently reported. On March 29, 1979, a writer
for the Associated Press described Margaret Thatcher in this
way to American readers :
Margaret Thatcher, who will become Britain's first woman prime minister if her Conservative Party wins the next election, has been called "a Tory glamour girl" by critics at home and "the iron maiden" by news papers in the Soviet Union. Her appearance is immaculate, her hair blonde, and her argument vigorous, especially when she attacked the Labor Party government's socialist policies and Soviet communism. Hence the n i c k n a m e s . 124
In general people enjoy looking at attractive people;
certainly many people must find her style of dress appealing
and her femininity refreshing. But Janet Brown explained why
her looks are too stiff, too immaculate for some:
I think some people feel that a woman who looks as good as that may not be doing the work. Shirley Williams, the Labor minister, is someone with whom she is constantly compared. Shirley has a lovely voice and always rushes in as though she's just put herself together. But she looks busy, caught up in her work. She hustles in carrying her briefcase, hair tossled-- well I don't think there's a need for that . . . getting yourself together is a discipline. . . . I think possibly the ordinary woman may look at this immaculate image and perhaps feel that here is somebody who's not doing a day's work like X am and then.
29 March 1979.
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this cultured voice, if you would call it that, comes out and to sum it up mildly, it got their backs up.125
In four years Margaret Thatcher's looks have changed
slightly. Her hair is softer; the lacquered look is gone.
She appeared on television in 1978 in a political party broad
cast. The commercial was filmed in the country, birds actually
chirping behind her, not dubbed in later. She appeared relaxed,
confident, something of a Mother Earth figure ready to make
everything turn out all right. Gordon Reese, who co-ordinated
the media at Conservative Central Office is credited with the
change in her hair. Clearly her advisors have attempted to
make her more appealing to the general public, to hush her
critics, and to frustrate the cartoonists whose caricatures
picture mounds of stiff hair and dress her in frumpy clothes.
Robert Rhodes James discussed the frequent comments
in the press concerning her hair and clothes. Some of the
remarks, he reported, were just nasty. But some of the abuse
stems from real chauvinism, not articulated, simply under
stood.
In conducting interviews in and around London, the
researcher observed that Margaret Thatcher was frequently com
pared to Labor Minister, Shirley Williams. The sentiments often
expressed by both men and women in Britain are summarized in
^^^Interview with Janet Brown. London, Chesterfield Hotel, 14 December 1978.
^^^Interview with Robert Rhodes James. London, House of Commons, 13 December 1978.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 97 an article which appeared in the Liverpool Daily Post on 27
October 1976.
As women politicians go, why do I warm to Shirley Williams much more readily than to Margaret Thatcher? Why was I dismally disappointed when she failed to make the deputy leadership of the Labor Party? Because she's human. Her hair's a mess, she dresses badly, she always seems to be running everywhere, behind schedule, she's in the middle of an unhappy love affair refusing to re-marry because of her Roman Catholic principles . . . How different from the impeccably coiffured Margaret Thatcher with her snappy two pieces, pearly teeth, pink and white complexion-- . . . How different and how much more warmly refreshing
The Speaker's Bodily Action
Third, Mrs. Thatcher's bodily action was probably the
strongest element in her delivery. Her eye contact has
already been mentioned in the discussion of Mrs. Thatcher's
handling of the manuscript.
Other important factors are posture, gestures, move
ment, mannerisms, use of the microphone, type of facial expres-
In each of the party conference speeches she stood
erect, leaning over the podium or to the right or left side
of it to emphasize a point. She did not move from behind the
podium, but she did make graceful gestures which appeared
"natural" and co-ordinated with her words.
Mrs. Thatcher has been accused of often having a "school
marm" manner when she speaks. The description stuck, however
^^^Liverpool Daily Post. 27 October 1976.
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accurate or inaccurate. It probably refers to the way in
which she made points, very precisely, as though she were
teaching a history or sociology class.
She appeared relaxed in using the microphone, main
taining an even level of volume. In none of the speeches did
she seem uncomfortable with the equipment or inhibited by
the stationary microphone.
In the 1975 party conference speech, Mrs. Thatcher
remained sombre throughout the entire address. Consequently,
she appeared stiff and uncomfortable much of the time. At the
opening of the 1978 speech she told a joke and began on a
lighter note. Her smiles and expressions of amusement made
her appear relaxed and confident. The 1978 party conference
speech differed from the three previous speeches especially in
regard to her more relaxed facial expressions. In the 1975
speech the air of solemnity made her appear somewhat insecure
as well as rigid.
The Speaker's Voice and Articulation
Finally, the audible characteristics of Mrs. Thatcher's
party conference speeches changed significantly from 1975 to
1978. Here again, Janet Brown, who has made a business of
imitating Mrs. Thatcher's voice, points out some of Margaret
Thatcher's difficulties. She failed in the early period of
her leadership to have vocal variety. She dropped the ends
of sentences now and again, just as Professor James noted she
had done in 1972. It was scarcely that pronounced in 1975-1976,
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but still something to imitate. Janet Brown described her pitch
pattern in this way:
If you were doing an interview on radio or television your voice would go up and down as mine is going up and down. It's maybe a lighter sound on the ear than this tone that's in her voice. This tone in her voice is one tone--she's breaking it. She's finding a way not to be as bad as she was. If you do an impression of her everybody knows what you're up to so that's something on the right s i d e . 128
After hearing Margaret Thatcher's 1976 party conference
speech Janet Brown was struck by the change in the voice. She
no longer spoke with the elaborate slowness to make her points.
And the occasional high sounds no longer rose sharply to
distract the listener. These problems were present in the
1975 arty onference speech, but they are noticeably absent
in the 1976-1978 speeches. Traces of the slowness appear as
she used it to emphasize a point, but it does not pervade the
other speeches.
Even Mrs. Thatcher's standard English dialect is some
thing of a controversy. To American audiences it sounds
refined and probably interesting. Janet Brown explained its
effect on the British:
JANET BROWN; The thing is that it is a polite sounding voice that can be off-putting too. We talk about the middle class here and the upper classes. I don't think her voice bothers the middle class so much, but upper class women I know say, "I can't stand Margaret Thatcher, the way she speaks." You see because they in themselves think she is aping something or other. She's not. I'm
^^^Interview with Janet Brown. London, Chesterfield Hotel, 14 December 1978.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. sure it's that her voice has developed over a period of time since she left G r a n t h a m . 129
Thus, for some members of her audience, the very correctness
with which she makes her sounds and her careful pronunciation
were probably irritating. Others, no doubt, found her voice
to be interesting and compelling.
The "Oxford" sound, as it is often called, must have
underscored her educational background in the minds of many
in her audience. The slow, slow pace which existed to a lesser
degree each year probably annoyed some people and escaped
others.
Perhaps her greatest problem vocally in the 1975 speech
was a lack of variety. As Janet Brown, her most constant
observer stated, that has changed. Her 1977 and 1978 speeches
indicated improvement in her vocal variety.
Janet Brown also discussed the high pitch Mrs. Thatcher
often had when she became nervous ; on those occasions her
voice grew suddenly shrill. She did not demonstrate the high
pitch in any of the Party Conference speeches, but she did use
the low pitch and speak in a very slow manner described by
Janet Brown in the 1975 Party Conference speech in particular.
By the time she spoke at the 1977 Party Conference she
had already begun working on her voice. Janet Brown had
observed the improvements Mrs. Thatcher had made by the fall
of 1976. Seeing and hearing someone imitate her and exaggerate
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her vocal characteristics probably gave Margaret Thatcher
insight into her difficulties and an even greater incentive
to make significant improvements.
Gordon Reece, who is now at Conservative Central
Office and co-ordinates all of the media coverage for Mrs.
Thatcher, not only advised her to change her hair, but worked
on her voice as well. The following item appeared in the
Evening News on the 21st of July 1977:
So how did Margaret Thatcher get rid of those too, too perfect vowels, that chilling shrillness, that school-marm manner? After her recent TV triumph, I am still hearing approving comments about the new Thatcher--coupled with mounting curiosity about the way this particular swan changed back, at least partly, to the original duck. Today I can reveal that it was all done with the help of an expensive video-tape machine installed at her home in Flood Street, Chelsea. There, with the help of Gordon Reece--the astute image polisher now returned to the more lucrative pastures of the EMI sight-and-sound giant--she taped and watched herself again and again and again. I gather it was not a painless p rocess.130
In November of 1978 Mrs. Thatcher discussed her voice
with journalists. She said that her voice pitch got higher
when she became nervous. One of her habits is to put a note
on top of her manuscript which reminds her to "keep voice
She denied she had ever tried to make her voice "posher" or taken elocution lessons. That was a myth, she said.
^^^Evening News, 21 July 1977.
^^^Liverpool Daily Post, 18 November 1976.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. But she picked up dialects easily and had appeared in amateur dramatics.132
When Mrs. Thatcher became Leader of the Opposition
in February, 1975, and immediately began speaking to numerous
audiences throughout Britain, her voice and manner caught the
ears and eyes of the public and the press. Because her voice
sounded so every odd to the ear, especially the slow, deliberate
pace and the low pitch, she became the subject of imitation
throughout Great Britain. Audiences are nearly as familiar
with imitations of her voice as they are her actual voice.
If imitation is in fact the highest form of flattery, then
even the weaknesses in her delivery have served her well.
IV. Conclusion
Margaret Thatcher's background--including her child
hood and family life, her academic training, her legal
experience, and her parliamentary career— was probably
familiar to those in the immediate audience and to many
people in the television audience during the 1975 party
conference speech: each year the details of her background
would have become more widely known to the general public
through the print medium. Her background clearly served her
well in preparing her for a career in Parliament and her speech
education from childhood on appears to have stirred in her a
sense of mission and given her a desire to communicate as
a speaker the messages which she deems to be of political
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and sociological significance to her country.
Her delivery, even with the unpleasant vocal qualities
which she demonstrated much of the time in 1975 and 1976,
probably did not greatly weaken her overall effectiveness.
In the party conference speeches her voice did not rise to a
shrill as observers have noted that it has done in other
speeches. She did speak with a rather low pitch pattern
and with exaggerated slowness in the 1975 speech. Perhaps the
most significant flaw in her delivery was her failure to smile
and to appear relaxed and confident. In the 1978 speech she
showed a remarkable improvement in several aspects of her
delivery: her pitch pattern became more pleasing, she laughed
and smiled; she appeared relaxed and comfortable before her
audience.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER IV
THE STRUCTURE OF THE SPEECHES
I. Introduction
Four areas of consideration reveal the way in which the
speaker structured the party conference speeches. Often
dispositio is limited in translation as "arrangement", but
in the broad sense that the ancient rhetoricians used the
term it referred to the selection, orderly arrangement, and
proportioning of the parts of an address.Thus disposition
properly includes several areas of analysis: (1) the emergence
of the central theme, (2) the order in which the parts of the
discourse occur, (3) the general method of arrangement used
in the speech, (4) the proportioning of the material, and
(5) the devices used to achieve unity.
II. Thematic Emergence
In each of the party conference speeches Margaret
Thatcher's central themes on propositions are repeated
throughout each address. Clearly, the nucleus-thought for
Craig Baird, Waldo W. Braden, Lester Thonssen. Speech Criticism, 2nd ed. (1940; rpt. New York: Ronald Press. 1970), p. 469.
^^^Ibid., p. 471. 104
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 0 5 each speech carried her message forward suggesting the scope
of the subject and bringing it into focus.
The way in which Mrs. Thatcher developed her central
theme is significant. In the 1977 party conference speech
she most clearly stated her thesis in the closing moment of
the speech, while in the 1975, 1976, and 1978 party conference
speeches the thesis statement appeared in the first minutes
of each address. Mrs. Thatcher's statements of purpose
revealed her approach to the problems at hand and indicated
the degree of her passion and involvement in the subject.
In the 1975 party conference speech Mrs. Thatcher
stated her thesis with great intensity in the opening moments :
Britain and Socialism are not the same thing, and as long as I have health and strength they never will be.
The next year, in 1976, Mrs. Thatcher again spoke on
the subject of the failures of socialism, but through her
thesis statement she focused on the urgency of the crisis in
Britain. Again, her central theme revealed her concern,
intensity, and commitment. With this thesis statement she
launched into her proof:
The very survival of our laws, our institutions, our national character— that is what is at stake today.
In the 1977 speech Mrs. Thatcher summarized her feelings
about the role of the Conservative Party and clearly stated
the central theme of her speech for the first time at the
conclusion of the address :
I know how many hopes ride with us today--the hopes of millions who are Conservative, and millions who are not, but who look to us because they feel instinctively
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. that what is happening to their country threatens not only their freedom but everything that made it materially and moral.
Margaret Thatcher stated the central theme of the 1978
party conference speech early in the address. In her state
ment she emphasized the need for a new Government and again
focused on the ideological differences between the Conserva
tive and Labor parties :
Our party offers the nation nothing less than national revival, the deeply-needed, long-awaited and passion ately longed for recovery of our country, a recovery that will depend on a decisive rejection of the Labor Party by the people and a renewed acceptance of the Conservative belief that the state is the servant not the master of this nation!
The subject was the same for each speech: the failure
of socialism. The central theme focused on slightly dif
ferent aspects of the crisis on each occasion. Also, the
intensity of the crisis, as the speaker described it, appears
to have risen with each passing year. In 1975 Margaret
Thatcher stated the case against socialism. In 1976 she
emphasized the threat to the very survival of all that is
"British", as many know Britain. In the 1977 conference speech,
the statement of her central theme revealed the mounting
urgency of the crisis; and by 1978, with the assurance of an
election sometime in 1979 she spoke of a decisive Labor
defeat as the only way for the nation to recover.
III. Rhetorical Order
According to Aristotle the only essential parts of a
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 0 7 speech are the statement of the case and the proof.He
added that if other parts were necessary they should not
exceed four: the exordium, the exposition of statement of
the case, the proof, and the peroration.
The Introduction
The introduction must arouse the interest of the
listeners as well as prepare them for the speaker's message.
Mrs. Thatcher did not use the introduction to outline her
main points or to define terms in any of the party conference
speeches, but rather to build her ethos or, in the case of
the 1978 party conference speech, establish a mood.
In another chapter Mrs. Thatcher's ethical appeals
are described. She established her character and goodwill
in the opening of the 1975, 1976, and 1977 speeches by
praising her audience and by indicating their virtue and
hers. The central themes came forth during the introductions
of the 1975 and 1976 speeches. The 1978 party conference
speech marked a departure from her previous party conference
speeches in that she opened with a joke and then leveled an
attack on the Government as a means of getting into the body
of the speech. Not until she got into the body did the
central theme emerge. Although the opening bit of humor was
^^^Richard McKeon, ed. , The Basic Works of Aristotle (New York: Random House, 1941) , p. 1436.
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light, the audience responded enthusiastically:^^^
I must first thank you, Madame Chairman, for the wonderful heartwarming welcome. I confess that this is the biggest birthday party that I have ever had. I just do not know whether my parents had in mind the timing of the party conference, but if that is what is meant by family planning, I am all for it.
Each of the four introductions was short. She set
the tone, issued a challenge, and moved into the body of the
speech.
The Body
Margaret Thatcher used the body of the speech to
answer the challenges and elaborate upon the problems set
forth in the opening of each speech. Here she set forth the
details which would amplify her method of division, which
is discussed in some detail later in the chapter. The
logical, ethical, and emotional appeals were intertwined
throughout the body of each speech.
The Conclusion
At the close of each of the party conference speeches
Mrs. Thatcher used a brief anecdote, a striking statement, or
a quotation. She strengthened the "action step" at the
close of each address by paying a "farewell compliment to the
audience" on emphasizing the virtue of the cause.
^^^Video taped recording of the 1978 Party Conference speech provided by Conservative Central Office in London.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 1 0 9 The 1975 party conference speech:
We can go on as we have been going and continue down, or we can stop and, with a decisive act of will, say "Enough". [action step]
. . . Let us resolve to heal the wounds of a divided nation, and let that act of healing be the prelude to a lasting victory. [the virtue of the cause]
The 1976 party conference speech:
I call the Conservative Party now to a crusade. Not only the Conservative Party. I appeal to all those men and women of goodwill who do not want a Marxist future for themselves or their children or their children's children, [action step]
Let nothing narrow or vindictive or self-righteous be any part of our crusade. Rather let us say with humility: "We offer you hope and a new beginning. Together we shall meet the crisis of the country-- and tomorrow the day will be ours." [the virtue of the cause]
The 1977 party conference speech:
Let us not forget— our first duty to freedom is to defend our own .... Two years ago I spoke of a man's right to work as he will, to spend what he earns, to own property, to have the state as servant and not as master. And today the threat to those democratic values has doubled and redoubled. [action step]
These are deeply anxious and disturbing days for those whose eyes are open, and who value freedom, but provided we are alert and alive to the danger, then the human will of the growing and quietly determined majority must prevail. [farewell and compliment]
The 1978 party conference speech:
Now, as the test draws near, I ask your help, and not only yours--! ask it of all men and women who look to us today, who share with us our longing for a new beginning. [action step]
Of course, we in the Conservative Party want to win, but let us win for the right reason— not power for ourselves, but that this country of ours, which we love so much, will find dignity and greatness and peace again, [the virtue of the cause]
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Mrs. Thatcher rigorously followed the principle of
economy of materials. In each conclusion she made an appeal to
action, complimented the listeners on their cause, and con
cluded the message with a striking statement.
IV. Method of Division and Arrangement
Consciously or unconsciously the speaker decided upon
a basis of division (analysis) of the subject or determined
the most suitable major units.Each of the party conference
speeches was developed around a proposition of policy (recom
mending a new course of action)^ therefore, they rely to some
extent on the logical order. According to the logical method
the arrangement of the materials is determined by the con
tinuity of the reasoning process. Each segment of the speech
serves as a link in the chain of thought.However, the
speeches reveal the obvious influence of psychological con
siderations. The predisposition or inclination of the
listeners determines the psychological order; the motivated
sequence pattern advocated by Alan Monroe provides a useful
basis for examining Mrs. Thatcher's methods of distribution.
Although the logical method served to give continuity
to the reasoning process, the questions asked in Alan Monroe's
A. Craig Baird, Waldo W. Braden, Lester Thonssen. Speech Criticism, 2nd ed. (1940; rpt. New York: Ronald Press, 1970), p. 469.
^^®Ibid., p. 474.
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formula is relevant to Mrs. Thatcher's treatment of her
material in each of the speeches. Monroe's formula asks:
(1) What materials shall be used to gain attention?
(2) What factors in the situation create a need (or
lack of it) for this proposal?
(3) What program or ways may provide (benefits) called
for by this need?
(4) What application of the proposal can be visualized
by the speaker and audience?
(5) What action should be taken to insure the appli
cation of the proposal (or to block such applica-
Mrs. Thatcher's party conference speeches, like
Monroe's formula, are concerned with psychological appeals
and reactions.
In accordance with Monroe's formula the speaker
satisfied her five questions: first the speaker chose ethical
appeals to gain the attention and favorable consideration
of her audience; second, she issued a challenge and stated
her central theme early in the address in order to create
a need for her proposals ; third, she established in each
speech Conservative Party policies and programs which would
satisfy the current needs which she described; fourth, the
speaker sought to visualize the application of her plans and
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policies for her audience; fifth, Mrs. Thatcher ended each
speech with a call for action, e.g. to fight socialism in
every way possible, to support the Conservative Party in the
next general election, to recognize the threat that Marxism
posed to Britain, etc.
V. Outlines of the Party Conference Speeches
"Let Me Give You My Vision" (1975)
Introduction
Body
I. I could say nothing half as damaging about Britain
as what Labor has done to Britain.
A. Labor has caused prices to rise at a record rate
of 26 per cent a year.
B. It is the Labor Government whose past policies are
forcing unemployment higher than it need ever have
been.
C. It is the Labor Government that brought the level
of production below that of the three day week in
1974.
D. It is the Labor Government that has brought us
record peace-time taxation.
E. It is the Labor Government that has pushed public
spending to record levels.
II. There are those who seem anxious not to overcome our
economic difficulties, but to exploit them to destroy
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the free enterprise society.
A. Mr. Wilson has at last discovered that his own
party is infiltrated by extreme left-wingers.
B. Our capitalist system produces a far higher
standard of prosperity and happiness because it
believes in incentive and opportunity, and because
it is founded on human dignity and freedom.
III. What we face today is not a crisis of capitalism, but
of socialism.
A. The cause of our shortcomings does not, therefore,
lie in private enterprise.
B. We are witnessing a deliberate attack on our values,
a deliberate attack on those who wish to promote
merit and excellence, a deliberate attack on our
heritage and great past.
C. Others, under the shelter of our educational system,
are ruthlessly attacking the minds of the young.
D. These are the two great challenges of our time:
the moral and political challenge and the economic
challenge.
IV. Policies and programs should not be just a list of
unrelated items, but rather a part of a total vision
of the kind of life we want for our country and child
ren.
A. A man has a right to work as he will, to spend
what he earns, to own property, to have the state
as servant not master.
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B. We want a free economy, not only because it
guarantees our liberties, but also because it is
the best way of creating wealth and prosperity for
the whole country.
C. By their attack on private enterprise the Labor
Government has made certain that there will be
next to nothing available for improvements in our
social services over the next few years.
V. Government must leam to leave the companies with
enough of their own profits to produce the goods and
jobs for tomorrow.
A. If the socialists will not or cannot, there will
be no profit making industry left to support the
losses caused by fresh bouts of nationalism.
B. If anyone is murmuring that I am preaching laissez-
faire, let me say I am not arguing and never have
argued, that all we have to do is to let the
economy run by itself.
C. The Labor Government has pursued a disastrous
vendetta against small businesses and the self-
employed which we will reverse.
VI. Government could not have destroyed the confidence
of the industry more effectively if they had tried
deliberately to do so, with their formula of empty
promises and penal taxation.
A. Today the picture is one of depressed profits,
low investment, no incentive and Government spending
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far beyond the taxpayers' means.
VII. We believe that everyone has a right to be unequal,
but to us every human being is important.
A. Those with special gifts should be given a chance.
B. The spirit of envy can destroy.
C. Freedom to choose is something we take for granted,
until it is in danger of being taken away.
D. Opportunity and excellence in our state schools
are being diminished under socialism.
E. Under Labor, private medicine is being squeezed
out, and the result will be to add to the burden
on the National Health Service without adding one
penny to its income.
VIII. If we are to be told that a Conservative Government could
not govern because certain extreme leaders would not
let it, then general elections are a mockery, we have
arrived at a one-party state, and parliamentary democracy
in this country will have perished.
A. When the next Conservative Government comes to
power, many trade unionists will have put it there.
B. Remember that if parliamentary democracy dies free
trade unions die with it.
IX. The first duty of government is to uphold the law.
A. It is tragic that the socialist government shed
its principles over the People's Republic of
Clay Cross and that a group of the Labor Party
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should have tried to turn the Shrewsbury pickets
into martyrs.
B. The Conservative Party is pledged to support the
unity of the United Kingdom, to preserve that
unity and to protect the people, Catholic and
Protestant alike.
"The Rebirth of a Nation" (1976)
Introduction
I. Economically Britain is on its knees.
A. If the Labor Government is no longer able to act
in the national interest, then the alternative is
here in Brighton today.
B. If the Conservative Party are to shoulder the
responsibility of Government, to chart a fresh
course for our country, then we must first under
stand what has happened to us, where we have gone
wrong, and w hy.
1. First, we have become the big spenders of
Europe, spenders of other peoples’ money.
2. Second, increasing interference and direction
of industry have stopped it doing its job
properly.
3. Third, the Labor Party has remained confused
and divided over whether free enterprise
should be allowed to survive.
II. The Labor Party is now committed to a program which is
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frankly and unashamedly Marxist, a program initiated
by its national executive and now firmly endorsed
by its official party conference.
A. In the House of Commons, the Labor left may still
be outnumbered, but their votes are vital to the
continuance of Labor in office, and that gives
them strength out of proportion to their numbers.
B. The dividing line between the Labor Party program
and communism is becoming harder and harder to
detect.
C. Provided they know what is happening, the citizens
will never surrender to extremists whether of the
left or right.
III. Because the very nature of the Labor Party prevents
a Labor Government from doing what some of its
members realize at long last must be done, there is
little chance that they'll change course.
A. We are told that to cut public spending further
is impossible because the Labor Party wouldn't
stand for it.
B. Between the pair of them. Sir Harold and Mr.
Callaghan, their wretched Governments have
impoverished and all but bankrupted Britain.
1. Government are going or taking stopgap
measures to try to restore confidence in the L.
2. We have had national plans and pay pauses,
price freezes, productivity awards, industrial
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strategies, and growth targets which have
left us with doubt and bewilderment.
IV. The right approach is a strategy statement which sets
out the broad lines which stem from a clear, coherent
political philosophy.
A. The only way to safety is to stop borrowing and
stop borrowing soon.
B. To do that, the country must consume less than it
produces.
C. Once we have taken emergency measures which are
needed, we must chart the course for years ahead.
D. Either the Treasury can make us, the people
economise by putting up taxes or it can concen
trate all its economies on the government's own
spending.
V. The almost total commitment to extravagant government
expenditure is not borne solely of compassion.
A. It reflects a stubborn desire to regulate the day
to day lives of the rich and poor alike.
B. It is a Labor Government that has doubled the
numbers out of work and set a shameful post-war
record.
C. The doubling of public spending led to a doubling
of unemployment because they bled productive
industry white of the resources it needed to
provide jobs.
VI. We must break out of restraint if we are to have a
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prosperous and successful future.
A. We shall do this by providing a stable economic
background so that expansion and growth will pay
and be seen to pay.
B. We shall do it by letting profits rise to a level
which offers a real incentive to expand.
C. We shall do it by answering that men and women
who invest their savings in their own business can
earn a reasonable return.
D. We shall do it by following the example of other
Conservative Governments and cutting taxes as soon
as we can.
E. We shall encourage the production of wealth by
spreading a share in its growth among those who
have helped create it.
We want to restore the right of unions and management
to make the best bargain they can in circumstances
they both know.
A. I agree with the speaker who said that if a trade
union leader, or anyone else for that matter, wants
to run the country he should stand for Parliament.
B. The next Conservative Government will look forward
to discussion and consultation with the trade
union movement about the policies which are needed
to save the country.
Today the Conservative Party is truly a national
party.
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A. We want to offer the opportunity of home
ownership to everyone.
B. We are the party that will emphatically not
economise on the police force.
C. We are the party that wants to reduce taxation,
while the socialists never stop trying to raise
it.
D. We are the party that believes it should pay more
to work than to remain idle.
E. We are the party that regards the defense of the
realm as the overriding duty of any government.
F. The Conservatives, not the socialists, represent
the true interests and hopes and aspirations of
the working people.
"We Shall Not Fail Our Country" (1977)
Introduction
I. It is not the Tories who have wheeled and dealed and
manoeuvered and manipulated to avoid one thing at all
costs--facing the voters.
II. All of us are deeply thankful that the wealth of the
North Sea started to flow; but the North Sea is not
a socialistic sea and its oil is not socialist oil.
A. As the oil comes on stream, our balance of pay
ments is going to look healthier.
B. The truth is that we are still grinding along in
bottom gear, with our factories producing less
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than they were when Labor came to power.
C. If Labor survives into the next year, prices will
have doubled while they have been in power.
D. Labor wants to nationalize all the land, not just
some of it.
E. They want higher taxes to pay for their plans.
II. From one election to the next. Labor's program gets
meaner, more narrow, more Marxist.
A. Destroying the freedoms we have cherished and
defended down the centuries doesn't worry the far
left.
B. The party of Hugh Gaitskell has become a party
fit for Andy Sevan and Peter Rain.
III. In the coming months you are going to see a carefully
orchestrated campaign by Labor to portray me as
"extremely this" or "extremely that".
A. I am extremely aware of the dangerous duplicity
of socialism.
B. If it is reactionary to react against the politics
of the last few years, which undermined our way
of life and devastated our economy, then we are
reactionary and so are a great majority of the
British people.
IV. The best reply to full blooded socialism is not milk-
and-water socialism, but genuine Conservatism.
A. Socialism has not made the society fairer; it has
made it less fair.
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B. If we confront reality, if we pin our trust on
skill, the resource and the courage of our
people, then this country can work out its sal
vation and regain its prosperity.
C. All elections are crucial, but this time the
choice could be decisive for a generation,
because, this time how the country votes will
settle which party is entrusted with the immense
benefits of North Sea oil.
V. The government dares not fight on its record or on
any manifesto that would be acceptable both to its
Marxist left and to the people of Britain.
A. A strong and responsible trade union movement is
essential to this country, and its rights must be
respected.
B. The belief that those rights take precedence
over all other rights and even over the law
itself, could be fatal to this country.
C. We in the Conservative Party look forward to a
long and fruitful association with the unions,
because a Conservative Britain will be as much
in the interests of union members as the rest of
the community.
VI. We shall cut income tax, so that once again it is
worthwhile to work harder and to learn a skill.
A. Our aim is to make tax collecting a declining
industry.
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B. Government support for ailing industry will only
produce an ailing economy unless it is selective,
unless the circumstances are exceptional.
VII. We Conservatives are a family party.
A. That is why we will give council tenants the right
in law to buy their home.
B. The main victims of Labor's recent attack on the
direct grant schools have been able children from
less well-off families.
G. Our aim in education is simple : it is to raise
standards for all our children.
VIII. Law and order will be an issue, and it will be a
vital issue at the election.
A. The next Conservative Government will give more
resources to the police.
B. The Conservative Party stands rock firm for the
union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland.
C. Our armed forces are poorly paid and they are
denied the equipment, the stores, the back-up
and the training that they know are vital to do
the job they do.
D. We have a government that neglects our defences,
a government that lets down NATO so badly that
our allies have rebuked it publicly.
Conclusion.
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"1978 Conservative Party Conference Speech"
Introduction
I. The dying days of this administration may well see
one last wretched round of manipulation and manoeuver,
of private deal or public pacts or cosy little
understandings, always, of course, in the national
interest--before the government are finally dragged
kicking and screaming, to the polls.
A. I believe that the longer they wait the harder
they will fall.
B. Our party offers the nation nothing less than
national revival, the deeply-needed, long-awaited
and passionately longed for recovery of our country.
C. The damage Labor has done to the country is
immeasurable.
II. The first step in clearing your mind about where to go
is to understand how you got where you are.
A. We have been ruled by men who live by illusions,
the illusion you can spend money you haven't
earned.
B. Things have not deteriorated so quickly since the
crisis of 1976 when Denis Healey was put on
probation to the International Monetary Fund.
III. Today the nation has a Prime Minister whose party
has disowned his principal policy and destroyed the
chief plank in his election strategy.
IV. The country is looking for a sign that we can succeed
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where Labor has failed.
A. The idea that only Labor can talk to Labor
drowned in the sea at Blackpool.
B. We Conservatives don't have a blue print for
instant success, but at least we start with this
advantage— we know what not to do.
V. Restrictive practices are encrusted like barnacles on
our industrial life.
A. When two men insist on doing the work of one,
there is only half as much for each.
B. The right way to attack unemployment is to
produce more goods more cheaply then more people
can afford to buy them.
VI. We shall do all that we can to rebuild a free and
prosperous Britain.
A. We believe in realistic, responsible collective
bargaining free from government interference.
B. We believe in encouraging competition, free
enterprise, and profits in firms large and small.
C. We believe in making substantial cuts in the tax
on your pay packet.
VII. Labor seems to stand too often for expediency, for
greed, for privilege, for policies that set one
half of society against the other.
A. The spirit of envy is seen in Labor's bias
against men and women who seek to better them
selves and their families.
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B. Object to merit and distinction and you're
setting your face against quality, independence,
originality, genius, against all the richness and
variety of life.
C. The political organization of hatred is wrong—
always and everywhere.
D. Our determination to deal with the very real and
difficult problems of immigration control has
inspired Labor to a shameful attempt to frighten
the colored population of Great Britain.
E. Many smears and charges will be thrown at us as
election day comes nearer.
VIII. We have seen some of the symptoms of the breakdown of
the rule of law— the growth in the number of unsolved
and unpunished crimes, especially violent crimes,
overcrowded courts, an underpaid and undermanned
police force, judges insulted by senior ministers of
A. We are 100 per cent behind the police, the courts,
the judges, and not the least the law-abiding
majority of citizens.
B. The Conservative Party stands for the defense of
the realm.
C. So long as Ulster wishes to belong to the United
Kingdom she will do so.
Conclusion.
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V. The Proportioning of the Material
Proportion deals primarily with the position and
space of the content.In each of the four party con
ference speeches Margaret Thatcher positioned the same topics
at the opening and closing of each address. There are also
similarities in the way she allotted more space to certain
topics than to others.
First, as to Mrs. Thatcher's use of position, the
most important concepts in the speeches appeared at the
beginning of each address. She denounced the Labor Party
as the cause of Britain's problems early in each of the
party conference speeches. In each case she gave only a
short introduction and moved immediately into the body of
the speech by issuing a challenge to the country and to
the Labor Government. The strong statements at the beginning
of each speech made her major themes memorable throughout
the speeches. The following statements illustrate the
forceful way Mrs. Thatcher introduced each of her main
themes :
Whatever could I say about Britain that is half as damaging as what this Labor Government has done to our country? [1975]
Economically, Britain is on its knees. It is not unpatriotic to say this. It is no secret. [1976]
Last week in Brighton we were accused of an insatiable lust for power. It is not the Tories who have wheeled and dealed and manoeuvred and manipulated to avoid one
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thing at all costs— facing the voters. [1977]
As soon as Parliament reassembles we shall do all we can as a responsible Opposition to end the present damaging uncertainty, to defeat the Government and to bring about a general election. But I must warn you that the dying days of this administration may well see one last wretched round of manipulation and manoeuvre, of private deals or public pacts or cosy little understandings— always of course, "in the national interest"--before the Government are dragged kicking and screaming to the polls. [1978]
At the conclusion of each speech she restated the
major theme using impressive language to emphasize the
significance of the message. However, just before she ended
each speech she spoke briefly on two topics : (1) the need
for stronger defense and (2) the determination of the
Conservatives to protect Northern Ireland and/or to preserve
the union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. Since
Mrs. Thatcher positioned these topics at the end of each
speech it seems certain that she understood the significance
of such placement. Although she did not deal with the
complexities of either topic she did make brief, specific
pledges. Such brevity would have weakened the impact of
those topics had it been expressed within the body of each
address. However, the statements held greater significance
having been made as they were at the close of each address.
Mrs. Thatcher did not use a summary or a restatement
of major points at the close of any of the speeches. She
restated the theme only. Thus, the position of the final
topics leading into her conclusion had a decided affect
on the tone of the conclusion.
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Second, Margaret Thatcher's use of space probably
served her purpose in each address. Clearly, she spent
the largest amount of time in developing her case against
socialism. She spoke most extensively in each speech on
the mistakes made by the Labor Party in dealing with the
economy. However, in the 1978 speech Mrs. Thatcher covered
more topics at greater length, e.g. immigration, the break
down of law and order, the defense of the realm, and the
union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. As a result
the 1978 party conference speech lacked the unity she
achieved in the other three.
VI. The Devices Used to Achieve Unity
As mentioned in the previous discussion Mrs. Thatcher
used space as a means to achieve unity. Her chief unifying
device, however, in each of the speeches was her use of
transitions. The nature of the occasion probably demanded
that she introduce more topics than she had time to discuss
fully in order that she might indicate her position on a
number of issues. Final summaries and internal summaries,
and occasionally, transitions were noticeably absent in the
speeches, probably because the speaker introduced such a great
many topics.
The transitions were essential in providing the unity
in these speeches, all of which were arranged by the logical
method. Since each segment of the speech served as a link to
the next, the transitions were crucial. One topic grew out of
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the previous one as a result of such connecting devices.
For example, the topics of law and order and the defense
of the realm are distinctly different; and yet, one topic
logically led to the next because she used appropriate transi
tion:
I do not intend to sit on the sidelines wringing my hands while London, Glasgow, Manchester, Birmingham and the rest of our cities go the way of New York. But if the violence in Britain is deeply disturbing, it is nothing to what has been endured by the people of Northern Ireland for nearly ten years. [1977]
The speaker moved from a discussion of the immigra
tion policy into a defense of the various charges made
against Conservatives with the sentence "Many other smears
and charges will be thrown at us as election day comes nearer."
Compulsory repatriation is not, and never will be our policy and anyone who tells you differently is deliberately misrepresenting us for his own ends. Many other smears and charges will be thrown at us as election day comes nearer. But let us not be too concerned, however large the lie or absurd the charge . . . one moment the Shadow Ministers are said to be notorious villains . . . the next minute they are said to be unknown. [1978]
Another example of the kind of transitions the speaker
used occurred in the 1977 speech. She spoke of the destruction
in education with law and order by referring to the
"destroyer":
That is not education, it is political propaganda, and I see no reason why you and I and every other taxpayer should pay for it. These destroyers would also destroy respect for our laws and the order on which civilized society is based. People have asked me whether I am going to make the fight against crime an issue at the next election. [1977]
Mrs. Thatcher at times shifted from one topic to the
next without making an appropriate transition. In a discussion
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of employees voting as shareholders at company meetings she
defended the right of council tenants to own their own homes :
The Labor Party want union leaders on boards of directors. We want more employees voting as share holders at company meetings. Under a Conservative Government we hope that more of them will own a stake in industry and that more of them will own their own homes. We Conservatives are a family party. We believe that in a healthy society more and more people should be able to buy the roof over their own heads. That is why we will give council tenants the right in law to buy their own homes. [1977]
In the 1976 speech she spoke of the frustration of the
people in regard to taxation and then darted from one topic
to the next:
People are becoming increasingly frustrated by the crushing weight of personal taxation in Britain, where we now have the highest starting rate of income tax in the world. We are the party that wants to reduce taxation, while the socialists never stop trying to raise it. And we are the party that believes it should pay more to work than to stay idle. A growing number of people are anxious about the strength of the armed services.
Thus, the lack of internal summaries as well as final
summaries, coupled with the occasional lack of transitions
prevented the speaker from achieving unity in the speeches.
VII. Conclusion
The choices Mrs. Thatcher made in structuring the
party conference speeches indicate that she considered the
demands of the occasion. Each area of analysis revealed that
the speaker recognized the problems inherent in the material.
First, the speaker introduced the central theme or thesis
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statement early in the speech; this enabled the audience to
focus more clearly on the significant points in the material
which followed.
Second, Mrs. Thatcher's speech contained the essential
parts, an introduction, body, and a conclusion. In her intro
ductions she gained the attention of the audience and used
striking statements to prepare them for her message. The body
of each speech contained the definition of the problem and
presented solutions. The development of the body amplified
the speaker's method of division.
Third, the speaker arranged the materials by using
the logical method; however, the speeches reveal that
psychological considerations also affected the division.
Since the party conference speeches developed around a state
ment of policy they necessarily relied on the logical order.
However, in accordance with Alan Monroe's formula the party
conference speeches centered around psychological appeals
and reactions.
Fourth, the speaker recognized the significance of
proportions in the party conference speeches. She paid
particular attention to the elements of space and position.
She located her thesis statement, challenge, and major theme
at the opening of each address. At the end of each speech
she introduced particularly "hot" issues--law and order and
the unity of Northern Ireland and Great Britain. This place
ment gave emphasis to those topics in spite of the brevity with
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which she dealt with them. In regard to space Mrs. Thatcher
spent the greatest amount of time on the topics which best
developed her central theme ; in each speech she detailed
the failures of the Labor Government.
Fifth, Mrs. Thatcher used transitions to achieve
unity. In accordance with the logical method of division
one segment was linked to the other. However, by failing at
times to use the transitions Mrs. Thatcher did not provide
a logical step from one topic to the next.
The chief weakness lay in the lack of unity in the
1978 speech. In that address Mrs. Thatcher gave greater
time to more topics and as a result the audience probably
had difficulty focusing on her central theme. Also Mrs.
Thatcher failed to provide smooth transitions between the
many topics introduced in that speech.
All of the party conference speeches lacked final
summaries and internal summaries. Each of these speeches
contained a number of topics and lacked previews and reviews
of major points ; her failure to summarize was the major
weakness in the structure of the party conference speeches.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. THE LOGICAL AND EMOTIONAL MODES
I. Introduction
In each of the. party conference speeches Mrs.
Thatcher framed her major topics in a deductive argument,
relying on ethical, emotional and logical proof as the means
of reinforcing her arguments. Throughout these speeches
she outlined her themes, rather than her cases. Logical
appeals did not dominate her proof as they did in other
major speeches, e.g. "Let The Children Grow Tall",
delivered on September 15, 1975, at the St. Regis Hotel
in New York City to a group of one hundred opinion leaders
at a meeting sponsored by the Institute for Socioeconomic
studies and her highly lauded parliamentary triumph delivered
on July 20, 1977, before the House of Commons. In the New
York speech in September, 1975 and in an address before
the House of Commons in July 20, 1977 Mrs. Thatcher estab
lished in the minds of many critics her competence in
argumentation and her skill in presenting exhaustive evi
dence. And yet, in each of the party conference speeches
she failed at times to satisfy the basic rules of evidence.
Most often in the party conference speeches Mrs. Thatcher
134
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developed her points by using emotional appeals. The
weakness of the logical proof lay not in her syllogisms,
but rather in her failure to provide sufficient supporting
evidence for her premises. Throughout the speeches she
made numerous claims for which she often failed to provide
valid arguments. Both the lack of supporting evidence and
the failure to construct formal arguments weakened her logical
appeals considerably.
The lack of evidence suggests that she assumed either
that her audience agreed with her premises or that other
appeals--emotional and ethical--would better serve her in
reaching those to whom she needed to direct the available
means of persuasion. The diversity of the audience presented
an enormous challenge to the speaker; clearly, the various
members had conflicting needs in the areas of logical and
emotional proof. Careful adherence to the rules of argu
mentation may have proved tedious to some of the listeners.
Others probably felt that her treatment of certain topics
was superficial at best and irresponsible at the worst.
The speaker stated her position on issues too numerous to
discuss extensively. It seems likely that the emphasis
on the logical mode and the failure to provide adequate
supporting material was a deliberate strategy. In view
of the nature of the occasion and the contrasting and
conflicting demands that the diverse audience placed on
the speaker Mrs. Thatcher's emphasis on emotional appeals
was probably wise; however, giving weight to the emotional
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proof did not necessitate weaknesses in the logical mode.
An examination of her logical appeals reveals the way in
which she failed to use the logical mode to her full
advantage.
I I . Logical Appeals
Mrs. Thatcher developed the following eleven issues
in the party conference speeches; the first eight listed
are ones she discussed in all of the speeches ; the ninth
issue she explored in the 1975, 1977, and 1978 speeches ;
and the tenth and eleventh issues emerged only in the 1978
speech. Each of the issues can be framed in hypothetical,
disjunctive, and categorical syllogisms reflecting the
deductions she made in her argumentation: (1) Is it of crucial
importance that we understand what has happened to our
country? (2) Is free enterprise superior to other economic
systems? (3) To what extent is the Labor Party committed
to Marxist programs? (4) What are the damaging effects of
the Labor Government? (5) Is it essential that we revitalize
Britain's economy? (6) Do we need to provide incentives
to encourage the production of wealth? (7) What is the
role of the trade union leaders and the definition of the
social contract in a democracy? (8) Is the Conservative
Party the last bastion between Britain and disaster?
(9) Has the Labor Government failed to promote respect for
and security under the law? (10) Should the Government deal
with the very real problems of immigration? (11) Is it
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crucial to maintain a strong national defense?
Understanding What Has Happened to Great Britain
Early in each speech Mrs. Thatcher commented on the
importance in understanding the nature of events in Great
Britain. She best framed her arguments in the opening
minutes of the 1976 speech:
Major Premise: If the Conservative Party hopes to shoulder the responsibility of Government, to chart a fresh course for our country, then we must first understand what has happened to us-- where things have gone wrong--and why.
Minor Premise; T h e ,Conservative Party does hope to shoulder the responsibility of Government and chart a fresh course for our country.
Conclusion: Therefore, we must first understand what has happened to us--where things have gone wrong--and why.
Certainly this hypothetical syllogism is valid.
Also the premises are ones with which few in her party would
argue; such hopes might well be the goals of any party.
Mrs. Thatcher repeated the conclusion of this syllogism
in each of the party conference speeches, but after
establishing that need she failed to satisfy it. Although
she has exhibited in other speeches a real facility for
explaining what has happened and why in concise, compre
hensive terms, she did not do so in these speeches. Given
the amount of experience which she has in speech making
and the consistent lack of evidence in her logical proof,
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it is reasonable to assume that she deliberately chose to
emphasize other appeals she deemed more effective. Although
she told the audience in some detail "where things have
gone wrong", she neglected to build a solid case in order to
explain "why"; rather she relied on the pathetic mode to
assure her listeners that a need did exist. Mrs. Thatcher's
explanation of the "British sickness" (where things have
gone wrong) easily introduced the issue of free enterprise
and its superiority over other economic systems.
The Superiority of Free Enterprise
She made three major claims which were crucial to
the support of her arguments, but she failed to support
those claims with reliable data. (1) Great Britain has
become the big spender of Europe--spender of borrowed money ;
(2) Increasing interference and direction of industry have
prevented industry from doing its job properly; (3) The
Labor Party remains confused and divided over whether free
enterprise should be allowed to survive.
In each of the party conference speeches she framed
arguments in support of free enterprise, but in each case
she apparently assumed that the premises would stand, that
her audience did not require exhaustive evidence.
Major Premise: If the socialist Government fails to leave companies with enough of their own profits to produce goods and jobs for tomorrow, then there will be no profit making industry left to support the losses caused by fresh bout; of nationalization.
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Minor Premise: Socialist governments have failed to leave companies with enough of their own profits to produce goods and jobs for tomorrow.
Conclusion: Therefore there will be no profit making industry left to support the losses caused by fresh bouts of nationalization. (1975)
Both the major and minor premises offered challenges
to members of the television viewing audience as well as to
dissident Tories, but Mrs. Thatcher did not cite the instances
in which companies had been stripped of profits or state
losses caused by recent nationalization. In the 1976 party
conference .speech she introduced the issue in another argu
ment which can be framed in a hypothetical syllogism:
Major Premise: If free enterprise has proved itself more efficient and better able to produce a good standard of living than either socialism or communism, then free enterprise should be allowed to survive.
Minor Premise : Free enterprise has proved itself more efficient and better able to produce a good standard of living than either socialism or communism.
Conclusion: Therefore, free enterprise should be allowed to survive.
The validity of the syllogism depends upon whether
or not one accepts the minor premise. Since she did not
present evidence in support of the premise its validity
came into question. The degree to which free enterprise
should flourish is a subject of real debate within the
Conservative Party as well as between Conservative and Labor.
She could not afford to let the premise stand unsupported
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by the data and statistics which she has abundantly used
in other speeches. Consequently, the conclusion was
weakened considerably.
In the 1977 party conference speech Mrs. Thatcher
spent a bit more time developing the call for free enter
prise. She cited the instances in which socialism had broken
its promises and pointed to the way in which a free market
economy would have remedied the situation. Her main argument
followed the evidence :
Major Premise: If the Labor Government only moves forward when it abandons socialist policies and starts doing some of the things we suggest, then clearly the Conservatives are best able to promote a thriving economy.
Minor Premise: Labor only moves forward when it aban dons socialist policies and starts doing some of the things Conservatives suggest.
Conclusion: Therefore the Conservatives are best able to promote a thriving economy.
In the 1978 party conference speech the topic of
free enterprise was buried in a string of other subjects.
Although her argument went unsupported as did a number of
others, it can be framed in a hypothetical syllogism.
Major Premise: If we are ruled by men who live under the illusion that you can have freedom and enterprise without believing in free enterprise, then we can only expect the kind of failure that we have today.
Minor Premise: We are ruled by men who live under the illusion that you can have free dom and enterprise without believing in free enterprise.
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Conclusion; Therefore, we can only expect the kind of failure that we have today.
The hypothetical syllogism used to frame Mrs.
Thatcher's deductive arguments complies with the rules:
i.e., the minor premise affirms the antecedent and the
conclusion affirms the consequent. Mrs. Thatcher came to
grips with the problems of free enterprise and the failures
of socialism; she penetrated the compelling crises of the
hour. But for this topic, as with most of the others, she
did not offer an examination of the implications of her
reasoning. She stated causes of problems without giving
sufficient evidence of causation; she displayed a grasp
of the possible solutions without building a case to
support her theories.
As she developed each issue she followed this pattern.
Again other appeals— ethical and emotional— were used in
place of evidence to back up her logical appeals. Although
her logical proof may not have satisfied many members of
her audience, it is difficult to judge the extent to which
she should have developed her logical proof without first
examining her use of the other modes. Clearly, the speaker
had to make a choice: either she could have covered fewer
issues, giving lengthy evidence, perhaps at the risk of
leaving vital topics untouched and alienating some listeners
by using evidence they did not require or she could have
done as she did— cover a number of issues, trusting her
use of other appeals to give credence to her premises.
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The Labor Party's Commitment to Marxist Programs
Mrs. Thatcher's third issue, the Labor Party's
commitment to Marxist programs can be stated in a cate
gorical syllogism:
Major Premise: All Marxists oppose democratic govern ment and the liberty of the people.
Minor Premise: A powerful segment of the Labor Party is frankly and unashamedly Marxist.
Conclusion: A powerful segment of the Labor Party opposes democratic government and the liberty of the people. (1976)
The middle term has been distributed in at least
one of the premises, but we cannot be certain that the facts
stated in the premises are true. First, the label "Marxist”
is vague. She did not define the term in her speeches or
indicate those policies and principles which are both common
to all Marxists and diametrically opposed to democratic
government. Thus, the major premise required verification
which she did not give. Second, if the Labor Party program
is "frankly and unashamedly Marxist" the speaker could easily
have cited policy statements and testimonies from Labor
supporters to support her minor premise. In the 1977 speech
she improved her use of evidence for this argument, citing
"Labor Program for Britain, 1976"^^^ and listing a number
of policies that the Labor Government endorsed. In the
^^^Labour's Programme 1976 (London: The Labor Partv). 1976. ----
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1977 speech, as opposed to the 1976 speech, the argument
was supported by evidence which undergirded her premises.
Without such evidence the label "Marxist” is reduced to name
calling, rather than a well-founded description of a dangerous
group.
The Damaging Effects of the Labor Government
In the fourth issue she answered the question, what
have been the damaging effects of the Labor Government?
Mrs. Thatcher provided the careful analysis and necesary
evidence with which she has distinguished herself in other
major addresses. In the 1975 and 1976 speeches in parti
cular she cited several instances in which Labor policies
have failed:
Let us look at the record. It is the Labor Government that has caused prices to rise at a record rate of 26 per cent a year. . . . It is the Labor Government whose past policies are forcing unemployment higher than it need ever have been. . . . It is the Labor Government that brought the level of production below that of the three day week in 1974. (1975)
Who doubled public spending? Who doubled unemployment? Who saw prices go up by more that 50 pence in every pound? Callaghan and Co. (1976)
In the 1976 speech she built her case and then
assessed the ability of Labor to change its course:
. . . The very nature of the Labor Party prevents a Labor Government from doing what some of its members at long last realize must be done. For example, we are told that to cut public spending further is impos sible because the Labor Party would not stand for it.
Mrs. Thatcher carefully prepared her audience to
accept the premises of her argument which followed, first
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by providing evidence that a change in Government was
essential, and, second, by giving reasons to believe that
a change within the Labor Party was highly unlikely. Cer
tainly the television audience would have required this
support :
Major Premise: If the Government as it has functioned under Mr. Callaghan has impoverished and all but bankrupted Britain, then we must get rid of it before it does final damage.
Minor Premise: The Government as it has functioned under Mr . Callaghan has impoverished and all but bankrupted Britain.
Conclusion: Therefore, we must get rid of it before it does final damage.
The hypothetical syllogism is valid. The premises
were grounded in evidence which Mrs. Thatcher used in support
of this argument; the minor premise affirms the antecedent ;
and the conclusion affirms the consequent.
In the 1975 party conference speech she made a similar
argument and provided sufficient evidence. In that speech
she introduced the topic by answering her critics who said
she had denounced Great Britain when she spoke in America.
Major Premise: If the record left by the Labor Government is as disastrous as it appears, then nothing I could say about Britain "is half as damaging as what this Labor government has done to our country."
Minor Premise: The record left by the Labor Govern ment is as disastrous as it appears.
Conclusion: Therefore, nothing I could say about Britain "is half as damaging as what this Labor Government has done to our country."
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The Revitalization of Britain's Economy
In her fifth major issue Mrs. Thatcher discussed
the necessity of revitalizing Britain's economy. Her con
tentions did not rest on evidence. In discussing economic
difficulties and the failures of the Labor Government, her
line of reasoning was clear, but her assertions remained
unsubstantiated.
Her arguments can be stated in valid syllogisms. In
the hypothetical syllogism the minor premise affirms the
antecedent and the conclusion affirms the consequent. The
premises are based on verifiable evidence, and yet, Mrs.
Thatcher did not present evidence to support her minor
premise:
Major Premise: If the Government is spending L200 per year more than it is raising in taxes for each man, woman, and child in the country, then we must either raise taxes or cut government spending.
Minor Premise: The Government is spending L200 per year more than it is raising in taxes for each man, woman, and child.
Conclusion: Therefore, we must either raise taxes or cut government spending.
In her next argument relevant to the economy Mrs.
Thatcher reasoned in a way best represented by what is
probably an invalid syllogism. Most logicians say that one
can draw a valid conclusion only if the minor premise affirms
one of the disjuncts. According to this rule the argument
is clearly invalid.
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Major Premise: Either the Government must try to make us, the people, economise by putting up taxes or it must concentrate all its economies on the Government's own spending.
Minor Premise: The Government must not make us, the people, economise by putting up taxes.
Conclusion: Therefore, it must concentrate all its economies on the Government's own spending.
Throughout the 1978 speech in particular Mrs.
Thatcher made one argument upon another, using one argument
to reinforce the next often without first building her case.
For example, the following syllogism represents an argument
which occurs amidst a string of other arguments; the speaker
showed little concern for substantiating her premises in
the 1978 speech:
Major Premise: All governments which try year after year to level everyone down with totally rigid incomes policies destroy the incentives which are necessary in order for industry to survive.
Minor Premise : The Labor Party tries year after year to level everyone down with a totally rigid income policy.
Conclusion: Therefore, the Labor Party destroys incentives which are necessary in order for industry to survive.
She made similar arguments in the 1976 speech, but
she introduced the topic of incentives by first describing
the need to provide incentives to encourage the production
of wealth. She systematically reviewed the cases in which
incentives served as the means of revitalizing the economy.
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We must break out of restraint if we are to have a prosperous and successful future. We shall do this by providing a stable economic back ground so that expansion and growth will pay and be seen to pay. We shall do it by letting profits rise to a level which offers a real incentive to expand. We shall do it by ensuring that men and women who invest their savings in their own business or in some one else's business, can once more earn a reasonable return. We shall do it by following the example of other Conservative Governments and cutting taxes as soon as
We shall encourage the production of wealth by spreading a share in its growth among those who have helped create. (1976)
The Role of Trade Union Leaders and the
Definition of the Social Contract
The seventh major question--what is the role of the
trade union leaders and the definition of the social con
tract --presented a particular challenge to the speaker. Her
opponents charged that she would not be able to handle the
labor unions. In response to the attempts which may have
been made to diminish her credibility in this area, she
offered a carefully reasoned argument in the 1975 Party
Conference speech:
Major Premise: If we allow the Labor Party to con tinue much of the nation that a Conservative Government could not govern because certain extreme leaders would not let it, then we are in danger of seeing general elections become a mockery and of living in a one-party state in which parliamentary democracy would have perished.
Minor Premise: We have allowed the Labor Party to convince much of the nation that a
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Conservative Government could not govern because certain extreme leaders would not let it.
Conclusion: Therefore, we are in danger of seeing general elections become a mockery and of living in a one-party state in which parliamentary democracy would have perished.
In the 1976 speech Mrs. Thatcher defined her terms
and presented the evidence on which she would rest her
premises as she introduced the topic of trade unions. Most
important, she took the time to develop her line of
reasoning. She defined "social contract" as the term is
used in democracies throughout the world; then she defined
the way in which the Labor Party uses the term:
Major Premise: If a handful of trade union leaders dictate to the Government the level of public spending, the number of industries to be nationalized, what the tax system should be, the terms on which to borrow from the IMF, then our democracy is under attack by those who would seek a government of a section of the people, by a section of the people, for a section of the people.
Minor Premise: A handful of trade union leaders dictate to the Government the level of public spending, the number of industries to be nationalized, what the tax system should be, the terms on which to borrow from the IMF.
Conclusion: Therefore, our democracy is under attack by those who would seek a government of a section of the people, by a section of the people, for a section of the people.
Many members of the Labor Party itself would accept
her major premise while others would not concede that
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democracy is under attack by the present trade union leader
ship. The speaker did not present data establishing the
level of public spending or discuss the way in which trade
union leaders were able to dictate policy. A number of
people probably thought that to be true; however, the link
between government policy and labor union demands was not
clarified. If the union leaders "dictated" rather than
influenced policy, it was incumbent upon the speaker to
offer evidence ; she did not.
The Last Bastion Between Great Britain and Disaster
In the last major issue common to each of the four
party conference speeches, Mrs. Thatcher argued that the
Conservative Party stood as the last bastion between Great
Britain and disaster. The major and minor premises relied
on the strength of the preceding arguments. Clearly, she
must have already presented evidence of Labor's inability
to deal with the task at hand and the Conservative Party's
ability to cone with the situation. She stated her argument
best, perhaps, in the 1976 party conference speech; it can
be stated in a valid hypothetical syllogism:
Major Premise: If, as it has been said and I believe, the Conservative Party is the last bastion between Britain and disaster, then we must let that bastion be broad enough and large enough to accommodate all our people. Conservative and non- Conservative, trade unionist and non trade unionist, those who have always been with us and those who have never been with us but who are prepared to support us now because they put
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country before party.
Minor Premise; The Conservative Party is the last bastion between Great Britain and disaster.
Conclusion: Therefore, we must let that bastion be broad enough to accommodate all our people. Conservative and non- Conservative, trade unionist and non trade unionist, those who have always been with us and those who have never been with u s , but who are prepared to support us now because they put country before party.
This issue carried Mrs. Thatcher's central theme
in each of the party conference speeches ; the titles of
the speeches bear this out: 1975— "Let Me Give You My
Vision," 1976— "The Rebirth of the Nation," 1977--"We Shall
not Fail Our Country." In the 1978 speech Mrs. Thatcher
made numerous assertions concerning Labor's failure to lead
effectively and the Conservative Party's ability and
willingness to do so. She did not present--in any of the
party conference speeches--a body of evidence to support
the majority of her premises and conclusions.
Other Arguments
Mrs. Thatcher did not discuss the last three argu
ments in each of the speeches, but she did touch upon each
of them in the 1978 party conference speech. In that
speech she spent the greatest amount of time in discussing
Labor's failure to govern properly. All of the other argu
ments were intwined in her development of that topic. In
the speaker's discussion of the last three issues emotional
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appeals dominated her proof. The following assertions
represent the conclusions she reached in the ninth, tenth,
and eleventh major issues:
(9) The Labor Government has failed to promote respect for and safety under the law.
(10) Only the Conservative Party is willing to deal openly and effectively with the real problems of immigration.
(11) It is crucial that we maintain a strong national defense.
In dealing with these issues in particular she did not
choose to appeal to the reasoning process of her listeners,
but rather to pathos.
Critics might insist that the nature of each of the
eleven issues demanded precise reasoning and a careful
adherence to the rules of evidence. Again the evaluation
of the speaker's effective use of logical appeals and the
over all effectiveness of the speeches are necessarily
separate. In the discussions of Mrs. Thatcher's use of
emotional and ethical appeals the possible reasons for her
lack of reliance on logical proof are examined. After
evaluating her use of the logical, ethical, and emotional
modes a further evaluation of the sagacity of those decisions
will be made.
Lack of evidence is the chief weakness in her logical
appeals in each of the party conference speeches. The large
number of issues she chose to discuss would necessarily
have caused her to limit her use of evidence to some extent,
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but it does not explain her repeated avoidance of crucial
evidence. Frequently, she neglected evidence in favor of
using other kinds of appeals to heighten her arguments.
Many members of both the immediate audience and the tele
vision audience may not have accepted her premises and
consequently could not have found her arguments compelling.
Many members of the Conservative Party who were in the
immediate audience probably considered themselves closer
to the social democratic wing of the Labor Party than to
Mrs. Thatcher's end of the Conservative Party. Certainly
supporters of Ted Heath and other "dissident Tories" abounded
at every conference ; although the numbers who actively opposed
Mrs. Thatcher are likely to have decreased greatly by the
1978 party conference speech. The television audience,
however, represented people from every persuasion along
the left-right continuum, many of whom would have required
evidence in support of her premises.
In Mrs. Thatcher’s well publicized New York speech
in September, 1975, and in her highly lauded speech before
the House of Commons in July, 1977, Mrs. Thatcher neglected
to use emotional appeals and ethical appeals to her advan
tage, focusing entirely on exhaustive evidence to drive
home her main arguments. It seems most likely that she
made a deliberate decision to cover as many topics as possible
in the 1975, 1976, 1977, and 1978 party conference speeches,
taking advantage of the fact that the members of the live
audience were quite familiar with the evidence on which
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she based her premises. As to the needs of the diverse
television audience, clearly she decided that logical
appeals should not override the use of other appeals in
these party conference speeches. On whatever grounds she
made the decision, whether it was a conscious decision or
not, the speaker's frequent failure to provide minimal evi
dence in support of many arguments lowered the integrity
of these speeches. Because Mrs. Thatcher has made a repu
tation for herself by demonstrating an ability to build
a solid case, provide exhaustive evidence, and obey the
rules of sound argumentation, the consistent lack of such
a demonstration must be noted.
Ill. Emotional Appeals
Just as there is no clear cut dichotomy in the
Aristotelian treatment of the three modes of proof, no
discussion of the emotional appeals which Mrs. Thatcher
used would be complete without some reference to the role
of logic in the emotional mode. An examination of Mrs.
Thatcher's use of logical appeals reveals that she did not
rely upon this mode as her chief means of persuasion in
the party conference speeches. Instead she used
enthymemes, allowing those premises which she ascer
tained to be firmly in the minds of her listeners to stand
^^^Richard McKeon, ed., The Basic Works of Aristotle New York: Random House, 1941), p. 1436.
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without support. Her lines of argument were not supported
with the exhaustive evidence which she used on other occa
sions. Clearly the persuasion in these speeches relied not
on arguments which could be cast into valid syllogisms nor
were they backed up by careful support for each premise.
Instead she depended upon pathetic proof to give force to
her premises.
Two particular areas of inquiry reveal the extent
to which Mrs. Thatcher's reliance on the pathetic mode may
or may not have been effective: (1) her adaptation to the
audience; (2) her identification with the audience.
Adaptation to Her Audience
In an examination of the speaker's emotional proof the
main consideration is the way in which the speaker puts the
audience in a favorable frame of mind, inducing them to
agree with her purpose.
Margaret Thatcher's audience for each of the party
conference speeches was extremely diverse. The immediate
audience, composed of members of the Conservative Party,
offered the speaker an opportunity to expound with exacting
detail upon her arguments ; the members had both the back
ground and interest to follow a carefully laid out case.
The television viewing audience presented a greater
challenge; the diversity demanded that the speaker keep a
pace that would hold the interest of as many viewers as
possible. No doubt the speaker sought to make herself
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comprehensible to people of every age and socio-economic
level ; to consider both the intellectual achievements and
limitations of her audience; to choose topics of particular
interest to both sexes; to take into account the wide range
of political and religious views ; to anticipate prejudices
and predispositions; to ascertain which topics were of the
greatest interest to the most people ; to capture the temper
and tone of the occasion. The television audiences for the
party conference speeches offered Mrs. Thatcher important
opportunities to speak to the people of Great Britain. As
leader she spoke at the conclusion of each party conference
and the expectations of these occasions must have been high.
As leader she had the responsibility to rally the troops.
Throughout each of the party conference speeches
Mrs. Thatcher adapted to the needs of her audience by
appealing to the secondary motives which stimulate anger and
fear. The most prominent appeals were to (1) the desire for
economic security, (2) a sense of pride in the country and
in democratic government, (3) the need for security under
the law, (4) the concern for the defense of the realm, and
(5) the desire to preserve the unity of Great Britain and
Northern Ireland. Each of these appeals crossed a wide range
of ages, socio-economic levels, and needs.
Identification with the Audience
The speaker obviously hoped to arouse fear and anger
toward her opponents when she appealed to the secondary
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motives mentioned. By creating a sense of having an enemy in
common with the audience she enabled her listeners to iden
tify with her more closely. Kenneth Burke's doctrine of
consubstantiality^^^ applies here. He views identification
as key to persuasion. Whenever men have common sensations
and attitudes they are together. Mrs. Thatcher assured her
audiences that they held many needs, fears, hopes, and dreams
in common. Thus, Mrs. Thatcher (1) adapted to her audience
by limiting the logical mode and emphasizing the pathetic
mode ; and (2) she identified with her audience by appealing
to the secondary motives which might arouse fear and anger
in her audience.
Aristotle says in Book II, Chapter 1, of Rhetoric that
emotions play a vital role in speaking because they affect the
judgment of men. He draws these conclusions about anger :
Here we must discover (1) what the state of mind of angry people is, (2) who the people are with whom they usually get angry, and (3) on what grounds they get angry with them. It is not enough to know one or two of these points ; unless we know all three, we shall be unable to arouse anger in any one.^^^
An analysis of Mrs. Thatcher's appeals indicate that she had
answers to those questions and that she applied them to the
challenge inherent in speaking to the party conference audience,
A systematic look at the way in which Margaret Thatcher
A. Craig Baird, Waldo W. Braden, Lester Thonssen. Speech Criticism. 2nd ed. (1940; rpt. New York: Ronald Press. 1970), p. 433.
^^^Richard McKeon, ed., The Basic Works of Aristotle (New York: Random House, 1941), p. 1380.
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appealed to the secondary motives is necessary to determine
the effectiveness of her emotional proofs. However, it
is important first to recognize two devices in particular
which the speaker used in her emotional appeals ; she used
(1) loaded words and phrases and (2) lengthy descriptions
of allegedly dangerous activities perpetrated by Labor.
Loaded Words and Phrases
The following words and phrases typify the way in
which Mrs. Thatcher used language to ignite her arguments
in the party conference speeches. She obviously used the
conference occasions to fan the fires of controversy and
to excite the audiences.
. . the so-called contract was a fraud
. . the usual socialist disease
. . ruthlessly attacking the minds of the young
. . bullied or brain washed out of our beliefs
. . a disastrous vendetta against small business
Lengthy Descriptions
The following example shows the way in which she
used several enthymemes and trusted in the listeners to
defend the implied premises :
It is the Labor Government whose past policies are foreshadowing unemployment higher than it need ever have been. Thousands more men and women are losing their jobs every day, and there are going to be men and women, many of them youngsters straight out of school, who will be without a job this winter because socialist ministers spent last year attacking us
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instead of inflation. (1975)
Mrs. Thatcher obviously made an attempt to direct the anger
that people felt about inflation toward the Labor Government.
At least subconsciously the speaker must have asked
Aristotle's questions: how do angry people feel, with whom
do they get angry and why. Certainly it would be difficult
for the speaker to establish that "socialist ministers spent
last year attacking" the Conservatives "instead of inflation".
It would have been more accurate to have said that the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, Denis Healey, and the Prime
Minister, James Callaghan, failed to make any real strides
toward curbing inflation and could perhaps have better spent
their time scrutinizing their own affairs rather than
criticizing the Conservatives. But it was the exaggeration
of the charge that made the impact.
In another long description Mrs. Thatcher depicts
the left-wing of the Labor Party as a group of conspirators
who have deceived and are deceiving the voters.
We all know the drill. In the run-up to each election the claws of Labor's extremists are not drawn; they are just withdrawn. The front men are paraded to talk quietly, moderately, almost sensibly. The left-wing just allows them their little outing until the voters are once more in the trap. Now suppose the election is over. Make a supreme effort and imagine that Labor has won— only for a moment. What then? The trap is sprung and Labor's extremists resume the drive toward a Britain modeled on Eastern Europe. (1977)
The speaker made no attempt to verify the details of
of this account. Evidence and logical proof did not substan
tiate descriptions such as these. She simply asserted that the
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power was great and the intentions sinister in the Left-
wing of the Labor Party. As in the previous example she
spoke as though she knew that the situation were precisely
as she described. The severity of the portrait made the
impact.
The Speaker * s Appeal to the Secondary
Motives of the Audience
The Desire for Economic Security
The discussion of the economic dilemma of Great
Britain occupied more space in Mrs. Thatcher's party
conference speeches than any of the other topics on which
she spoke. Therefore, the appeals she made to the desire
of her listeners for economic security were among the most
significant in her emotional proof.
In the following examples she obviously hoped to
arouse both fear of and anger toward the Labor Government.
Indeed the value of her emotional proof depended upon the
extent to which her audience experienced these emotions.
Our capitalist system produces a far higher standard of prosperity and happiness because it believes in incentive and opportunity, and because it is founded on human dignity and freedom. Even the Russians have to go to a capitalist country— America--to buy enough wheat to feed their people— and that after more than 50 years of a state-controlled economy. Yet they boast incessantly, while we who have so much more to boast about, forever criticise and decry. Is it not time we spoke up for our way of life? After all, no Western nation has to build a wall to keep people in. (1975)
No profits mean no investment, and that means a dying
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In the 1976 speech the speaker emphasized the
increasing danger and the expressed fear for the survival
of free enterprise in Great Britain:
Under Labor the land of hope and glory has become the land of beg and borrow. . . . The Government have chopped and changed policies ; they have created con fusion and uncertainty. They have added countless burdens. They have destroyed profits. They have raised the cost of borrowing to intolerable heights. And they have demoralised management and sapped the will to work. No wonder investment in industry has slowed to a crawl. . . . Even so, even against all that back ground the Labor Party remains confused and divided over whether free enterprise ought to be allowed to survive. Yet, in spite of everything it has survived— so far. Not only that, but taxed to the limit it has been the prop and stay of the public sector. Today that survival is in danger. (1976)
Later in the speech she discussed the incentives which indus
try required and again expressed a cause for fear:
Yet curiously enough they have neither the wit to acknowledge it nor the courage to change those policies. They doubled public spending. That led to a doubling of unemployment, because they bled pro ductive industry white of the resources it needed to provide jobs. Today their policies threaten the ultimate disaster. An economic earthquake that would ruin the livelihood of thousands of families. (1976)
In the 1978 speech, after having been depicted for
four years as one who could not negotiate with the trade
unions, Mrs. Thatcher appealed to the desire for economic
security by making a frontal attack on the trade unions
leaders in an apparent effort to arouse anger toward them:
Now you trade union leaders have great power. You can use it well or you can use it badly. But look at the position of your members today, and compare it with the positions of workers in other free countries.
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Can you really say, can anyone really say, you have used your power well? You want higher wages, better pensions, shorter hours, more government spending, more investment, more --more --more --more. But where is this "more" to come from? There is no more. There can be, but there won't be unless we all produce it. You can no more separate pay from output than you can separate two blades of a pair of scissors and still have a sharp cutting edge.
Although the appeal was heightened by the use of analogy,
the strong statement against the unions and directed to
the union leaders again exemplified the way in which she
used strong statements which would have seemed to her oppo
nents gross overstatements to arouse emotions (in this case,
anger). She probably succeeded in making a number of people
angry or angrier at the union leaders; however, she must
also have stirred much anger toward herself.
The Feelings of Pride in the Country and in Democratic
Government
In the 1975 speech she appealed to the feelings of
pride in the country in two different ways; in the first
instance she sought to arouse anger against those who did
not hold Britain (as she perceived her) in high esteem and
in the second instance she encouraged the feeling of pride
in the country by cataloguing Britain's achievements.
We are witnessing a deliberate attack on our values, a deliberate attack on those who wish to promote merit and excellence, a deliberate attack on our heritage and our great past. And there are those who gnaw away at our national self respect, rewriting British history as centuries of unrelieved gloom, oppression and fail ure --as days of hopelessness, not days of hope. (1975)
In the second appeal the speaker reinforced the sense of
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pride in Great Britain:
What kind of people are we? We are the people that in the past made Great Britain the workshop of the world, the people who persuaded others to buy British, not by begging them to do so but because it was best. We are a people who have received more Nobel Prizes than any other nation except America, and, head for head, we have done better than America--twice as well, in fact. We are people who, among other things, invented the computer, the refrigerator, the electric motor, the stethoscope, rayon, steam turbine, stainless steel, the tank, television, penicillin, radar, the jet engine, hovercraft, float glass and carbon fibres, etc.— oh, and the better half of Concorde. We export more of what we produce than West Germany, France, Japan, or the United States, and well over 90 per cent of these exports came from private enter prise. . . . With achievements like that, who can doubt that Britain can have a great future, and what our friends abroad want to know is whether that future is going to happen. (1975)
In 1976 she again reinforced the feelings of pride in the
country by emphasizing Britain's potential:
We can overcome our doubts ; we can rediscover our confidence; we can regain the respect of the rest of the world.
The Desire for Security under the Law
Near the conclusion of each of her party conference
speeches Mrs. Thatcher appealed to the desire for security
under the law. In each case she apparently attempted to
arouse in her listeners (1) fear, by reminding them of the
immediate dangers, and (2) anger, by explaining how the
present Government failed to respond to their needs.
The first duty of government is to uphold the law, and if it tries to bob, weave, and duck round that duty when it is inconvenient, the government will do exactly the same thing, and then nothing will be safe.
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In the 1976 speech she warned of the Marxist threat to
security under the law as well as to economic security:
I appeal to all those men and women of goodwill who do not want a Marxist future for themselves or their children or their children's children. This is not just a fight about national solvency. It is a fight about the very foundations of social order.
The appeals to security under the law grew more intense
in the 1977 and 1978 party conference speeches. She detailed
the nature of the threat by using illustrations of violence:
People have asked me whether I am going to make the fight against crime an issue in the next election. No, I am not going to make it an issue. The old people in our city centres, who are frightened to go out at night, are going to make it an issue. The taxpayers and ratepayers, who have to meet the bills for mind less vandalism— they are going to make it an issue. The parents worried sick when their children go out on their own--they are going to make it an issue. . . I do not intend to sit wringing my hands while London, Glasgow, Manchester, Birmingham and the rest of our cities go the way of New York. (1976)
When a rule of law breaks down, fear takes over. There is no security in the streets, families feel unsafe even in their own homes, children are at risk, criminals prosper, men of violence flourish, the nightmare world of a clockwork orange becomes a reality.
. . . We have seen some of the symptoms of the break down of the rule of law— the growth in the number of unsolved and unpunished crimes, especially violent crimes, overcrowded courts, an underpaid and under manned police force, judges insulted by a senior Minister of the Crown .... To all those engaged in law enforcement we pledge not just our moral but our practical support. As for the law-breakers, whether they are professional criminals carrying firearms or political terrorists, or young thugs attacking the elderly, or those who think they can insult policemen with impunity, we say this : "You will find in the new Conservative Govern ment a remorseless and implacable opponent." (1978)
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The Concern, for the Defense of the Realm
In the 1976, 1977, and 1978 party conference speeches
Margaret Thatcher appealed to the concern for the defense
of the realm. In the 1976 speech her appeal was brief;
however in the next two years she spent a great deal more
time developing her emotional proof for this topic.
A growing number of people are anxious about the strength of the armed forces. We are the Party that regards the defense of the Realm as the overriding duty of any Government. We want to see a defeat of terrorism, especially in Northern Ireland. (1976)
In the 1977 speech the appeal to concern for the defense
of the realm was much stronger. The speaker attempted to
arouse anger over the injustice of inadequate government
funding :
What sort of Government is it that neglects the welfare of our Servicemen? What sort of Government forces front-line soldiers into claiming rent rebates, and makes many of them worse off than people who do not even try to work at all? Our armed forces are poorly paid. They are denied the equipment, the stores, the back-up and training that they know are vital to the job they do. Worse, they are the anti-Western wing of the Labor Party calling for still more gigantic cuts in defense, which a former Labor Defense Secretary said would mean, at best, neutrality and, at worst, surrender. We have a Government that neglects our defenses, a Government that lets down NATO so badly that our allies rebuked it publicly. What a disgrace! A government that spends money on nationalization while cutting spending on the defense of the realm. (1977)
In the 1978 party conference speech she emphasized the threat
of the Soviet Union and justified her stand on the issue
of defense :
The Conservative Party also stands for the defense of the realm. I am often told that there are no votes
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to be won by talking about defense and foreign policy. Well, I intend to go on talking about them .... It was nearly three years ago that I warned of the growing danger of Soviet expansion. . . . I was at once attacked by Labor's Defense Secretary and the Soviet leaders— strange company, you might think, for a British Cabinet Minister. What has happened since I made that speech? The Soviet Union, through its Cuban mercenaries, has completed its Marxist takeover of Angola; Ethiopia has been turned into a Communist bastion in the Horn of Africa. . . . We now have only 74 fighter planes to defend our country. We lost twice as many as that during one week of the battle of Britain. . . . There is a minimum level below which our defenses cannot safely be allowed to fall. They have fallen below that level. And I give you this pledge: to bring them back to that minimum level will be the first charge on our national resources under the Conservative Govern ment. . . . Conservatives too will see that our Armed Forces are properly paid. (1978)
The Desire to Preserve the Unity of Northern Ireland
Finally, Mrs. Thatcher appealed to the desire to
preserve the unity of Northern Ireland in the 1977 and 1978
speech. A number of secondary motives are perhaps bound
up in this determination among many to preserve this unity;
national pride and patriotism are probably important factors.
As discussed in Chapter IV, the position of these appeals
at the conclusion of the speech indicated the significance
they held for the speaker and consequently the audience.
These appeals set the tone for the conclusions which followed:
But if the violence in Britain is disturbing, it is nothing to what has been endured by the people of Northern Ireland for nearly 10 years. What happened in Ulster touches us all; it is part of our country, our United Kingdom. So let the people of Ulster be assured of this : the Conservative Party stands rock firm for the union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. (1977)
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I spent three memorable and moving days in Northern Ireland in June. The constancy and patience of the men and women of the province who have endured so much pain through ten years of terror is something I shall never forget. I know that there are those who say "Leave them to solve their own problems and bring our boys back." To them I must reply: "If you wash your hands of Northern Ireland you wash them in blood." So long as Ulster wishes to belong to the United Kingdom she will do so. That is the policy of the Conservative Party and it will be the policy of the next Conservative Government. (1979)
IV. Conclusion
In each of the party conference speeches (1975-1978),
Mrs. Thatcher demonstrated a clear preference for emotional
proof over logical proof. The diversity of the audience
presented an enormous challenge to the speaker ; it would
have been difficult for her to have satisfied the require
ments of both those who demanded sound argumentation and
those to whom such arguments would have been tedious.
However, the speaker's failure to provide minimal evidence
in support of many of her arguments lowered the integrity
of the speeches.
Mrs. Thatcher's reliance on the emotional mode was
probably highly effective in reaching many members of her
television audience. Those viewers who were willing to
line up with the speaker on the basis of her stand on "hot"
issues such as immigration and law and order probably paid
little attention to the quality of her arguments. Two
particular areas of inquiry revealed that Mrs. Thatcher
became "consubstantial" with her audience : (1) she
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identified with her audience. It seems likely that the
speech chose to rely on emotional appeals over logical ones
in an effort to adapt to and identify with the largest
number of people.
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THE SPEAKER'S IMAGE
I. Introduction
By the time the 1978 Party Conference took place,
Mrs. Thatcher had spoken to a number of people throughout
Great Britain. She constantly appeared in factories and
stores and on the street. She talked. She asked questions.
She had received extensive television and newspaper exposure
for four years and the British press had made a persistent
inquiry into her life-style, habits, make-up, and mannerisms.
In four years Margaret Thatcher’s hair had gone from
a rather tight wave, heavily lacquered, to a longer length
loose wave with a little more bounce. The significant point
is that her hair mattered to the press and hence to the
public. Generally, people perceived her as stiff and unnatu
ral. They knew she had graduated from Oxford and the image
of her as a sort of middle-class school marm came across.
In the years from 1975-1978 the newspaper and tele
vision commentators covered many aspects of Mrs. Thatcher's
life, her dress, her children, her husband. That she is
a woman made a difference; Jim Callaghan’s hair and suits were
never discussed.
168
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The way Mrs. Thatcher spoke, dressed, and styled her
hair contributed to the way the public perceived her
character. The degree of interest which the public ex
pressed in such matters is revealed by examining the discussion
of those topics in the press. Her carefully styled hair and
calm manner suggested to many people that Mrs. Thatcher was
cold, aloof, and, therefore, not really interested in the
problems of others.
The descriptions of Mrs. Thatcher by friends, col
leagues, and associates offer another view. Many of their
opinions came to the attention of the general public after
they had been solicited by reporters and journalists and sub
sequently released to the media.
Within the Conservative Party conflicting ideas about
Mrs. Thatcher were keenly felt in the 1975 party conference.
Wounds from the leadership battle had not yet healed. Such
feelings appear to have gradually subsided each year as Mrs.
Thatcher's role as leader grew more secure. However, within
the immediate audience at each party conference were Mrs.
Thatcher's political enemies, those who felt that her leader
ship meant disaster for the Conservative Party and, conse
quently, a hindrance to the progress of Great Britain.
Finally, the ethical appeals which Mrs. Thatcher made
in her speeches contributed to her public image. The nature
and number of those appeals did not change greatly in the
party conference speeches.
Two major elements contributed to her ethos when she
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delivered the party conference speeches: (1) The audience's
prior knowledge of the speaker predisposed them to some extent
regarding her character; and (2) the speaker's ethical appeals
probably altered the way many perceived her character.
II. The Audience's Prior Knowledge
of the Speaker
Reactions of Friends. Colleagues, and Associates
In 1978 a biography of Margaret Thatcher appeared
that differed in style and content from the others. In
Tricia Murray's account of Mrs. Thatcher she devotes a large
amount of space to the opinions of Margaret Thatcher delivered
by people expressing a wide variety of political views.
These statements, coming from many different personalities and
representing various elements of British society, provide a
sampling of the prior conceptions people had of Mrs. Thatcher
before she delivered any of the speeches being studied.
Brian Walden, a former Labor M.P. for Birmingham,
and current presenter for ITV's Weekend World, said this of
Mrs. Thatcher;
I've never known anyone with quite as much aptitude for mastering detail .... She is not a genius, she is not staggeringly brilliant .... She took the pants off Healey and that's not easy to do but she did it by mastering detail, not by brilliant oratory. She's not a brilliant speaker, but she can command fact. Anything that can be done by effort Margaret
^^^Tricia Murray, Margaret Thatcher (London: W. H. Allen and Co. Ltd., 1978), pp. 69-72.
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can do .... I think she typifies majority feeling in this country. She has a grip on people's imagina tions because their beliefs are very much like her beliefs. She enshrines the majority view .... She's the only Tory leader I've known who has grasped the fact that the party image has changed and that today it's a people's party.146
Tileri Bevan is a well-known producer of BBC Wales,
based in Dan duff, and has recently been promoted to editor.
After doing a show with Jim Callaghan and Margaret Thatcher,
she had this to say about her preference for Margaret
Thatcher.
M.P.s depend so much on the media. She does have a rapport with people and it's a pity she can't do on mike what she does off mike .... I went back to the studio after the program [with Callaghan and Thatcher] and said, "Give me Margaret Thatcher any day," and everyone was horror struck. We are either strong Socialists in Wales or Nationalists. The whole ethos of Conservatism or Toryism is anathema to most people here. Margaret Thatcher is a Tory. She epitomises the Tory image: speaking in the way that she does and looking the way she does, just confirms to them what Toryism is all about. But when you meet her face to face and talk to her, she's not like that at all. . . . Margaret Thatcher undoubtedly has charisma but how she's going to get it over, I just don't know. I think maybe she should just let out a long breath and be herself! I don't think she's let out half a breath yet.^^'
Monty Modly, a broadcast journalist based in London,
had this to say about Mrs. Thatcher's walkabouts:
Until they actually meet her, I think many people do have the impression that she's rather la-di-da. But once they've seen and talked to her they have an entirely different view. They realize that she's a
^^^Ibid., pp. 85-87.
^^^Ibid., p. 98.
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housewife as well as a politician, that she’s a real mother who has warmth and feeling, who expresses herself beautifully and who genuinely enjoys mixing with people. They are struck by her energy, her spontaneous sense of humour and the way she has fun with everyone.148
Lord Pannel came into the House of Commons as a Labour
M.P. for West Leeds in 1949. His specialty was history and
procedure of the House. He held office as Minister of Works
and entered the House of Lords in 1974. During his time in
the House he and Margaret Thatcher were a pair for fifteen
years. In the British parliamentary system a pair comprises
two M.P.s from opposing parties who agree not to vote on a
specific issue during an agreed space of time. Charles
Pannel, then an experienced parliamentarian, advised Margaret
Thatcher that since she wished to spend a great deal of time
in her London constituency it was wise to have a pair. Based
on his long association with Margaret Thatcher, he made these
remarks :
During all that time she was what I would call a very fastidious pair. By fastidious, I mean she would never have thought of breaking a pair. She always stood by her word. She is a very honorable and straight forward person.149
The Right Honorable Sir Harold Wilson, former Labor
Prime Minister of Great Britain, had never been out of
Parliament since he first entered in 1945. He regards
Margaret Thatcher's courage as one of her most valuable assets
as leader:
^^^Ibid., p. 105.
^^^Ibid., p. 109.
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A lot of people, who voted for Margaret, did so because they didn't want Ted for various reasons and lots of others voted for her because they admired her guts. I have no doubt at all that Margaret was elected because of her courage. I agree with Lord Shinwell's view that she stood because she was the only man in the Conservative Party.150
Paul Johnson speaks of another side of Margaret
Thatcher which has made a significant impact on the country
and which reinforces her image as a person of virtue :
But whilst the Conservative Party is no longer the great sort of Anglican Party it used to be, there is still a very strong church element in it which she represents and speaks for. She says and fervently believes that the Conservative Party is there to uphold certain absolute moral standards such as it's wrong to steal; it's wrong to kill; ordinary ten commandments stuff. She says this with complete passionate inten sity and conviction and I think it evokes a very definite response among ordinary people--not the sort you meet at West End dinner parties--but ordinary people through out the country.151
These aspects of Mrs. Thatcher's personality and
countless others no doubt filtered through to the general
public. It is impossible to know which impressions of her
overpowered the others. To what extent a vote for or against
the Conservatives in the general election will be a vote for
or against Margaret Thatcher is impossible to determine.
Mixed Responses to Mrs. Thatcher within
the Conservative Party
Ideological considerations dominated the minds of some
^^°Ibid., p. 112.
^^4bid., p. 78.
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groups within the Conservative Party as the furor of the
leadership battle grew. Abusive language characterized the
weeks of fighting, all of which was reported in the press.
By October of 1974 divisions which remained and deepened in
the months that followed began to form. Many of the members
of Mrs. Thatcher's immediate audiences for the Party Confer
ence speeches had been affected by that battle. The conflict
of opinion regarding Mrs. Thatcher are most realistically
viewed within the context of that ideological struggle.
The division engendered at this stage of the battle remained to plague the party afterwards : at the Party Conference of 1975, when the new Leader presented herself for the first time to the massed ranks of her supporters, some indiscreet and widely publicized remarks made by Heath late at night to some journa lists created a furor and revealed that he still con sidered his defeat as essentially in the nature of a take-over of the party by right-wing extremists, though nothing could, in fact, have been farther from the truth. In the long run, indeed, it may well prove that the partisans of both the so-called right and the so-called left were acute in their instincts. For, to the out side observer, it is clear that the struggle between Edward Heath and Margaret Thatcher was not merely a struggle between proved defeat and possible success, but between two wholly different visions of the future, for the country as well as P a r t y . 152
On the 17th of December the Home Committee released
its report on the procedure for the leadership election. They
devised the following sequence of events :
1) There should be an election within 28 days of every new session and three to six months after the start of each new Parliament.
^^^Patrick Cosgrave, Margaret Thatcher ; A Tory and Her Party (London: Hutchinson and Co., 1978), p. 36.
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2) Only Tory M.P.s were to vote.
3) To win outright first time a candidate would need an overall majority of all Tory M.P.s, not just those who voted. He (she) would also have to collect 15 per cent more votes than the runner-up. With 278 Tories in the House this meant that Mr. Heath would have to collect at least 140 votes and be 42 votes ahead of his nearest rival.
4) If no one qualified there would be a second ballot a week later and open to anyone, newcomers included. This time anyone with 140 votes or more would win.
5) If there was still no result, the top three names would go into a final ballot two days later. M.P.s would then vote for a first and second choice--and, by process of transferring votes, the winner would emerge 153
After the first ballot Margaret Thatcher had a clear
advantage over those who had waited in the wings until they
were certain that the curtain had actually come down on
Heath's leadership. William Whitelaw, who seemed to many
the natural heir to the leadership, lacked the ambition
"to seek the kind of struggle on which he would have had
to embark to gain the leadership". Whitelaw had had a long
and intimate relationship with Heath, having served under
him as Chief Whip. Had he declared his candidacy in the
first ballot it would have produced greater division than
was occasioned by the battle that occurred.
Russell Lewis, Margaret Thatcher: A Personal and Political Biography (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1975), p. 106.
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Politicians are either warriors or healers. Margaret Thatcher is a warrior. Enoch Powell is a warrior. But William Whitelaw and R. A. Butler are healers.
In the first ballot Margaret Thatcher received 130 votes,
Heath 119, and sixteen for Hugh Fraser. Hugh Fraser is an
aristocrat, brother of Lord Lovar and husband of writer,
Antonia Fraser.
It is still not clear why he stood, unless it was to attract votes on the right, of male chauvinists and others, who could not possibly vote for Thatcher but wanted an alternative to Heath.155
In the second ballot Mrs. Thatcher faced, in addition
to William Whitelaw, James Prior (appointed to Shadow Cabinet
as Opposition spokesman on home affairs, March, 1974), Sir
Geoffrey Howe (Secretary of State for Prices and Consumer
Affairs in Heath's government), and John Peyton, "Shadow
Leader of the House, former Transport Minister and a politi
cian of legendarily acid wit". The vote was decisive:
M r s . Margaret Thatcher 146 Mr. William Whitelaw 79 Sir Geoffrey Howe 19 Mr. James Prior 19 Mr. John Peyton 11
In November Jean Rook had commented in the Daily Express "She
looks like angel cake, but God help Heath". She had been the
one with the courage to step out first and she hung on through
out the bitter affair.
^^^Patrick Cosgrave, Margaret Thatcher : A Tory and Her Party (London: Hutchinson and Co., 1978), p. 39,
^^^bid., p. 114.
^^^Ibid., p. 72
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Although Lord Crowther-Hunt referred to the victory as a fluke,
it appears to have been more than that.
More clearly than any other organ of opinion the Daily Telegraph on Wednesday caught the mood that would finish Whitelaw. "Consider her Courage" was the title of the paper's first leading article.^58
But what is seen as courage in a man is often viewed in a
different light when demonstrated by a woman. On February 5
in the Daily Mirror Marjorie Proops gave Margaret Thatcher a
title which the Russians later snatched up and which the press
has repeated on numerous occasions since ; Mrs. Proops called
Mrs. Thatcher "the iron maiden".
Mrs. Thatcher gained control of a party in the middle of
an identity crisis, "confused and uncertain about policy,
philosophy and power, as well as one that had been making
itself over completely".
In the 1975 party conference the tensions of the fight had
scarcely had time to ease. Mrs. Thatcher gained ground in the
party as well as in the press with each passing month; her
progress is documented in the press accounts of her leader
ship which follow.
^^^Interview, Lord Crowther-Hunt, Exeter College, Oxford, December 1978.
^^^Patrick Cosgrave, Margaret Thatcher ; A Tory and Her Party (London: Hutchinson and Co., T978) , p. 72.
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III. Press Coverage of Mrs. Thatcher
1 9 7 5
Mrs. Thatcher's credibility as a potential Prime
Minister was not immediate. The press chided her through
out the spring and summer of 1975, for what they viewed as
indecisive leadership and a real lack of force and direction.
Her speech to the Institute of Socio-Economic Studies in New
York changed that.
Tory anxiety at Mrs. Thatcher's low profile, somewhat redeemed by her present successful United States tour, coupled with worry about some shadow ministers per formances, is reflected in the many unselected motions for the conference.
With the October party conference approaching Mrs.
Thatcher was viewed in September, 1975,as having "soft
pedalled her right of center image and to have assembled a
somewhat docile Shadow Cabinet team".In spite of the
fact that she created an immediate explosion in the British
press, Mrs. Thatcher's New York speech rescued her from the
charges of ineffectiveness in opposition. The Times [London]
described the speech as her "most forthright declaration of
the new Conservative philosophy— not yet policy--since she
became leader of the party".The Sun said that the speech
was likely to cause anger at Whitehall and Westminster
^^^Yorkshire Post, 19 September 1975.
^^^Times [London], 17 September 1975.
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because she attacked Britain while abroad. The Times re
sponded to that criticism and exonerated her completely.
She made a bold, offensive step with her New York speech
and it vastly improved the image of her projected by the
press. On September 16, 1975,the Daily Telegraph head
lined the New York trip "I'll be the next Premier, says
Mrs. Thatcher":
Poised and relaxed at the start of a fast-moving two week tour of the United States and Canada, Mrs. Margaret Thatcher met diplomats, bankers, scientists, economists and journalists yesterday, and left them with one dominant impression--she fully expects the next eneral lection will put her into 10, Downing Street.
By the time the October party conference arrived Mrs.
Thatcher had established a more positive image in the press
and created a sense of expectation toward her party confer
ence speech.
Mrs. Thatcher has just returned from her triumphant American tour, bursting with new vitality and self confidence and with an enhanced personal prestige, as revealed by yesterday's Marplan Poll in the Sun which put her 16 per cent ahead of Mr. Wilson as the likeliest occupant of 10 Downing Street after the next election.163
The Marplan poll was conducted between September 25
and 29, after Mrs. Thatcher's American tour. The 1,200
electors interviewed were representative in terms of age,
social class,and sex. The results showed that Mrs. Thatcher
was gaining in popularity, especially among women and that she
"^aily Telegraph, 16 September 1975.
^^^iverpool Daily Post, 7 October 1975.
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was perceived as being more capable than Harold Wilson by
both men and women. On all key issues, except Northern
Ireland and trade union power, Mrs. Thatcher came out better
than the others mentioned. The Sun published the following
survey results on 6 October 1975:
TABLE 6
QUESTION: WHICH DESCRIPTIONS DO YOU THINK APPLY
TO MRS. THATCHER AND HAROLD WILSON
Margaret Harold Thatcher Thatcher Wilson lead
1 1 %
Honest 79 57 +22 Likeable 71 56 +15 Good at his/her job 70 59 +11 Human 65 61 + 4 Cares About Britain 64 48 +16
Believes in equality 34 64 -30 Believes in the individual 53 21 +32
Helps the Strong 39 29 +10 Protects the weak 26 44 -18
Understands the man in the 45 62 -17 street
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TABLE 7
QUESTION: WHICH DESCRIPTIONS DO YOU THINK APPLY
TO MRS. THATCHER AND EDWARD HEATH
Margaret Edward Thatcher Thatcher Heath lead
I I 1
Honest 79 74 + 5 Likeable 71 55 +16 Good at his/her job 70 62 + 8 Human 65 56 + 9 Cares about Britain 64 64 -
Believes in equality 34 27 + 7 Believes in the individual 53 58 - 5
Helps the strong 39 51 -12 Protects the weak 26 21 + 5
Understands the man in the 45 34 + 9
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QUESTION: WHO DO YOU THINK WILL BECOME PRIME MINISTER
AFTER THE NEXT GENERAL ELECTION
All electors
All voters interviewed 1200 579 621
Number who answered "None of these" or "Don't know" 149 71 78
Voters who gave a name 1051 508 543
% % % Margaret Thatcher 47 42 53 Harold Wilson 31 35 27 Edward Heath 10 8 11 William Whitelaw 7 8 6 Roy Jenkins 4 6 2 Tony Benn 1 1 1
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TABLE 9
QUESTION: WHO WOULD YOU LIKE TO SEE LEADING THE
TORIES AT THE NEXT GENERAL ELECTION
All Conservative Conservative Conservatives Men Women
Electors who intend to vote Conservative 563 248 315
% %I Margaret Thatcher 44 37 49 Edward Heath 33 36 30 William Whitelaw 10 10 11 Enoch Powell 8 11 6 Others 5 6 4
TABLE 10
QUESTION: WHO, IF PRIME MINISTER, WOULD BE MOST ABLE TO
DEAL WITH EACH OF THESE PROBLEMS
Margaret Harold Thatcher Thatcher Wilson lead I I 1 Inflation 38 23 +15 Northern Ireland 20 23 - 3 Unemployment 30 28 + 2 Law and Order 28 25 + 3 Trade Union power 26 40 -14 The level of taxation 38 21 +17 The level of Government spending 43 22 +21 Housing 39 23 +16 The level of exports 29 26 + 3 Education 48 18 +30
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TABLE 11
QUESTION: HOW SERIOUS DO YOU THINK IS EACH OF
THESE PROBLEMS FACING BRITAIN
% Saying each problem is "very serious"
Men Women Conservative Labour Supporters Supporters
All electors 579 621 563 326
% % % % Inflation 87 87 90 85 Northern Ireland 80 86 82 87 Unemployment 72 80 73 80 Law and Order 57 65 63 62 Trade Union power 60 60 73 40 The level of taxation 56 61 62 54 The level of Government spending 45 53 53 46 Housing 49 49 40 59 The level of exports 55 37 46 46 Education 37 44 40 44
TABLE 12
QUESTION: IF THERE WAS A GENERAL ELECTION TOMORROW,
WHICH PARTY WOULD YOU VOTE FOR
All Men Women
All electors giving a 1041 497 544 voting intention
%% I Conservative 54 50 58 Labour 31 35 28 Liberal 11 10 12 Other party 4 5 2
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TABLE 13
QUESTION: WHICH OF THE FOLLOWING DESCRIPTIONS DO YOU
THINK APPLY TO MRS. THATCHER
All electors Men Women
1,200 579 621 t I 1 Honest 79 77 81 Likeable 71 62 76 Good at her job 70 60 78 Human 65 61 68 Cares about Britain 64 60 68
Believes in equality 34 30 38 Believes in the individual 53 59 48
Helps the strong 39 44 34 Protects the weak 26 22 30
Understands the man in the 45 39 50
In spite of the success in the polls some criticism
within her party remained, but her triumphs in September
probably defused most of the potential danger. The
Guardian characterized the anti-Thatcher element in the
Conservative Party in this way:
Thus the well advertised doubts of the little group of former Heathmen now gathered around Peter Walker are likely to get scant sympathy at Blackpool this week. They will be seen by some as no more than members of the sour grapes gang, engaged in a collective sulk-in because their leader has been ditched. . . .165
164 Tables 6-13, Stm, 6 October 1975.
^ Guardian, 7 October 1975.
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On the eve of her first party conference Mrs. Thatcher
talked to Kenneth Harris, political journalist for the
Observer, about herself. They discussed the aloof image
which she had been accused of projecting;
Harris: Do you think that a person might display so much self control as to put people off? Seem to be a cold fish? Which could be a short coming in a political leader.
Thatcher: I don't think it would be self control that would put people off. I think people recog nize the difference between a person who is self controlled and a person who is a cold fish. Cold-fish people put one off, and a cold fish would not be effective in politics, because politics--what I mean by politics--is helping people lead a better life.166
After the party conference speech an article appeared
in the Morning Star which described the effort Mrs. Thatcher
was making to soften her image:
Strenuous efforts were being made during last week's Tory Conference to turn Mrs. Thatcher into something other than a hard-as-nails backwoods gal with a heart of cast iron.1°/
The article suggests that Gordon Reece, former television
producer and 43 years old at the time, masterminded the image
changing operation:
His advice to Maggie has been to avoid fuss when on TV. Edges look good, but scoop necklines are out. Go easy on jewelry near the face and the ideal outfit is a tunic dress with a shirt underneath. . . . Tory cos metics don't always wash. But we should not under estimate the importance of a politician's public appearance, manners and approach. Something, unfortu nately, some on the left often do, to their l o s s . 168
Observer. 5 October 1975.
^Morning Star. 16 October 1975.
^^^M o m i n g Star. 16 October 1975.
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On the 5th of October a biographical sketch and
photograph of Mrs. Thatcher appeared in the Observer. The
unsigned article was written in the style of an entry in
Who ' s W h o , except at the close of the piece which offered
information of a more personal nature:
Face to face, she is charming, whichever way you vote. Answers spring beautifully tailored out of her head. Her pleasant, almost slow manner conceals a needle- sharp mind, but doesn't hide her impatience %hen she's had enough. Wears sweet, bland colors. Can be femi nine or as steely as she chooses. A victim of much abuse from the Press and politicians : "Of course, it's unpleasant. But if you put yourself in the front line, you must expect to get shot at." 169
By the close of 1975 Mrs. Thatcher and her staff had
begun to alter the way in which the nation perceived her.
Whether it is reasonable or not, it appears likely that her
hair, clothing, and jewelry had some effect on the conclusion
the general public reached about her character and ability.
The fact that she hired an executive with the wealthy EMI
group to work on her image indicates that she understood
the significance of the audiences' perception of her from
the moment she became Leader of the Opposition.
1976
Prior to her 1976 party conference speech Ted Heath
gave his speech at Brighton. A single sentence \diich he
uttered bound him to loyalty to the Tories and must have
strengthened the belief in Mrs. Thatcher as a leader who
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waited for the slightest sign of reconciliation between Heath
and Thatcher and when it came headlines followed. The Daily
Telegraph captioned an article, "Heath Declares Complete
Confidence in Mrs. Thatcher," and the Financial Times called
it "Reconciliation at Brighton".
The deed has been done. Mr. Edward Heath stood up in public, before the Conservative Party conference, the television cameras, and the nation, and declared his support for his successor as leader of the party, Mrs. Thatcher. He has "complete confidence," he said at Brighton yesterday, that the difficult decisions that must be taken in the national interest will be taken by Mrs. Thatcher and her colleagues. 170
The Daily Telegraph reported:
Mr. Heath was loudly cheered at the Conservative party conference in Brighton yesterday when he declared his complete confidence that Mrs. Thatcher and the next Conservative Government would take the difficult decisions required to save the pound.171
When Mrs. Thatcher rose to speak to the 1976 Conserva
tive Party Conference the immediate audience and the tele
vision audience probably had a far more favorable impression
of her character and abilities than they did in 1975.
Heath's speech earlier in the week changed the political
climate at Brighton and created enormous enthusiasm in
response to this first major sign of party unity.
Concern among Mrs. Thatcher's intimates must have
continued in regard to softening the "iron maiden" image.
Financial Times, 7 October 1976.
Telegraph, 7 October 1976.
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list at the Liverpool Post discussed the attempts to "package"
Mrs. Thatcher. She criticized the photographs which appeared
during the week of the party conference in which Mrs. Thatcher
appeared "wearing a straw boater, linking arms and doing
a knees-up along Brighton's prom with a clutch of giggly girls.”172
In the journalist's opinion Mrs. Thatcher's attempts
to sell herself displayed "grotesque lapses of taste"; there
is no evidence to suggest that the general public reacted
that way, but it is probable that some of the efforts to
change Mrs. Thatcher's image may have backfired:
"Maggie is jolly; Maggie is human; Maggie has the Common Touch" has been their message. To drum it in we have seen her surrounded by tinned sardines in her pantry, up to her elbows in wallpaper paste in her front room .... Desperate to shed her "milk snatcher" and "iron maiden" labels, she's gone too far the other way, with the result that one can more easily imagine her now presiding over a subur ban Tupperware party than over the Shadow Cabinet. Perhaps her advisors reckon that when we see her with her rubber gloves on doing the washing up we'll rush out to vote for her because she's just like us. If so it's yet another example of politicians assuming the public is a great deal less astute than it really is. Do they really think we're taken in by the image, or that, even if we were it would sway the way we vote? 173
In answer to the journalist's question Mrs. Thatcher hired
the "beer in the business" to advise her on such matters
and shaping voter ' s opinions, like selling cornflakes, might
172 Liverpool Daily Post, 8 October 1976. Ibid.
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offend the sensibilities of some, but the effectiveness of
packaging i^ measurable.
1977
On July 20, 1977 Mrs. Thatcher made another leap
forward. "Wham! Mighty Maggie Floors Them All," headlined
an article in the Sun; "Not Quite Disraeli" is the title
of an article in the Economist. These articles appeared
in response to a parliamentary triumph that immediately made
her credible as a future Prime Minister:
Tory leader Margaret Thatcher smashed into the Government last night with the biggest, best speech she has ever '2.174
Mrs. Margaret Thatcher, Britain's very probable next prime minister, has on four occasions in the past ten days cast herself as the Tory's philosopher queen. She is no Disraeli. There is an impression that an awful lot of learning is being crammed rather dangerously quickly into that handsome fair head. In raising the matter of fundamental political belief, however, Mrs. Thatcher is doing her party and her country a service.175
This victory was highly significant in removing any
doubt as to her ability to be an effective prime minister.
Earlier that same month an article appeared in the Spectator,
a Conservative publication hardly bent on destroying Mrs.
Thatcher, in which the writer discussed the effectiveness
of Callaghan's "nonchalance" and the inability of Mrs.
Thatcher to deal with it.
S}m, 21 July 1977.
Economist, 23 July 1977.
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191 - 197 (Cartoons)
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the House amused and at times causing fits of laughter. The
press wrote Mrs. Thatcher off and complimented the Prime
Minister who demonstrated his evasive footwork. Samples
of their reactions appear in the text of Ferdinand Mount's
article (he quotes from a protest letter written to the
Guardian):
"Michael White (Guardian, 6 July) found her argument 'melodramatic' and 'overruled by her lack of feeling for the mood of the Commons'"; according to John O'Sullivan (Daily Telegraph) Mrs. Thatcher took "school girl pluck to an unwise extreme"' Hugh Noyes (The Times) saw her in one of her "reds under the bed" phases with "much to learn about political repartee", and "rashly pursuing her point".183
Thus, her triumph later in July indicated a major reversal
in the opinions of the political journalists in London.
Having just dealt harshly with Mrs. Thatcher's parliamentary
performances, the enthusiasm of the press indicated that
Mrs. Thatcher's performance was exceptional.
A Gallup Poll in October revealed that the public
considered Mrs. Thatcher to have a strong personality, to
be a good speaker, and to know what she is talking about.
Between October 12 and 13 Gallup asked a national
representative sample of 1009 electors : "Here are some things
people have said about Mrs. Thatcher. For each of them will
you tell me if you agree or disagree?"
The following table shows, in percentages, the number
Spectator, 16 July 1977.
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who agree with each statement. Separate tables indicate
the total sample, Conservatives and non-Conservatives.
TABLE 14
GALLUP POLL REVEALS MRS. THATCHER SEEN
AS STRONG PERSONALITY
Non- Cons
She's trying hard in her job 91 97 87 She is a strong personality 84 91 78 She speaks her mind 83 89 78 She knows what she is talking about 70 89 55 She is a good speaker 81 90 74 She knows about the problems of the cost of living 64 84 51 She thinks a lot of herself 59 49 68 She has good or new ideas 55 73 40 She is not in touch with the working class/ordinary people 54 35 69 She talks a lot but doesn't do much 47 26 63 She doesn't come over well 43 32 51 I prefer Mr. Heath 40 44 38 She is a snob, talks down to people 40 44 38 It's time we had a woman in power 37 44 32 She is too critical of Russia 32 22 41 She's catty/bitchy 32 22 39 She divides the country 31 22 39 I don't like women leaders 28 24 31 Her ideas are destructive, not constructive 23 11 32
1978
As the general election loomed on the horizon the
criticism of Mrs. Thatcher grew more intense. By the fall
184 Daily Telegraph, 24 October 1977.
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200 - 201 (Cartoons)
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 0 3 25% leads over Labor and seemed certain big winners in an
election. The opinion polls in the fall of 1978 showed the
Conservatives only slightly ahead, after trailing most of
the summer.
In October belittling and sometimes abusive remarks
appeared in the press. The Daily Express listed her nick
names :
Margaret Thatcher has never had a shortage of nicknames among her cheeky young back benchers. "Mother," "Blessed Margaret" and "Harmony Hairspray" have now yielded to the most obvious of all . . . HILDA. Her second name.190
The Morning Star, a Labor paper, said that "Mrs. Thatcher's
image as the next prime minister is diminishing every day
she opens her mouth. With the article appeared "The Color-
in Maggie Doll"
A few days before the 1978 Conservative Party Confer
ence the New Statesman made the following observations in
regard to Mrs. Thatcher's image. Although the source is
scarcely pro-Conservative the writer voices thoughts that
are not rooted in political ideology, but the psychological
characteristics of political activists.
Mrs. Thatcher herself is poised uneasily between two types. She may only have confessed recently that she sometimes has a cry when she gets home. But her behind-the-scenes explosions in Westminster and in City boardrooms— not so far reported to include tears--
Ibid.
Morning Star, 2 October 1978.
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204 (Cartoon)
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have convinced her colleagues that there are volcanic conflicts beneath the Dresden china exterior and behind the elocution-teacher’s speech. Her social ambiguities surface from time to time-- as when, in an interview devoted to projecting her image as a simple housewife, she tells a journalist that she would not have touched any but an English speaking nanny for her twins. She is then apt to bridle at the interviewer's hostile response.193
The article then drifts toward some pettier stuff quoting
a remark she supposedly made at Oxford to the effect that
she was going to "marry a rich man and go into politics."1^^
When Margaret Thatcher delivered her speech to the
1978 Conservative party conference she appeared as a much
debated, much discussed figure. Her credibility as a prime
minister was no longer in question. She had established
her abilities in the minds of her listeners. Many aspects
of her character came under attack, but polls indicate that
she made a steady rise from 1975 to 1978 in so far as winning
the esteem of the voters.
III. Intrinsic Ethical Appeals
The role of ethos as a chief mode of persuasion can
scarcely be overemphasized. Although Aristotle considered
the logical proof to be the most important element in the
speech he still maintained that nothing was so effective
as the speaker's ethos, the audience's perception of his
or her character.
Statesman, 6 October 1978.
194 Ibid.
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In Book II, Chapter 1 of Rhetoric Aristotle discusses
three factors which inspire confidence in the speaker's
character:
. . . the three, namely, that induce us to believe a thing apart from any proof of it: good sense, good moral character, and goodwill. False statements and bad ad vice are due to one or more of the following three causes. Men either form a false opinion through want of good sense; or they form a true opinion, but because of their moral badness do not say what they really think ; or finally, they are both sensible and upright, but not well disposed to their hearers . . . .201
Based on the Aristotelian description of ethos we
can examine some of the constituents of ethical appeals and
observe the way in which Margaret Thatcher used them. It
would be impossible to provide an inclusive catalogue of
ethical attributes, but Thonssen, Baird, and Braden
provide a useful framework in which to explore the Aristo
telian view of ethos. Character, sagacity, and good will,
as Aristotle suggests, form the audience's apprehension of
the speaker. In each of the party conference speeches Mrs.
Thatcher demonstrated abundantly her awareness of the
audience's evaluation of her character and good will. She
appealed to the audience by creating throughout each speech
a sense of her own virtue or character.
Richard McKeon, ed., The Basic Works of Aristotle (New York: Random House, 1941), p. 1380.
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Character
In general, a speaker focuses attention on the probity of his character if he (1) associates either himself or his message with what is virtuous and elevated; (2) bestows, with propriety, tempered praise upon himself, his client, and his cause ; (3) links the opponent or the opponent's cause with what is not virtuous ; (4) removes or minimizes unfavor able impressions of himself or his cause previously established by his opponent ; (5) relies upon author ity derived from his personal experience; and (6) creates the impression of being completely sincere in his undertaking.202
First Mrs. Thatcher frequently associated herself
with the cause of good. Often she made this appeal in the
opening moments of her speech, but in other instances she
established such an impression to support her presentation
of arguments. In the 1975 party conference speech she chose
the opening moments as the proper time to place herself and
her cause on the side of virtue :
I know you will understand the humility I feel at following in the footsteps of great men like our Leader in that year [1946], Winston Churchill, a man called by destiny to raise the name of Britain to supreme heights in the history of the free world. In the foot steps of Anthony Eden, who set us the goal of a property owning democracy--a goal we still pursue today ; of Harold Macmillan, whose leadership brought so many ambitions within the grasp of every citizen; of Alec Douglas Home whose career of selfless public service earned the affection and admiration of us all ; and of Edward Heath ; who successfully led the party to victory in 1970 and brilliantly led the nation into Europe in 1973.
In the 1975 speech Mrs. Thatcher concluded with the same
^^^A. Craig Baird, Waldo W. Braden, Lester Thonssen. Speech Criticism. 2nd ed. (1948; rpt. New York: Ronald Press 1970), pp. 458-459.
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kind of appeal:
Let all of us here today, and others far beyond this hall who believe in our cause, make that act of will. Let us proclaim our faith in a new and better future for our Party and our people. Let us resolve to heal the wounds of a divided nation, and let that act of healing be the prelude to a lasting victory.
Second, Mrs. Thatcher bestowed praise upon herself
and her cause and most specially on the people to whom she
spoke, which contributed to the audience's impression of
her as a person of good will.
We are a people who have received more Nobel Prizes than any other nation except America, and, head for head, we have done better than America--twice as well, in fact. We are people who, among other things, invented the computer, the refrigerator, the electric motor, the stethoscope, rayon, steam turbine, stainless steel, the tank, television, penicillin, radar, the jet engine, hovercraft, float glass and carbon fibres, etc.--oh, and the better half of Concorde .... With achievements like that, who can doubt that Britain can have a great future, and what our friends abroad want to know is whether that future is going to happen.
Third, Mrs. Thatcher frequently linked her opponents'
cause with what is not virtuous. Her speeches were peppered
with reference to the damage done by those who opposed
Conservative goals :
It was not Britain I was criticizing, it was socialism, and I will go on criticizing socialism and opposing socialism, because it is bad for Britain. (1975)
Socialist governments set out perpetually to restrict the area of choice and Conservative governments to increase it. (1975)
Today their policies threaten the ultimate disaster. An economic earthquake that would ruin the livelihood of thousands of families. (1976)
I look to the day when we throw off the socialist yoke
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Whenever Labor win[s] an election, the Tribune Group grow stronger and stronger. From one election to the next, Labor's program gets meaner, more narrow, more Marxist. (1977)
Today, Labor's policies are at a dead end, economically and politically. This is not something to crow about. We do not hope for a country in ruins so that we can take over. We want to be elected so that we can do better, not because we could not possibly do worse. (1978)
Sometimes, members of the Labor Party give the impression that as between the law and the lawbreakers they are at best neutral. (1978)
Fourth, she answered the attacks made upon her,
minimizing the unfavorable impression the opponents
established:
Last week at Brighton we were accused of an insatiable lust for power. It was not the Tories who have wheeled and dealed and manoeuvred and manipulated to avoid one thing at all costs--facing the voters ; it is Labor's limpet Government. (1977)
Mrs. Thatcher made a lengthy answer to attacks on her as
an extremist:
And here let me make a personal prophecy. In the coming months you are going to see a carefully orches trated campaign by the Labor Party and Labor Government to portray me as "extremely this" or "extremely that"
I am extremely aware of the dangerous duplicity of Socialism, and extremely determined to turn back the tide before it destroys everything we hold dear. I am extremely disinclined to be deceived by the mark of moderation that Labor adopts whenever an election is in the offing, a mask now being worn, as we saw last week, by all who would "keep the red flag flying here". Not if I can help it! The Conservative Party, now and always, flies the flag of one nation--and that flag is the Union Jack. So much for my extremism. (1977)
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In the 1978 party conference speech she answered attacks
and again sought to minimize the effectiveness of future
attacks:
Many other smears and charges will be thrown at us as election day comes nearer. But let us not be too concerned, however large the lie or absurd the charge. They are a sign of our opponents' desperation. For instance, you may have noticed, and so, I suspect, has the public, how often these charges contradict one another. One moment it is said that we have no policy, the next that our policies would bring about every disaster known to man. One moment. Shadow Ministers are said to be notorious villains--well, here the "villains" are. The next minute they are said to be unknown. (1978)
Fifth, Mrs. Thatcher relied on the authority of her
own personal experience when she commented on the situation
in Northern Ireland:
I spent three memorable and moving days in Northern Ireland in June. The constancy and patience of the men and women of the province who have endured so much pain through 10 years of terror is something that I shall never forget. I know that there are those who say "Leave them to solve their own problems and bring our boys back," To them I must reply: "If you wash your hands of Northern Ireland you wash them in blood." So long as Ulster wishes to belong to the United King dom she will do so. That is the policy of the Conser vative Party and it will be the policy of the next Conservative Government.
Sixth, Mrs. Thatcher gave the impression of a deep
personal commitment and of absolute sincerity. The following
passages from the written transcripts of the 1976 and 1977
speeches illustrate this. In both of the following instances
she demonstrated her sincerity as she closed the speeches.
I am deeply conscious of the challenge to our Party and of the responsibility I face as its Leader, but I believe we shall be sustained by millions who are hoping and praying today that we shall rise to the level of events. We must not fail them, and we will
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 1 7 not fail them. As I look to our great history and then at our dismal present, I draw strength from the great and brave things this nation has achieved. I seem to see clearly, as a bright new day, the future that we can and must win back. As was said before another famous battle: "It is true that we are in great danger ; the greater therefore should our courage be". (1976)
I know only too well, as I go about the country, the fears felt for our British way of life. I know it from the letters I receive. And I know how many hopes ride with us today--the hopes of millions who are Conservative, and millions who are not, but who look to us because they feel instinctively that what is happening to their country threatens not only their freedom but everything that made it materially and morally great. (1977)
Sagacity
Margaret Thatcher clearly met Aristotle’s require
ments in establishing a measure of sagacity in the dis
course. She demonstrated intellectual integrity and wisdom.
However, the weakness of many of her logical appeals because
of her failure to provide sufficient supporting evidence
may have damaged her ethos among the more critical and
discerning members of her audience.
Although she frequently failed to use the logical
mode effectively, the degree to which that damaged her over
all effectiveness is difficult to determine. She clearly
met the following criteria for establishing an impression
of sagacity:
(1) uses what is popularly called common sense; (2) acts with tact and moderation; (3) displays a sense of good taste; (4) reveals a broad familiarity with the interests of the day; (5) shows through the way in which he handles speech materials that he is
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possessed of intellectural integrity and wisdom.
It appears to this critic that Mrs. Thatcher established
herself as a possessor of wisdom and intellectual fervor
in the party conference speeches. Although she did not
demonstrate brilliant argumentation or astound her audience
with penetrating and exacting deductive arguments in the
party conference speeches, that she created the impression
of a person of intellectual integrity and wisdom seems clear.
Good Will
In order to establish good will the speaker must "be
a friend to what they [the listeners] consider good, an
enemy to what they consider evil". It is incumbent upon
the speaker to understand what kinds of people "other people
love and admire and what kinds of people many hate and
despise, and the causes of these feelings."
The speaker creates an impression of good will in a
variety of ways. Mrs. Thatcher revealed her good will in the
following areas outlined by Thonssen, Baird, and Braden:
This good will is revealed by the speaker through his ability to (1) capture the proper balance between too much and too little praise of his audience; (2) iden tify himself properly with the hearers and their problems; (3) proceed with candor and straightfor wardness ; (4) offer necessary rebukes with tact and
^^^Ibid., p. 459.
^^^Richard McKeon, ed., The Basic Works of Aristotle (New York: Random House, 1941), p. 1380.
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consideration; (5) offset any personal reason he may have for giving the speech; and (6) reveal, without guile or exhibitionism^ his personable qualities as a messenger of truth.2u5
First, Mrs. Thatcher probably captured a proper
balance between too much and too little praise. In her
first party conference speech she showed humility by
praising the dignitaries:
The conference was held in this very hall, and the platform seemed a long way away, and I had not thought of joining the lofty and distinguished people sitting up there, but our Party is the Party of equality of opportunity, as you can see. (1975)
Biographical accounts of her college days indicate that
she probably did imagine appearing with the dignitaries
on such a platform; however, she spoke as though that would
have seemed remote to her at the time.
Throughout the speeches she emphasized her belief that
the people of Great Britain love liberty: In that way she
praises them:
Ours is one of the oldest democracies in the world. Our citizens have a passion for liberty. They have fought for it, and died for it. (1976)
She reinforced her belief in the character of those in her
We can overcome our doubts, we can rediscover our confidence; we can regain the respect of the rest of the world.
Second, Mrs. Thatcher demonstrated in the 1978 speech
A. Craig Baird, Waldo W. Braden, Lester Thonssen, Speech Criticism, 2nd ed. (1948; rpt. New York: Ronald Press, 1970), pp. 459-460.
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lined production causes. Her statements exemplified the
kind of "common sense" explanations with which she dealt
well. It may have caused her listeners to like her because
she conveyed understanding and compassion:
I understand your fears. You're afraid that producing more goods with fewer people will mean fewer jobs, and those fears are naturally stronger at a time of high unemployment. But you're wrong. The right way to attack unemployment is to produce more goods more cheaply and then more people can afford to buy them. Japan and Germany, mentioned several times this week— and rightly so--are doing precisely that and have been for years. (1978)
Third, she proceeded with candor and straightfor
wardness throughout her party conference speeches. Her
introductions led right to her major assertions :
It was not Britain I was criticizing, it was socialism, and I will go on criticizing socialism. (1975)
Economically Britain is on its knees. It is not unpatriotic to say this. It is no secret. (1978)
It is the "meat" in her speeches, the willingness
to lay out what she meant and where she stood that accounts
for her straightforwardness. She consistently took positions
and clarified her views in the party conference speeches.
Fourth, she sometimes offered the necessary rebukes
with tact and consideration. At other times she resorted
to sarcasm. Clearly, her most appealing and effective rebukes
were those which gave her an air of reasonableness as in
the following examples:
Does what has happened to Britain over the last four and a half years imply that we have been governed by remarkably foolish people? No, though you may be
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 2 1 able to think of one or two who would qualify under that heading. Is it the result of having been governed by unusually wicked people? No. There have been enough good intentions to pathe the well-worn path twice over. The root of the matter is this. We have been ruled by men who live by illusions, the illusion that you can spend money you haven't earned without eventually going bankrupt or falling into the hands of your creditors ; . . . (1978)
Many of us remember the Labor Party as it used to be. In the old days it was at least a party of ideals. You didn't have to agree with Labor to understand its appeal and respect its concern for the underdog. Gradually over the years there has been a change. I have no doubt that those ideals, those principles, are still alive today in the hearts of traditional Labor supporters. But among those who lead the Labor movement something has gone seriously wrong. (1978)
Fifth, Mrs. Thatcher effectively answered any personal
reasons she may have had for wanting to become part of the
Government in power in the opening moments of the 1976
speech:
But for the Conservative Party politics has always been about something more than gaining power. It has been about serving the nation. We are above all a patriotic Party, a national Party ; and so it is not we who have been obsessed this week with how to take party advantage of the present crisis. What's good for General Motors may be good for the U.S.A. But nothing that's bad for Britain can ever be good for Conservatives. What we have been concerned with is how we can tackle this crisis, how we can insure freedom--yes--and the honor of Britain. The very survival of our laws, our institutions, our national character--that is what is at stake today. (1976)
Mrs. Thatcher frequently reinforced that concept
in the other party conference speeches. She indicated that
she spoke out because it was her duty to help Britain
survive.
Sixth, and perhaps most effectively, Margaret Thatcher
revealed, "without guile or exhibitionism, her personal
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qualities as a messenger of truth". Certainly, her appearance
of sincerity and candor made her more acceptable as such a
messenger. In the closing lines of the 1978 speech she
displays a facility for taking on such a role without appear
ing pompous or ludicrous :
Of course, we in the Conservative Party want to win, but let us win for the right reason--not for the power for ourselves, but that this great country of ours, which we love so much, will find dignity and greatness and peace again. Three years ago I said we must heal the wounds of a divided nation. I say it again today with greater urgency. There is a cause that brings us all together and binds us all together. We must l e a m again t^ be one nation or one day we shall be no nation. That is our Conservative faith. It is my personal faith and vision. As we move towards Government and service may it be our strength and inspiration. Then not only will victory be ours, but we shall be worthy of it.
IV. Summary
Margaret Thatcher's public image changed greatly
between the years of 1975 and 1978. Public opinion was shaped
to a great extent by the press coverage of Mrs. Thatcher.
Three main aspects of Mrs. Thatcher's ethos are of
particular significance in understanding the extent to which
her image affected the party conference speeches: (1) the
view of Mrs. Thatcher presented by friends, colleagues and
associates; (2) the conflicting portraits presented by the
press ; and (3) the intrinsic ethical appeals she made in all
of her party conference speeches.
Public opinion polls indicate that she grew in popu
larity between 1975 and 1979. Advisors focused on her physical
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appearance; she changed her hair-do from a rather tight, fussy
look to a loose, casual style. She appeared more relaxed and
in command on television. Most aspects of Mrs. Thatcher's
life--her dress, her children, her marriage, her personality—
have been a source of controversy. However, even her sharpest
critics credit her with a keen intelligence, physical stamina
and an all-consuming interest in public affairs.
She made strong ethical appeals in each of the party
conference speeches. She established her ethos before even
speaking to the party conference audiences ; however, she sought
to build her ethos with the appeals she made in each speech.
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MEASURES OF EFFECTIVENESS
Six measures of effectiveness are commonly used by
rhetorical critics, two of which are of particular signifi
cance to this study.First, the test of readability can
be of some interest, but its value is difficult to determine.
It has been suggested that if the speech reads well after
it has been put into print, it could not have been agreeable
to the listener. The test of readability focuses on the
significance of the language and neglects the impact of the
ideas in the speech.
Second, the technical excellence of the speech is
another accepted measure of merit. Although the structure,
stylistic composition and unique conceptions exemplified
in the speech are important, an emphasis on those qualities
focuses on the speaker’s mastery of technique as evidenced
by the printed page. Such a measure cannot satisfactorily
determine the effectiveness of most speeches.
Third, speeches are often judged on the basis of the
^^^A. Craig Baird, Waldo W. Braden, Lester Thonssen, Speech Criticism, 2nd ed. (1948; rpt. New York: Ronald Press 1570), pp. 459-460.
224
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"honesty and integrity of the orator and the social utility
of his message".This calls for psychological evaluations
and judgments of morality; it also presents the problem of
analyzing good ideas of bad men and bad motives of good men.
Such determinations are beyond the scope of rhetorical
criticism.
Fourth, the surface response of the immediate audience
can be observed and recorded as well as the reactions of
the media to that surface response. Although this measure
is not complete, it is often an accurate measure of the
effectiveness of the speech.
Fifth, the orator's wisdom in anticipating future
trends is a test of his vision :
With such a test, we link the concepts of statesmanship and oratory ; we measure a man's greatness as a speaker in terms of his competence in gauging the effects of a contemporary action upon the destinies of m e n . ^08
Such a measure is mere speculation in the analysis of a
contemporary speaker and therefore could only serve a
prejudicial role in the rhetorical analysis.
Sixth, changes in beliefs, attitudes and actions are
often significant measures of effectiveness. Such responses
come days or months from a speech. In the present study
the general election in May, 1979, could serve as a measure
^°^Ibid., p. 542.
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a vote for or against the Conservatives probably has a great
number of implications which have no direct connection with
the speaker’s rhetorical skill.
It is the fourth measure of effectiveness that seems
most relevant to the present study, i.e., (1) the response
of the immediate audience and (2) the reactions of the press.
Both of these areas contribute in some measure to the impact
the speaker made on those who read the excerpts of the news
paper transcripts of the speeches or who read the press
responses to the speeches.
I. The Response of the Immediate Audience
First, as to the response of the immediate audience
and the television audience: The nature of the party con
ference dictates a fairly predictable outcome in response
to the leader's speech. There is always wild applause,
cheering, and a standing ovation. However, the degree of
enthusiasm varied from year to year. The following
description of the audience's reaction to Mrs. Thatcher
indicates that the 1975 speech was an overwhelming success
for the immediate audience :
An unqualified triumph said the chairman ; and for once, even allowing for the traditional Tory weakness for the syrup-laden tribute he seemed to be right. The applause which punctuated Mrs. Thatcher's performance yesterday, the massive ovation at the end, went well beyond the observance of the conference convention. They represented the full hearted conviction of the rank and file that the party had got itself a leader
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who can put Conservatism back into Conservative politics and then go out and sell i t to the n a t i o n . 209
The Yorkshire Post referred to the speech as "one
of the best received major conference speeches by a political
leader since the war". The Daily Mail said that Mrs.
Thatcher "electrified her supporters".Mrs. Thatcher
had met the challenge and appeared in full command as leader
of the party.
In 1976, on the same occasion, the audience did not
respond with the same degree of enthusiasm:
To say that Mrs. Thatcher was given a standing ovation at the Tory conference yesterday is, of course, to say no more than she spoke. It was, as these things go, rather more standing than ovation.212
Still, the Yorkshire Post emphasized the length that the
audience stood and drew much significance from that: "She
was given a standing ovation lasting four and a half minutes--
long even by conference standards".
Reports of the audience's reaction to Mrs. Thatcher's
1977 party conference speech conflicted. It was agreed that
the audience was enthusiastic, but the reports concerning
the length of the standing ovation varied.
^Yorkshire Post, 11 October 1975.
^^^Daily Mail, 11 October 1975.
^^^Daily Mail, 9 October 1976.
^Yorkshire Post, 10 October 1976.
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The Tory Leader was given a tumultuous six-minute standing ovation--the best reception she has received from delegates since she addressed her first annual conference as leader of the party two years ago.214
The reports seem to agree that the audience responded to
Mrs. Thatcher in a way that they hadn’t since her first
appearance in 1975. The Eastern Daily Press captioned an
article "Ten-minute ovation for Thatcher". The Sunday
Mirror made no comment on the length of the ovation, but
said that it "looked genuine and not stage managed".
The immediate audience behaved somewhat differently
in 1978 but perhaps that was in response to the circumstances
as well as to the speech; it was Mrs. Thatcher's birthday
and the members were probably grateful for an excuse to cele
brate after the let-down of not having a general election
in October.
Triumphant Maggie Thatcher reached for the sky--to acknowledge the six-minute standing ovation that greeted her closing speech y e s t e r d a y .217
The Sun described her birthday as "probably her best, judging
by the thunderous clapping, foot stomping and good-luck
shouts as she left the platform. The Scotsman described
the ovation as one of "genuine warmth as well as ritual
^^^Financial Times, 15 October 1977.
^^^Eastern Daily Press, 15 October 1977.
^Sunday Mirror, 15 October 1977.
^^^Sun [London], 14 October 1978.
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loyalty”. T h e Daily Express said that she "captured the
hearts and minds of the Tory conference at Brighton” .
Other responses to the speech--planned and unplanned--
were meaningful. The conference ended with Mrs. Thatcher,
her Shadow Cabinet and delegates singing the national anthem.
And the party loyalists responded with an emotional explosion that reached beyond the delighted audience of 4,000. People at home watching Mrs. Thatcher on TV phoned the Daily Express to praise her. One excited admirer said: "You must call her the new Boadicea.”221
II. The Reactions of the Press
Reactions to Mrs. Thatcher's 1975 party conference
speech were overwhelmingly positive. The press applauded
her for "not selling out to the right". The Daily Express
suggested that she had wisely looked at the "reality of
political leadership and learned that, whatever a party may
want, a country can only be led from slightly left or slightly
right of center".
She was also applauded for having "stamped the seal
of her own style of leadership on the Conservatives". The
^^^Scotsman, 14 October 1978.
^^^Daily Express. 14 October 1978.
^^^Guardian, 11 October 1975.
^^^Daily Express, 11 October 1975.
^^^Daily Mai l . 11 October 1975.
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speech. Edward Heath and his supporters were waiting in
the wings. Clearly, the moderation of her message won
approval; the party had wounds and critics observed how
carefully she attended to them:
In a speech which many believed comparable in force to the late and revered idol of Conservative moderation, Ian Macleod, there was not one phrase or sentence he would have been ashamed to utter. Or one which could embarrass any past or future member of the Shadow Cabinet— Mr. Heath included.^25
The criticism of the content of her speech came from
sources which generally sympathize with Labor. Critics cited
her lack of evidence and weak arguments. Such attacks were
carefully reasoned rebuttals. Other criticism was some
what abusive and more subjective— again it came only from
sources which are in sympathy with Labor.
Applause cannot disguise truth--and the truth is that, as an oration, Mrs. Thatcher's speech rarely rose above the competent.227
The article concluded with the conclusion that although the
speech was mediocre it served to allay the fears of those
who thought she was set to lurch to the right.
So for all the absence of real inspiration in her speech, it must be said Mrs. Thatcher did the best day's work that has been done in Blackpool all w e e k .228
^^^Guardian, 11 October 1975.
^^^Daily Express, 11 October 1975.
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The press reactions to Mrs. Thatcher's 1976 party
conference speech generally stressed the mediocrity of the
speech. The most positive remarks about the speech described
the effect of her image :
In a low-key speech deliberately designed to project her as a patriot not willing to exploit Britain's crisis for party advantage, Mrs. Thatcher still managed to put it across that she wants to be Prime Minister and the sooner the better.229
In everything, and the way she said it, during 45 crusading minutes there was an impression of authority, credibility and, above all, professionalism. . . . By the time she finished yesterday it took no stretch at all to visualize Mrs. Thatcher in the role of Prime Minister.230
Even the sources which are sympathetic to the Conser
vative Party felt obliged to admit that the speech was less
than triumphant. The Daily Telegraph did not share the view
that she projected the authority of a Prime Minister.
No speech is likely to satisfy all demands, Mrs. Thatcher's rhetoric was perhaps lacking in originality and grandeur ; it was not delivered with the authority that apparently only a period of residence in Downing Street can conf e r .231
The Eastern Press suggested that although the speech wasn't
notable or inspiring her position as leader was unlikely
to suffer as a result. "A truly inspiring speech, opening
fresh vistas, might have helped but might equally have jarred
with the prevailing mood. Assuming she had such a speech
^^^Glasgow Herald, 9 October 1976.
^^^Daily Express. 9 October 1976.
^^^Daily Telegraph. 9 October 1976.
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in her, Mrs. Thatcher understandably played for safety.
The Daily Telegraph, again a newspaper in sympathy with
the Conservatives, commented on the inferiority of her oral
style, particularly her use of epistrophe, a figure which
ends successive clauses with the same word. The writer
referred to it as "bargain basement Churchillian".
"I want to speak to you today about the rebirth of a nation. Our nation. The British nation." That clarified the position for those of us who might have thought she wanted to speak about the Tanzanian nation. Later, she referred to "that wise French philosopher de Tocqueville, " so that we would not confuse him with that unwise Burmese philosopher, de Tocqueville.
The writer described the speech as "stilted, overblown and
contained quotations designed to show that she read books
with long words in them". The same writer heard the impromptu
speech which she delivered to the overflow meeting which
had viewed the original speech on screens.
For the encore next door she spoke without notes unfalteringly, and became a creature of flesh and blood alarmed at Gibbon's account of how civilization can fall, and genuinely hoped that she can prevent the fall of this one. All of which suggests that Mrs. Thatcher is a good woman fallen among bad speech writers. For the main performance in the ball was markedly inferior to her showing last y e a r . 234
The press reaction to Mrs. Thatcher's party conference
speech was generally that of admiration. It was hailed as
^^^Eastern Press, 9 October 1976.
^^^Daily Telegraph, 9 October 1976.
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placed her firmly in control of her party.
Many people who were worried that she might not be able to deal effectively with the union leaders must have had their fears removed. She will be too clever to seek confrontation. But if there is one I would back her to be the w i n n e r . 235
Other sources echoed the enthusiastic response to her remarks
about the trade unions. The Daily Telegraph referred to
the speech as unashamedly and splendidly populist.She
was applauded for claiming new territory for the Conserva
tives, referring to her speech as a "triumph of her working
class touch".
Mrs. Thatcher's speech marked a significant new depar ture in the political battle. It means that the middle- class Tory Party of Mr. Heath and the leafy suburbs is d e a d .237
The Times [London] called her speech a "rousing conclusion"
to a "less than exciting" conference.
The left-wing Morning Star heaped abuse on Mrs.
Thatcher in retaliation:
Her plan is to raid schools, hospitals, housing pro grams, anything where public money is used for the people, so that she can stuff even more pound notes into the bulging pockets of the armament k ings.238
Mrs. Thatcher's 1978 party conference speech served
to convince the press that she believed and the Conservatives
^Sunday Mirror, 16 October 1977.
^^^Daily Telegraph, 15 October 1977.
^^^Morning Star, 15 October 1977.
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believed that she would soon be Prime Minister. Her attack
on the Government and her warning to the trade unions made
an impact.
Mrs. Margaret Thatcher made a powerful appeal to trade union leaders as she wound up the Tory Conference at Brighton t o d a y . 239
Her image strengthened with the speech according to several
journalists and the general press response confirms those
observations.
As with the American Presidency, nearness to high office itself confers an aura of power and authority. In Mrs. Thatcher's case it has certainly lent her utterances greater weight--and it is beginning to remove the uncer tainty from her voice and manner. . . . Fair ladies with faint hearts never won anything. The most encouraging feature of the past year for those who want to see Mrs. Thatcher's policies put into prac tice is her own confidence, authority and determi nation. 240
Peter Jenkins, political columnist for the Guardian,
recognized the success of Mrs. Thatcher's speech and
regarded it as the result of having "played it safe"^^^
with "no new policy announcements".
There would have been ecstatic reception for Mrs. Thatcher at the Conservative Party Conference yesterday had she read aloud from the Brighton and Hove tele phone directory. Everybody was eager to hail the next Prime Minister. Her speech was a bit more exciting than the telephone book but low key stuff nevertheless ;
^^^Evening News, 13 October 1978.
^^^Evening Standard. 13 October 1978.
^^^Guardian. 14 October 1978.
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it does not handsomely repay analysis.242
The Morning Star told its readers that they had been warned
and that no one who still votes Tory could have any cause
for complaint.
III. Conclusion
The immediate audience gave Mrs. Thatcher an exuberant
reception at the close of each of the four party conference
speeches. Still, the difference in the degree of enthusiasm
appear obvious in an examination of the press reports. The
1975 speech was an outstanding success; the 1976 speech
received the dutiful accolades ; the 1977 and 1978 speeches
thrilled the majority of the delegates.
Reports of those responses had a certain effect on
the general public. Also, the responses of the journalists
themselves had a decided effect on the public. The press
reaction to the 1975, 1977, and 1978 speeches was over
whelmingly enthusiastic ; the responses to the 1976 speech,
although not wholly positive, reported the speaker's
triumph before the Conservative conference. Thus, the press
coverage of Mrs. Thatcher's party conference speeches could
only have had a positive influence on the general public,
conveying an image of strength and success vital to Mrs.
Thatcher's credibility as a future Prime Minister.
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CONCLUSION
The rhetorical analysis of Margaret Thatcher's party
conference speeches indicate the way in which those speeches
are likely to have contributed to her effectiveness as leader
of the Conservative Party, to her rise in prominence in Great
Britain, and to her credibility as a future head of state.
The analysis reveals her goals as a speaker, the way in which
she achieved them and finally, the effect of her speaking
on her audiences.
The audiences and occasions for these speeches must
be viewed within the context of the social, political, and
economic history of this century in Britain. Treatment for
"the British desease" is the subject of great controversy,
but there is general agreement that the malaise exists. The
Conservative Party cites Labor's failure to govern effectively
as evidence that the socialists have no "cure"; the Labor
Party charges that the changes which the Conservative Party
propose would create a shake-up in the welfare state which
would cause great suffering.
An intellectual shift appears to be occurring in Great
Britain. Socialist ideology is losing support. A "new
conservatism" which looks to the Chicago school of economics
236
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and the philosophy of Milton Friedman for answers to the
current socio-economic dilemma is gaining support among the
academicians, political journalists, and members of the Conser
vative Party. Lord Blake, Provost at Queen's College Oxford,
refers to this re-thinking as evidence of a "changed climate"
in Britain today.
Most members of the immediate audience for each of
the party conference speeches probably had some understanding
of the political history of Great Britain since the war.
Delegates to the convention, members of Parliament and
the media representatives attending the convention would
each have had a more sophisticated knowledge of political
events than did the general population. The diverse tele
vision audience represented a cross-section of British
people. Mrs. Thatcher clearly recognized the conflicting
demands made by such a diverse audience and decided which
needs were the most widespread.
Margaret Thatcher's background served her well in
preparing her for a career in Parliament. Her speech edu
cation from childhood appears to have given her an evangelical
zeal and an absolute determination to carry the message which
she feels Britain must hear in order to survive as a free
nation..
Margaret Thatcher's delivery showed a marked improve
ment in 1977 and 1978. Her low and monotonous pitch pattern
coupled with a tendency for her pitch to become suddenly
high made her the favorite of leading impressionists and
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television comedians throughout the 1975-1978 period. By
1978 she appeared far more relaxed and in control. She had
greater vocal variety and was obviously in control of her
pitch pattern. Her more frequent smiles, an air of confi
dence, and a more casual hairdo contriubted to the increased
effectiveness of her delivery.
The way in which she structured the party conference
speeches indicates that she considered the demands of the
occasion. Each of the party conference speeches was developed
around a proposition of policy and thus relied to some extent
on logical order. Although the logical method served to
give continuity to the reasoning process, the speaker con
cerned herself with psychological appeals and reactions.
The greatest weaknesses in the structure of each of the party
conference speeches lay in her failure to provide (1) smooth
transitions between the many topics she introduced in each
speech and (2) final summaries and internal summaries. The
party conference speeches lacked unity as a result of these
weaknesses.
Margaret Thatcher demonstrated a clear preference
for emotional proof over logical proof in the party conference
speeches. The diversity of the audience created an enormous
challenge for the speaker, and her reliance on the emotional
mode was probably highly effective in reaching many members
of her audience. However, her failure to provide minimal
evidence in support of many of her arguments weakened her
logical proof and lowered the integrity of her speeches.
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Margaret Thatcher's public image changed greatly
between the years of 1975 and 1978 as a result of a concerted
effort on her part and the response to her from the press.
Public opinion polls indicate that she grew in popularity
between 1975 and 1979. Most aspects of her life, both private
and public, were a source of controversy during those years.
Although advisors have concentrated on her voice and appear
ance in order to make her more appealing to the public, even
her sharpest critics credit her with an exceptional mind,
physical stamina, and a determination to reach her goals
for both herself and Britain.
The measure of effectiveness which seems most relevant
to this study is the observation of the surface response of
the immediate audience and the record of the media reactions
to that surface response. The immediate audience at each
of the party conferences gave Mrs. Thatcher an enthusiastic
ovation at the conclusion of each of the party conference
speeches. Although such ovations are a matter of ceremony
at Conservative conferences, the difference in the degree
of the enthusiasm is both noticeable and significant. The
1975 speech met with great approval; the 1976 speech was
received dutifully; the 1977 and 1978 speeches created
enormous enthusiasm. The press coverage of these events
must have affected the general public. The journalists were
much impressed with the 1975, 1977, and 1978 speeches; and
although response to the 1976 speech was not wholly postive,
the journalists reported that the immediate audience received
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the speech with great enthusiasm. Certainly the press
coverage of these speeches had a positive influence on the
general public. The reports portrayed Mrs. Thatcher as a
source of strength and vitality and clearly increased her
credibility as a Prime Minister.
Significance of the Study
Margaret Thatcher's party conference speeches repre
sent those occasions on which she spoke to the largest and
most diverse audiences in Great Britain. Mrs. Thatcher made
a reputation for herself after becoming Leader of the
Opposition by demonstrating an ability to build a solid case,
to provide exhaustive evidence, and to obey the rules of
sound argumentation. The party conference speeches con
sistently lacked just such a reliance on the logical mode,
the result being that integrity of the speeches suffered.
Rhetorical analysis of these speeches reveals the way in
which Margaret Thatcher chose to communicate with her widest
and most diverse audience ; the study of the party conference
speeches is of special significance because of this diversity.
Any aspect of Margaret Thatcher's speaking during the 1975-
1978 period can probably be better understood after having
examined a rhetorical analysis of her party conference
speeches.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 241
Suggestions for Further Study
Numerous studies could be done not only on Margaret
Thatcher's public speaking, but also on other political events
during this period. The following topics seem to the writer
to be of particular value: Margaret Thatcher's Occasional
Speeches 1975-1978; Margaret Thatcher's Speeches in the House
of Commons ; A Comparative Study of the Speeches of Margaret
Thatcher and James Callaghan during the General Election of
1979; A Comparative Study of the Conservative, Labor, and
Liberal Party Conference Speeches ; A Comparative Study of the
Speeches at the American Political Conventions and the
British Party Conferences.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. MARGARET THATCHER, BRITAIN'S SPOKESMAN FOR A NEW CONSERVATISM: A RHETORICAL ANALYSIS OF THE PARTY CONFERENCE SPEECHES (1975-1978)
A Dissertation
Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy
The Department of Speech
Teresa Hicks Bunetta B.A., Stephens College, 1973 M.A., West Virginia University, 1976
August, 1979
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. BIBLIOGRAPHY
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. BIBLIOGRAPHY
I. PERIODICALS
Newspapers
American. 1976.
"American Chamber of Commerce Lunches Mrs. Thatcher," 29 October 1976.
B.X.L. Review. 1970.
"Mrs. Thatcher (Margaret Roberts)22 September 1970.
Chicago Tribune, 1975.
"A Lady Tackles Inflation," 26 September 1975.
Randolph, Eleanor. "Tory Leader Asks Joint Fight on Inflation," 23 September 1975.
Yuenger, James. "No. 10 Downing Next? Mrs. Thatcher aims for Horizon," 22 September 1975.
The Christian Science Monitor, 1976.
Oka, Takashi. "Britain's Mrs. Thatcher Draws Soviet Fury," 29 January 1976.
Birmingham Post, 1966-1978.
"Action Now, Demand by Mrs. Thatcher," 29 September 1976.
"After the Party," 17 October 1977.
Bright, John. "Now Is the Time for all Good Men," 5 May 1976.
______• "On the Defence," 22 December 1976.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 4 4 "Brighton's Birthday Blues," 5 October 1978.
"Conflict on Role of British Abroad." 17 June 1978.
• "Heath in Favour--But No Favours," 7 July 1978.
Liberal Fury at Thatcher Trip to Ulster," ^ 0 June 1978
"Thatcher Spells out Tory Race Stand," 13 February 1978.
"Thatcher Taunts Labour on Jobs," 2 September 1978.
• "Thatcher's Red Carpet for Would Be Converts," 10 October 1978.
"Uneasy the Head Without a Crown," 13 October 1978.
• "Who Can Define Conservatism?" 29 June 1978.
• "A Woman's Prerogative," 2 February 1978.
"Heath Ignored 'Resign' Advice," 1 September 1975.
"Heath Is Left out in Cold," 7 September 1978.
"Immigration," 1 February 1978.
"Legal Rights Being Lost," 13 October 1966.
Lewis, John. "Be Ready to Fight and Win--Mrs. Thatcher," 7 October 1975.
______• "Christian Values Still Cherished by Parents, Says Margaret Thatcher," 31 March 1978.
______• "Law-And-Order Thatcher Hits out at Child Killers," 25 May 1978.
______. "The Making of an Iron Lady," 17 March 1978.
______• "Man about the House : Implications of the Pay Pact--Thatcher's Dilemma," 3 May 1976.
______• "Mrs. Thatcher's Diagnosis," 16 September 1975.
______• "Recess before the Storm," 4 August 1978.
______• "Tax Cuts Prod for Chancellor," 1 April 1978.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 245
"Thatcher Acts to Soothe Fears of Immigrants." 5 July 1978.
. "Thatcher Backs Workers over Wages Free-for- All," 11 October 1978.
. "Thatcher Cuts the Pay Cake for Union Voters," 14 October 1978.
. "Thatcher's Cue for a Party Line," 3 June 1978.
"Missed Chance," 12 June 1975.
"Mrs. Thatcher Is to Visit N. Ireland Soon," 15 September 1975.
"Mrs. Thatcher on Television," 2 March 1976.
"Political Cartoon," 14 October 1978.
"Principles of Justice," 10 June 1978.
Reiss, Charles. "Follow the Leader," 7 October 1975.
______. "In the Blue Comer," 12 February 1975.
"Man about the House--A Front Line in Search of a Plan," 26 February 1976.
Richardson, Ian. "The Economic Wilderness," 19 May 1978.
"Senate Call by Tory Lawyers," 24 April 1978.
"A Shrewd Appeal," 10 October 1978.
"Straight Talk," 12 July 1977.
Sutton, Arthur. "Thatcher Denies Dearer Food Claim," 25 January 1978.
"Thatcher Attacks on Defeatism," 13 March 1978.
"Thatcher Defends the Small Trader," 18 February 1975.
"Thatcher Faces Call for More Active Opposition," 19 Septem ber 1975.
"Thatcher Hits out over Council Houses," 20 May 1976.
"Thatcher Salutes Bus-Run Courage," 12 July 1977.
"Thatcher's Plea to the Midlands," 6 March 1975.
"Tories Warned of Labour 'Trap," 6 February 1978.
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"Tory Leader Predicts Grim Year Ahead," 31 December 1976.
"Unions Promised A Free Ha!hd," 10 June 1978.
"Unite To Fight M a r x i s m - - T h a t c h e r 25 April 1978.
"We're The Part of the People--Thatcher," 13 April 1978.
Whitehead, Frederick. "All About the Public Gravy Train-- Dance to the Beat of the Quango," 5 July 1978.
"Young Tories Congratulate Mrs. Thatcher," 13 February 1978.
Cooperative News, 1972.
"Former Minister Slams Government's Policies," 12 February 1972.
Daily Express, 1960-1978.
Belsham, Philip and Peter Hitchens. "Cut Down to Size!" 18 February 1978.
Bowd, Graeme. "My Secret By Maggie," 22 May 1978.
"Britain? It's Not So Gloomy, Says Maggie," 25 September 1975.
Buchan, David. "Maggie Orders MPs Home To Battle--That Cheer's Call Up," 5 June 1976.
"Maggie's Law--Get-Tough Pledge on Race Attacks, 15 July 1978.
"Ministers Agree on Help For Little Firms- Jim Dishes Out Small Mercy," 23 May 1978.
"Tories and Labour Gear Up For October Poll-- MPs Bet on Early Ballot," 2 June 1978.
Clancy, Patrick. "So Defiant! Young Winston Left In the Political Wilderness Like His Grandfather," 10 Novem ber 1978.
and Frank Thorne. "Shopkeepers Fight Healy— Revolt Over the Counter," 18 February 1975.
"Close Ranks, Says Maggie," 25 April 1978.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 4 7
Cochran, Alan. "A Touch of Lace--Maggie Comes Flowing In," 11 May, 1977.
Coolican, Don. "Maggie's Uncommon Men," 7 October 1975.
"United We Stand--As Tories Gather For the Coronation," 21 February 1975.
"Crusade Maggie!" 9 October 1976.
Dacre, Paul. "Callaghan Hits Out At Maggie," 26 September 1975.
Davis, William. "Good News--The Boat Comes In," 13 October 1978.
Devney, Barrie. "Maggie's United Kingdom," 15 May 1978.
_ . "Neck and Neck!" 5 November 1977.
_ . "Stand Firm, Jim!" 11 November 1977.
"Tory Chief Calls for Peace With Union Bosses-- Prior: Oh What A Phony War," 3 July 1978.
"Don't Panic, Mrs. Thatcher," 22 May 1978.
"Edward Heath," 7 October 1976.
"Europe And Your Pension," 15 March 1962.
Evans, Michael. "Britain Does Want To Belt Up," 17 November 1978.
______. "One Up To Maggie," 15 June 1978.
"Ted's The One! Mori-Express Poll Predicts Tory Victory--Under Heath," 10 November 1978.
. "Why I Cry By Maggie," 21 September 1978.
"An Everyday Story of Westminster Folk," 31 March 1978.
"Face Up To It, Harold, The Doctors Really Do Count," 5 March 1975.
Ffitch, George. "How The Tories Dispelled Their Greatest Fears," 15 October 1977.
______. "The Shifting Shadows Who Have to Find Them selves- -A Sad Fact, Margaret, But You Must Learn To Hurt Your Friends," 23 June 1975.
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"Showing She's The Boss," 16 January 1976.
"Waiting For The Rallying Call: Put Britain First!" 8 October 1976.
. "The Wrong Right Turn," 10 October 1975.
"Fifteen Per Cent," 8 October 1976.
"Fighting For A Lost Cause," 13 October 1978.
Gale, George, "Although The Tory Leader Would be Foolish To Fall For It . . . Bold David Is Wise To Flirt With Maggie," 20 September 1976.
______. "Give Maggie A Chance," 5 December 1978.
______. "Heath's Vision," 31 October 1978.
______. "Maggie Won't Be Bullied— That's Why The People Want Her," 24 February 1978.
"Why Maggie Needn't Fear the Unions," 27 April 1978.
"George Gale," 17 October 1977.
"Getting On Top of Inflation," 18 February 1978,
"Going Headlong Into The Wrong Image--By A Hair's Breadth," 5 May 1976.
"Goodbye To All That?" 4 August 1978.
Harrington, Michael. "The Warrior Queen," 20 March 1978.
"Heed Mrs. Thatcher," 14 January 1976.
Hickey, William. "Aside Lines," 28 October 1969.
"The Aussie Playboy Helps Carol To Forget," 2 May 1977.
. "Black Rod Gets a Red Face," 25 October 1978.
"Dinner Date," 3 October 1976.
"The Enigmatic '77 Style Margaret Thatcher Is An Instant Best-Seller," 18 January 1977.
. "Happy Maggie Calls The Tune," 12 October 1978.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 249 "How Walker Saved Maggie," 14 April 1977.
"Margaret Thatcher," 2 October 1978.
"New Job For Mark," 13 October 1978.
"On Young Mark Thatcher's Tory Hopes--Maggie' s Boy Spurns The Easy Way Into Politics," 18 May 1977.
"Quickest Eater In The House," 12 February 1975.
"Side Lines," 15 June 1978.
"Sir Keith Splashes Out," 17 December 1976.
"Tailoring For Every Taste," 22 January 1975.
"These Names Make News," 18 May 1978.
"These Names Make News--Side Lines," 6 June 1978.
"A Two-Man Dilemma For Maggie," 22 November 1975.
Hopkins, Paul. "And For Maggie The Royal Evening Was Too Darned Hot," 22 April 1976.
"How You Feel About Jim And Maggie," 20 September 1978.
"I Would Hang Terrorists, Says Hard-Line Maggie," 17 September 1976.
"Ideals Behind the Arguments," 31 March 1978.
"It's All Down To Nerves, Says High-Key Maggie," 18November 1976.
"It's Damesmanship!" 25 April 1975.
"Jim Runs For His Life, 18 March 1977.
Kleinman, Philip. "Maggie The Magazine Pin-Up Girl," 22 June 1978.
Lay, Patrick. "Boomtime An Election Warning for Maggie," 14 August 1978.
"A Lesson Learned," 11 October 1975.
Levy, Geoffrey. "The Other Passion In Sir Keith's Life," 31 March 1978.
Lochhead, George. "As Callaghan Wins The Vital Vote--Maggie's Battle Cry," 21 July 1977.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 0
"Bold Denis Spells It Out For Europe," 30 Novem ber 1978.
. "Delighted Tories Acclaim Mrs. Thatcher's Birth day Clarion Call--Maggie-Nificent! 14 October 1978.
. "Margaret The Passion-flower Shows Healey Her Claws," 23 January 1975.
. "Mrs. Thatcher Aims A Flow At Militants," 28 November 1975.
"Paper Chase--Maggie Throws Out Challenge Over Jim's 5 Per Cent," 17 November 1978.
and Michael Evans. "Black and Blue--Bruises All Round As Maggie and Jim Clash on Immigration," 1 Febru ary 1978.
McGeachie, Daniel. "Deadline Set For Tory Leader Battle," 18 December 1974.
"Maggie Gets The Mob Treatment," 26 November 1976.
"Maggie Hits Back Over Unions," 20 May 1978.
"Maggie The Magnificent," 15 October 1977.
"Maggie's Rising Stars," 16 November 1978.
"Margaret, The New M.P., Captures Parliament," 6 February 1960.
"Margaret Puts Tories In Lead Over Labour," 14 March 1975.
"Margaret Thatcher On The Way Society Should Be Run--I Believe In Free Choice, In Law and Order, In Less State Aid," 31 March 1978.
"A Minister's Prime," 27 March 1978.
Murray, James. "She's A Trouper And The Back Room Staff Are Spot-On, Too," 6 February 1975.
"Mustering Good Will," 9 October 1976.
"My Brilliant Wife, by Mr. Thatcher," 7 February 1975.
"Not The Time," 8 April 1976.
"Papering Over The Cracks Isn't Going To Help Us, Maggie," 15 October 1975.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 1
Partington, Walter. "Axe The Lords!" 4 August 1978.
______. "End The Lies!" 11 October 1978.
______. "I'd Go To Jail Milk Clash," 21 December 1971.
______. "A Watch On 'Gazumpers'" 14 October 1978.
"Party Politics," 22 September 1976.
"The People's Margaret," 13 March 1977.
Pincher, Chapman. "How Britain Lost A City And Won World War 3," 30 June 1978.
"Maggie Goes Into Battle, Defences Are Down," 27TJune 1978.
"Restore The Rewards--And Britain's Back In Business," 15 August 1977.
"Political Cartoon," 15 October 1977.
"Political Cartoon," 9 August 1978.
Rennie, Ian. "Maggie's New Rig--She Goes Visiting In Borrowed Gear," 10 September 1975.
"A Responsible Statement," 1 February 1978.
Rook, Jean. "Captain Jeremy, Art Thou Sleeping There Below?" 5 March 1975.
"Margaret Makes Her TV Bow As Tory Leader . . . Now What Do YOU Make of HER?" 6 March 1975.
. "Margaret Thatcher," 9 February 1977.
. "Me and My Shadow," 20 April 1978.
"The Men In The Life Of The Tory Queen," 1 August 1975.
"Not Robin's Day--Snaky Maggie Had Old Mr. Bow Tie In Knots," 25 February 1976.
"Now All My Fears Are Out In Force," 22 December 1976.
"United They Sit, Listening To One Long and Dreary Bitch," 5 July 1978.
• "Weep No More My Iron Lady," 27 September 1978.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 2
"7% Boost For Maggie," 21 March 1977.
"Side Lines," 25 May 1978.
"Side Lines," 6 September 1978.
"Sir Winston's Tears," 21 September 1978.
"Squeezed To The Bone!" 8 October 1976.
"Students Swing Right," 12 November 1976.
Terry, Walter. "Benn and Prentice Moved, Judith Hart Quits As Wilson Slaps Them Down--Demotion Day," 11 June 1975.
"Carrington Says : We Must Back Maggie," 27 June 1975.
______and Roy Blackman. "Seven Out Of 10 Say: Stay On-- Tory Voters Back Heath," 3 February 1975.
Thatcher, Margaret. "What My Daughter Must Learn In the Next Nine Years," 4 March 1960.
"This Sickness Of Britain, By Mrs. Thatcher," 16 September 1975.
"Tories Acclaim Triumph Of Her Working Class Touch," 15 Octo ber 1977.
"Tories Attacked On Plan to Beat Strikes," 29 May 1978.
"Tories Give Labour A Pasting On The Billboards," 31 July 1978.
"Tories Split Over Early Poll Chance," 6 October 1976.
"Tory Students Back Pot," 6 April 1977.
"Two Cheers For Mrs. Thatcher," 5 July 1977.
"Unions Spurn Maggie's Peace Overture," 1 March 1976.
"The Unrepresented," 18 December 1975.
"A Victory for Britain," 2 June 1978.
Walton, Ashley. "As Maggie Runs Race Gauntlet--Flashpoint," 13 April 1978.
Warden, John. "Angry MPs Insist: Stand Up For the Queen," 28 June 1976.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 3
'At A Stroke' Migrant Plan Ready," 6 February 1 9 7 8 .
. "Dole-Ful Jim, By Maggie--And She Lashes Liberals," 2 September 1978.
. "Give Them The Money!" 11 October 1978.
. "Heseltine To Star In Tory Team," 1 November 1976.
. "Jim's Bluff Pays Off!" 15 June 1978.
"Looking For The Life And Soul Of The Party," 7 October 1975.
. "A loophole for Enoch," 13 February 1978.
"Maggie: Hang Them . . . 'The People Want It'," 15 September 1978.
"Maggie Hits The Road To No. 10," 14 October 1978.
. "Midnight: Tories In Vote Uproar--Maggie Sacks Winston," 9 November 1978.
. "My Lucky 13--Maggie Counts On Victory," "T6“ June 1978.
. "Now It's Pied Piper Maggie," 10 October 1978.
"Stop The Sulking--Tory Hecklers Turn On Heath For Backing Jim," 13 October 1978.
. "Ted Burns His Boats," 12 October 1978.
. "Ted Stays Out In The Cold," 16 January 1976.
"Tories Mark Out The Battleground," 15 October ~Wii.
"Tories Split Over Early Poll Chance," 6 October 1976.
"Tory Bid To Tame Ted," 31 October 1978.
"Tory Plan Leaked," 27 May 1978.
"Why '76 Should Be My Year, By Mrs. Thatcher, 5 January 1976.
and David Buchan. "Maggie Hit By Mutiny But-- Somebody Up There Still Likes Us," 3 December 1976.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 254
______and Michael Evans. "Radio Hee-Haw In The Commons-- T t ' s Just A Disaster'," 7 June 1978.
"The Way To A Whole New Deal," 14 October 1978.
"West Woolwich By-Election--Poll Victory For Tories," 27 June 1975.
"Your Chance To Speak For Britain," 31 October 1977.
Daily Graphic. 1951.
"She Plans Lunch For 2," 9 October 1951.
Daily Herald. 1961.
Fielding, Henry. "Attractive," 10 October 1961.
Daily M a i l , 1954-1978.
"Achievement," 19 January 1954.
Alexander, Andrew. "The Blighter's Escaped Again," 23 May 1975.
______. "Curtain Falls On The Thatcher Clothes Snatchers, 7 October 1978.
______"Guess Who'll Be First To Drive A Horse And Cart Through The Sanctions!" 30 November 1978.
. "The Mad Professor Mr. Foot Says Has Margaret Thatcher In His Clutches. Who's Calling Who 'Mad'?" 15 September 1978.
. "No Brief For Maggie," 12 March 1975.
"The Odd Couple And Some Delicate Digging," 14 October 1978.
. "Parliament," 1 February 1978.
• "Parliament," 9 June 1978.
______• "A Suitable Case For Reshuffling. The Man With The Impregnable Ego!" 14 June 1978.
"And A Rising Star Gets His Feet Under The Front Bench-- Maggie Calls In The Young Winston . . ."20 November 1976.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 5
Bevins, Anthony. "An Astonishing Statement By Former Tory Leader On Pay— Heath Backs Jim," 12 October 1978.
______. "Commons Row Over Tory Leader's Words. Maggie Stands Firm," 1 February 1978.
______. "Crisis Again . . . Up Goes Bank Rate, Up Go Bosses' Insurance Costs . . . And Home Loans Will Be Dearer--It's Back To The Squeeze," 9 June 1978.
______. "How I See Maggie--By Sir Harold--Astute, Tolerant, Brave," 22 November 1978.
. "Immigration: Major Mail Poll: Reveals Rising Support For the Tories--Maggie's Got It Right!" 13 February 1978.
. "Judith Dozes The Vote Away," 9 May 1978.
. "The Labour Party Is Getting The Message--It Takes A Woman To Fight A Woman," 9 September 1976.
. "Maggie: Unite Against Marxism," 25 April 1978.
"Maggie: Why Did Healey Change Mind?" 14 June 1978.
"Maggie's Great Spring Double. Night Of Disaster For Libs," 28 April 1978.
. "Thatcher On The Attack Over Jobs," 16 June 1978.
. "Tories On Standby," 22 July 1977.
. "Tories Go For 8 Million Voters," 12 April 1977.
"Two More Polls Before Labour Decides," 2 June T 5 7 8 .
"A Woman At No. 10? The Voters' Intriguing Verdict," 11 July 1978.
. "Women Say: We Back Maggie," 10 July 1978.
Bishop, Patrick. "The Man Who Gets Maggie's Blue Blood Racing," 4 July 1977.
"Britain Attacks Orlov Verdict," 19 May 1978.
Brompton, Sally. "Despite Mrs. Thatcher, Shirley's Father Is Sure She Will Be Britain's First Woman In No. 10," 11 March 1975.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 256
______. "Reaching For The Sky?" 10 April 1976.
______and Rodney Tyler. "Everything Ted Heath Ought To Know About Margaret Thatcher (But Never Dared To Ask)" 24 January 1975.
"Call To Integrate Disabled Children," 25 May 1978.
"Caravans Get Maggie's Off-Duty Vote," 10 November 1978.
"Cat Among Tory Feathers," 26 May 1977.
"A Clear Choice For The British People," 14 October 1978.
Coss, David. "Heath Hits Tory 'Private Army'," 9 July 1976.
______. "Them And Us: The Disease Sapping This Country-- Britain's Twin Evils--by Mrs. Thatcher," 16 September 1975.
"The Coy European Loses Her Shyness," 25 April 1978.
"Day The Miners Voted For Maggie," 30 April 1977.
Dempster, Nigel. "Plastic PS," 8 February 1978.
"Will Chalfont Be Sitting On Defence?" 18 April 1978.
"Denis's First On The Air--'Broadcast' Taunt By Maggie Starts Commons Fury," 12 April 1978.
Dunn, Christine. "It's A Snip As Maggie Rips Into Labour's Half Pound," 18 February 1978.
Edwards, John. "The Queen Wore Peach. So Did Mrs. Thatcher. Their Eyes Met. It Had Not Gone Unnoticed," 5 May 1977.
Edwards, Michael. "Tories Unveil Their Plan," 11 March 1978.
Elliott, Harvey. "What The New Squeeze Will Mean--Going Up-- Mortgages, Credit And The Jobless," 9 June 1978.
English, David and Gordon Greig. "As The Election Campaign Draws Ever Closer, The Leader Of Britain's Conserva tives Talks Revealingly And Exclusively To The Mail In Her Own Words . . . The Real Margaret Thatcher," 7 September 1978.
"Fashion Model Maggie," 6 November 1978.
"Fifty Years of Female Voting," 3 July 1978.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 7
"Flat Broke," 22 November 1978.
"Follow Me Girls, Says Thatcher," 14 July 1975.
"The Genuine Article Is Now On Offer," 12 October 1978.
George-Brown, Lord. "Thatcher's Year," 6 February 1976.
"Why Has No One Got Enough Guts To Fight The Closed Shop," 21 October 1977.
Gilchrist, Roderick and Thomson Prentice. "The Political Propaganda War," 15 June 1978.
Gordon, George. "The Week That Margaret Won The West," 26 September 1975.
Greig, Gordon. "After This, Who Can Put Honour Back In British Politics?" 14 May 1977.
______. "And Now She Says It Again," 13 February 1978.
"Are Their Heath Men In Maggie's Team?" 30 Octo ber 1978.
"Britain Beware Cries Mighty Maggie," 15 October T 9 7 7 .
. "Callaghan's Collaborators," 24 March 1977.
. "Caring Tories Score A TV Hit," 31 August 1978.
. "Cheering Tories Answer The Call To Battle-- And Unions Get A Pledge— Maggie's Key To Victory!" 14 October 1978.
. "Cool It! Tories Try To Defuse Union Storm," 29 May 1978.
. "Income Tax Cut As The Tories Land A Mighty Budget Blow On Callaghan's Government. Maggie's Great Night Of Victory," 9 May 1978.
. "Jim And Maggie Clear The Decks," 28 July 1978.
"Labour Hold Grimsby, But Maggie's Biggest Win Yet," 29 April 1977.
. "Maggie Gets Tough Report On State Monopolies-- Tory Sale Of The Century," 27 May 1978.
. "Maggie Sacks Churchill," 9 November 1978.
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"Maggie Urged To Promise Hanging Referendum," 5 June 1978.
. "Maggie Woos Immigrants on Law and Order-- Tories: Make Britain Safe," 15 July 1978.
. "Maggie's Call: Bring Back the Incentives," 12 July 1977.
"Maggie's Rallying Call to Labour Voters," I T " October 1978.
. "Now Tory Marsh Plans to Speak for Maggie," 30 August 1978.
. "Powell Power!" 19 March 1977.
"To the Top--On Passion and Flair," 20 March 1978.
. "Top Tories in 'Stop Maggie Thatcher' Bid," 24 January 1975.
"Tories Set for Big Battle Over Hanging," 21 September 1978.
and John Harrison. "Callaghan Clings on as Labour's Secret Polls Show Maggie in the Lead. He's Left Us in the Lurch!" 8 September 1978.
"I'm Parting from my Wife, Says Sir Keith," 30 March 1978.
Greig, Gordon and Alan Young. "Commons Uproar and Woman Flings Paint as Maggie Accuses— You're Running Away, Jim!" 8 December 1978.
Greig, Peter. "The One-Woman Revolution— Her Bandwagon to Victory--Margaret's Mafia ..." "She Picked on just the Right Men to Run Her Campaign," 12 February 1975.
Harrison, John. "The Agony of Broken Marriages and when It's best to Separate--By Maggie," 31 March 1978.
______. "Booing Students Jostle Maggie," 13 April 1978.
"Callous Young Thugs Must Be Punished, Says Maggie," 27 November 1978
"'Closed Shop Would Hand over One of our Most Precious Liberties'--Maggie's Call to Arms for Free Press," 29 November 1978.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 5 9 "Dictator Maggie By 'Bully-Boy Healey," 22 May 1978.
. "Maggie Woos the Immigrant Vote," 5 July 1978.
"Thatcher Says: Dublin Hindering IRA Battle," 20 June 1978.
"Hello, It's That Sailor Again," 1 September 1978.
Hislop, Vivien. "Far from the Maddening Crowd in a Cottage Back to Front," 17 June 1971.
"Home Truths from Abroad," 16 September 1975.
"How to Stay Free--By Mrs. Thatcher," 13 January 1977.
Innes, Judy. "What My Twins Have Taught Me," 23 October 1969.
"It's a Day of Sweetness and Light," 12 October 1977.
"It's Mad Hatter Margot," 8 December 1978.
"It's Marie The Union Boss v. Maggie," 28 June 1978.
"Jeremy and the Thatcher Exclusive," 1 May 1975.
"Jim Got His Sums All Wrong Says Maggie," 1 September 1978.
Johnson, Paul. "As Margaret Thatcher Tightens Her Grip on the Tories in This Vital Year . . . Why Jim Doesn't Hold a Winning Hand," 9 January 1978.
______. "The Great Wilson Whodunnit," 31 January 1978.
"He Was New, He Was Different. He Was Also Ignorant, Inept and Inexperienced. Carter, the Great American Disaster," 7 June 1978.
. "How Does Denis Do It?" 5 May 1978.
• "If He Wins by Even a Handful of Seats How Long Before the Left Take Over? This Threat behind Sleepy Jim . . ."20 February 1978.
"The Men Who Can't See Past Friday," 7 January 1976.
"Margaret . . . The 'Monster' They've Learned to Love," 17 June 1977.
"Why Maggie Won't Tolerate the Tyrants," 10 May - 1978.
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Joseph, Sir Keith. "Charter for the Political Mobsters," 28 June 1977.
Kent, Ann. "Preparing for the Big Battle," 31 January 1975.
"Labour Plan 'Is Not Benn's Bible,'" 1 June 1976.
Langley, William. "Margaret's Bargains or How Her Larder Store Paid Off," 13 October 1976.
Lee-Potter, Lynda. "The Criticism Has Been Vicious. But You Build an Armour . . . You Know It's Untrue," 8 February 1972.
"The First Mrs. Thatcher Talking," 21 February 1976.
"I Want my Children to Be Richer Than Me. Why Should I Feel Guilty?" 17 September 1975.
. "Look in the Mirror, Barbara," 7 July 1976.
. "The Ways of a Woman," 12 February 1975.
"Left Attacks 'Gangster Unions,'" 16 May 1975.
"Let the^Lame Duck Firms Go Broke, Says Maggie," 12 June
"Let Us Restore Power to the People Maggie," 15 October
Lewis, David. "A Chance to Make Money . . . A Chance to Save It. How Everyone in Britain Can Become a Capitalist," 14 June 1978.
Lewis, Russell. "The Biggest Propaganda Trick in Britain Today," 13 July 1977.
______• "Minister in Waiting," 7 May 1977.
"Once Again We're Back on the Old Treadmill of Ted Being Nasty to Maggie. Now the Time Has Come to 1978 Up . . . Or Ship Out," 15 February
• "The Passionless Politicians," 14 April 1976.
• "Why It's Going To Be a Woman's World and Look Who's Saying So!" 8 March 1975.
• "Why the Nation Has Stopped Switching off Party Political Broadcasts! Mrs. T's Blue Eyed Boys,"
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9 June 1978.
"A Little Less of Heath, Please," 5 January 1976.
"Lord Thomeycroft ' s Purge Upsets the Tory Agents," 27 February 1976.
"Low Key All the Way," 9 October 1976.
"LSE Shock for Left," 15 November 1975.
McEwen, Andrew. "Simone, The Woman Who Could Pip Margaret Thatcher at the Post," 17 July 1976.
"Maggie Keen on Referenda," 21 April 1978.
"Maggie Repeats Red Alert," 24 June 1978.
"Maggie Tells Churchill: Sacking You Causes Me Great Sadness," 10 November 1978.
"Maggie's Hero," 8 April 1975.
"Maggie's Way to the Bustling Eighties," 8 February 1978.
"Mail Diary," 6 October 1976.
"Making His Own Mark," 28 November 1978.
"Margaret Thatcher and the 'X' Factor," 11 July 1978.
"Margaret Thatcher Versus the Devil," 31 March 1978.
"Mark Thatcher Motor Team Drive Into A Cash Crisis," 17 June 1977.
"Market Blocks the Green Plan," 25 January 1978.
"More Equal?" 15 May 1978.
"Mothers of Parliament," 23 October 1959.
"MPs Back Hanging Claims Thatcher," 15 September 1978.
"My Mother, By Carol Thatcher," 2 November 1978.
" 900 for Thatcher Offices," 20 October 1976.
"No Pull-In at the Traveller's Rest," 6 April 1977.
"Now Maggie Thatcher's Girl Carol Talks of Quitting Britain," 27 July 1977.
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O'Brien, Owen. "Nothing New," 12 January 1976.
Political Cartoon. 23 May 1975.
"Poll Gives Heath a Boost," 10 November 1978.
Porter, Robert. "Central Office Clash over 'Moderates' List," 13 April 1976.
"Thatcher Won't Help the Firms Who Pay too Much," 13 March 1978.
"Powell to Warn of 'White Backlash,"' 10 June 1978.
"Power and Principle," 12 October 1977.
Pryke, David. "When I Lived over the Shop, By Mrs. Thatcher," 18 February 1975.
"Putting Their Hairstyles Together . . ."26 February 1976.
"Quote: From Mrs. Thatcher," 4 July 1977.
Rees, Jenny. "It's Ladies' Night at the Palladium," 3 July 1978.
"Me and My High Voice by Maggie," 18 November 1976.
"Repugnant Amin, by Mrs. Thatcher," 20 May 1977.
"Revealed . . . The Private Tears of a Very Public Lady-- An Iron Maiden? No I'm a Romantic at Heart, Says Maggie," 21 September 1978.
"Samuel, Kathryn. "Top Tory in the Hands of Top Designers," 13 February 1975.
Senior, L. "Not Politic," 4 April 1978.
Scott-James, Anne. "Husbands Are a Lottery, So Train Girls for Careers," 11 October 1961.
Sergeant, Patrick. "We Can Still Dream--Of a Thatcher Boom," 9 September 1978.
Sewell, Eric. "Just a Few Words Before I Crawl into Bed," 23 June 1966.
"Shaping Up to the Future at the Palace of Westminster--200 Women Will Follow Mrs. Thatcher," 20 May 1975.
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"Shattering!" 22 December 1976.
"Sheer Magic," 15 October 1977.
"She's Maggie Queen of Scots," 11 November 1976.
Shrimsley, Anthony. "In One of the Most Sensational Days in British Politics Edward Heath Was Yesterday Savagely Toppled from the Leadership of the Tory Party," 5 February 1975.
______. "Magnificent Margaret," 11 October 1975.
. "More Equal that Others Poll-Topping Maggie Attacks Labour's Class-Warmongers," 7 October 1975.
. "The One-Woman Revolution. Heaven Help Anyone Who Tries to Stand in Her Way," 12 February 1975.
"Top Tories Revolt as Thatcher Swings Axe," 6 March 1975
"Why I Haven't Gone Tooth and Nail Before," 12 June 1975.
"With First Blood to Maggie and Harold Left Smarting . . . Now Even the Doubters See Her as Winner," 24 April 1975.
Southworth, June. "That Open University Dream: Is It Becoming the Ultimate in Pottery Classes?" 24 November 1976.
______, Sally Brompton, Fraser MacMillan, Colin Smith. "The Margaret Thatcher Package Tour," 13 September 1975.
"The Speaker Is 'Forgiven'," 22 June 1976.
"Speaker Must Quit Says MP," 21 June 1976.
Stuart, Malcolm. "The One-Woman Revolution. What Her Sister Says About Her," 13 February 1975.
"Super Margaret," 20 October 1975.
"Tall Tale of Romance," 14 April 1977.
Terry, Walter. "Heath May Promote Maudling," 18 April 1966.
"Thatcher Way to Stay on Top," 22 May 1978.
"Thatcher's Crusade," 9 October 1976.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 6 4
"The 26 Westminster," 2 March 1957.
"The Woman Who Married a Successful Politician— Don't Be a Tory Leader, She Said," 30 March 1978.
"This Silly and Dangerous Sulking of Edward Heath," 28 June 1976.
Thomas, Yvonne. "If only Mrs. Pankhurst Were Here," 12 February 1975.
Thompson, Frank. "Women's Lib Jeer Margaret at the Suffragettes' Show," 3 July 1978.
Usher, Shaun and Martin Jackson. "Joking Aside . . ! Why Don't They Mock Politicians like They Used To?" 4 August 1978.
"Watch-Out! It's the Steamroller," 16 May 1975.
"Ways to Woo the Workers," 31 May 1978.
"Welcome Maggie, Say Defiant Ford Men," 10 June 1978.
"What Will Liberals Do Now, Poor Things?" 13 June 1978.
"What's a Husband to Do When His Wife Is Lost for Words?" 24 May 1975.
"When the Sword Rusts in Its Sheath," 23 May 1975.
"When Silence Is Not Golden," 16 June 1978.
"Who Is Deep Blue Throat?" 30 May 1978.
"Why Maggie Is Waving Goodbye to Her No. 1 'Image-Builder'," 11 February 1977.
"Will Maggie Take a TV Man for Her Top Spokesperson?" 24 September 1976.
Young, Alan. "The Coloured Vote and How to Win It," 11 October 1978.
______"Government Wins by 30 Votes--But Maggie Lashes tïïë Chancellor--Healey You Chickened Out," 21 July 1977.
"I Want to Abolish the Lords Says Jim," 4 August 1978.
• "Maggie Picks Her Admen," 30 March 1978.
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"Maggie Throws the Book at Jim," 17 November 1978.
"Maggie Urges a Debate on Pay Sanctions Blacklist," 24 November 1978.
"Sick Parade Sets off Labour Fury," 30 July 1976.
______• "Thatcher Message to Men of Great Power--Maggie Spells It Out--She Tells Britain's Union Leaders : It's All Up to You," 14 October 1978.
______and Anthony Bevins. "Mrs. Thatcher Takes Commons by^Storm--Stop Your Squealing Mr. Healey," 12 October
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Daily Mirror. 1959-1978.
"An American Dream," 26 October 1978.
"Belief," 15 October 1977.
Buckland, Christopher. "My Image--By Maggie. I'm Not So Posh," 7 February 1977.
"When Maggie Said 'No' to Her Husband," 1 September 1975.
Callan, Paul. "The Gingerman Profiles Paul Johnson, The Scourge of the TUG Bosses," 29 September 1976.
"Come Off It, Sir Keith!" 15 July 1976.
"Come On, Maggie," 10 October 1978.
"Come On Margaret . . . Make Up Your Mind!" 17 May 1976.
Delano, Anthony. "The Poor Old Rich by Thatcher," 16 September 1975.
Desborough, John. "Clamps Go On Credit," 9 June 1978.
______• "Dear Rebel . . ."10 November 1978.
"Get Ready for Poll on October 12, Maggie's Alert,"” 1 16 A June 1Q-701978.
• "Hanging Call to Maggie," 5 June 1978.
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______. "Heath Backs Jim on Pay," 12 October 1978.
"Immigration Now the Tories Spell It Out," 8 April 1978.
______. "Maggie Has Cure for the Night-Shift Blues," 8 February 1978.
______. "Maggie Swings Axe after Big Revolt," 9 November 1978.
______. "Maggie the Vote Poacher," 10 October 1978.
______. "Slap and Tickle from Mrs. T— Maggie Woos the Unions," 14 October 1978.
"Tories Tone Down Their Pay Policy," 13 March 1978.
______. "A Vote-Buying Storm over Tax Cuts," 18 February 1978.
Dwodney, Mark. "Maggie Men ’Split' Heath Stirs It up on Pay," 30 October 1978.
______. "The Tory Plan for Taming the Unions," 29 May 1978.
Ebbetts, Lesley. "Maggie's New Thatch! Trendy Mrs. T. Goes a Softer Shade of Blonde," 4 May 1976.
Evans, Jill, Margaret Hall, Richard Sear, Donald Walker, and David Wright. "Calling All Politicians both Labour and Tory Listen to the People," 26 September 1975.
Ferrari, Simon. "Confessions of the Iron Maiden--When I Go Home at Night and Cry!" 21 September 1978.
"Flood Street Blues," 21 September 1978.
Gibbs, Garth. "Maggie and the Unhappy Hooker," 27 November 1978.
Goodman, Geoffrey. "Maggie's Pie in the Tory Sky," 14 June 1978.
______• "Not the Right Policy, Mrs. T.," 15 June 1977.
______. "SOS! Bid for State Aid," 12 October 1978.
______. "Working for St. Margaret," 8 March 1978.
Haines, Joe. "Adoration of St. Margaret," 27 November 1978.
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______. "Close-Up Portrait," 20 March 1978.
"Hanging Plea by Maggie," 15 September 1978.
Head, Robert. "Healey Puts on the Big Squeeze," 9 June 1978.
"In Place of Peace," 30 May 1978.
"The Invisible Man Fades Away," 20 November 1976.
"It's not Fair Says Maggie," 29 November 1978.
Lancaster, Terence. "Analyses The Reason for the By-Election Sensation--Jim's Pitfall," 30 April 1977.
"The Boss Won't Be Pleased, Ted," 12 October 1978.
. "Dope Test for Tories," 9 June 1978.
. "Elementary, My Dear Margaret!" 16 June 1978.
"'Godiva' Thatcher Fails Her Test," 23 May 1975.
"Hello Brother Maggie Is out to Win Union Support," 15 October 1977.
. "Land of Soap and Tory !" 19 May 1978.
"The Opinion Poll that Tells It all--What Women Really Think of Mrs. Thatcher," 12 July 1978
"Pym's No. 1 in the New Maggie Team," 16 November 1978.
. "Sally's Slip Is Showing," 24 June 1977.
. "Taming of the Shrew," 18 July 1978.
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. "Thatcher Loses Poll Lead," 23 May 1978.
• " What Future Now for Ted the Pretender?" T c T J u n e 1975.
• "Will Maggie Mangle Ted?" 24 January 1975.
"A Letter to America," 22 September 1975.
"The Lion and the Mouse," 10 November 1978.
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"The Lion Tamer . . 16 June 1978.
Lyte, Charles. "Shake-Up for Schools," 14 October 1978.
"Maggie's False Front," 1 February 1978.
"Maggie's Race Pledge Rapped," 8 February 1978.
"Maggie's Thatcher," 5 May 1976.
"Maggie's Wind of Change," 29 June 1978.
"Margaret in Line for a Cabinet Post," 28 September 1964.
"Maudling Gets the Chop in Big Tory Shake-Up--Maggie Heads Right for Trouble," 20 November 1976.
"Mike Has Maggie off Pat," 10 January 1976.
"Mrs. T. in Wonderland," 14 July 1975.
"Mrs. Thatcher's Blues," 24 May 1978.
"New Awakening," 6 October 1976.
"New Plan to Halt Those Rising Rates," 15 October 1965.
"The New Tory Brainstorm," 29 May 1978.
"Nudge, Nudge, Blink, Blink, Look Who's Taking Forty Winks-- Maggie's Sleeping Partner," 10 October 1975.
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Palmer, Jill. "Mrs. T. Just Smiles the Blues Away," 25 March 1977.
Paterson, Peter. "Private Opinion--Are They Really Your MPs?" 9 September 1976.
Pattinson, Terry. "Close-Up--The Battle over Red Andy," 13 January 1977.
"People," 26 February 1976.
Political Cartoon. 18 April 1977.
"Political Mirror," 29 September 1976.
Predergast, Peter. "Maggie Race Vow," 15 July 1978.
Proops, Marje. "The Iron Maiden," 5 February 1975.
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"The Red Rag," 29 March 1978.
Rolls, John. "Challenger," 23 September 1959.
"Sinking to the Big Occasion," 14 October 1978.
"The Smile That Vanished," 12 October 1978.
Smylie, Patricia. "Night the Girls Stole the Show," 3 July 1978.
"Stop Taking the Mickey, Michael," 29 August 1978.
Stringer, Terence. "A Golden Show by Heseltine," 12 October 1978.
"Sunny Side Up," 16 May 1978.
"Thatcher Goes for a Soft Sell," 9 June 1978.
"Thatcher the New Tory Image," 12 February 1975.
Thompson, David. "Jim Gives the Top Workers a Pay Pledge," 16 June 1978.
"Jim's Challenge in Race Storm--HOW?" 1 February 1978.
. "Maggie Slams 'Do-Littles'," 31 August 1978.
. "Maggie to the Attack," 9 June 1978.
. "Pay Warning from Top Tories : We're Worried, Maggie!" 31 October 1978.
. "Race: Maggie Set To Unveil Plans," 13 February 1978.
• "Rebel Attacks Thatcher Plans," 26 January 1978.
• "Thatcher Hedges on Enoch," 13 February 1978.
, ' "Up the Poll--Unless It's in the Mirror," ^ F ’May 1978.
. "Wilson Sinks Mrs. T's Ship," 23 May 1975.
Todd, Roger. "Margaret's Battle Cry to Grocers," 18 February 1975.
"Tories Will Lose to Unions," 18 April 1978.
"Tory Attacks Maggie Over Race," 11 February 1978.
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"Tory Clap-Trap," 8 February 1978.
"The Truly Blue Song," 14 October 1977.
Waterhouse, Keith. "Bread and Circuses," 5 December 1974.
______. "Mrs. T. and Mr. World," 12 October 1978.
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"Ye Maggie Tea Shoppe," 7 June 1978.
Daily Post, 1977.
Rose, David. "Thatcher Steels Troops in Battle for Britain," 15 October 1977.
Daily Sketch, 1966.
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Able, Leslie. "Tories' New Leader Never Aloof, Says Farming Sister," 13 February 1975.
Alexander, Andrew. "Tough on a Bright Child," 13 February 1970.
Allan, James. "Lynch to Renew Attack after General Election, 16 June 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher Wins Welcome from Unionists," 20 June 1978.
"Ulster Views Mixed Over Thatcher Trip," 21 June 1978.
Amis, Kinglsey. "Fear of Benn," 8 January 1975.
"Anti-Market MPs Hail Callaghan. Sad Day for Europe Says Mrs. Thatcher," 7 December 1978.
"Anti-Thatcher Camp Angers Right-Wing Tories," 26 June 1976.
"Anti-Thatcher Campaign by Labour," 12 March 1977.
"Ask the People?" 26 July 1978.
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"Assembly Clash Rocks the Unity Boat," 8 October 1976.
"At Last My Fury Is Fading," 29 June 1959.
"Back to Toryism," 9 October 1975.
Baker, Blake. "Caution on Shopfloor Directors," 24 May 1978.
Ball, Dan, "I'll Be Next Premier, Says Mrs. Thatcher," 16 September 1975.
Ball, Ian. "Mrs. Thatcher Impresses U.S. Audience," 18 September 1975.
"Mrs. Thatcher Will Stress British Links with U.S.,' 8 September 1975.
______"Quaint Britain Must Go, Benn Tells U.S.," 20 February 1976.
Barber, Stephen. "America Looks to Mrs. Thatcher for Reassurance," 13 September 1975.
Barker, Godfrey. "Callaghan Misses the Queen's Ball," 21 April 1976.
______. "Mrs. Thatcher Ends Purge of Tory Candidate List," 12 June 1975.
______"Mrs. Thatcher's Team: 5, James Prior," 19 July 1978.
______. "Reading List 'For Freedom'," 3 July 1976.
______. "Right-Wingers Barred from Tory Selection," 17 March 1975.
"Selsdon View 'Suppressed by Party'," 9 Septem- her 1975.
""What Has Labour Done for You? Asks Conserva tive," 14 April 1978.
and Tony Conyers. "Labour Ousted by November," 27 May 1978.
Beeston, Richard, "Telegraph Attacked by Pravda," 9 May 1978.
"Behind Tory Tiffs," 23 June 1975.
Beloff,^Max. "Isolationism Is Dead, But . . ."23 December
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. "Bill of Rights for Assemblies Proposed by Conservatives," 17 January 1977.
Blaker, Peter. "Brussels No Factory for Europroducts," 7 April 1975.
Booker, Christopher. "But Politics Is Not Enough," 10 September 1977.
Boyne, H. B. "Differentials Backed by Mrs. Thatcher for Next Pay Policy," 24 February 1976.
______. "Four OPPOSE Mrs. Thatcher," 6 February 1975.
"Heath Still out of Top Tory Team," 16 January 1976.
"Mrs. Thatcher Cool and Critical on Devolution Plans," 14 January 1976.
. "Mrs. Thatcher Hits at Government's 'Mountainous' Debt," 21 February 1976.
. "Mrs. Thatcher Routs Rivals," 12 February 1975.
. "Mrs. Thatcher Will Face Leadership Criticism in Big Test at Tory Conference," 19 September 1975.
"The People Want Principle, Says Mrs. Thatcher," 21 February 1975.
. "Shining Mrs. Thatcher," 12 March 1976.
"Teachers' Pay Subsidy Will Lead Rates Reform," 29 August 1974.
. "Thatcher 'A' Team Named," 25 February 1975.
"Tory MPs Back Sir Keith as Leader," 14 October 1974.
• "Tory Split over Scotland," 15 January 1976.
'Whitelaw No. 2 but Heath Declines Post," 13 February 1975.
Boyson, Dr. Rhodes. "How Red Are Our Schools?" 16 October 1975.
Bray, H. L. "Defining Quango," 19 September 1978.
Bruce-Gardyne, Jock. "Mrs. Thatcher's Team: 3, Francis Pymn," 7 June 1978.
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"But What of Industry?" 12 April 1978.
Buton, Priscilla. "American Impression of Mrs. Thatcher," 8 October 1975.
Buxton, Nigel. "Thatcher Broadcast," 10 March 1975.
"Callaghan Pledge on Nurseries," 15 May 1978.
Carr, Winifred. "After Margaret Thatcher, Can Anyone Deny It; Middle-Aged Women Beat Men for Stamina?" 13 February 1975.
Clark, Alan. "How the Tories Can Turn the Tide," 7 October 1975.
"How Tories Must Respond to Britain," 15 November 1976.
Clark, George. "Devolution Bill to Be Published on Tuesday," 25 November 1976.
Coloured Smoke," 13 February 1978.
Comfort, Nicholas. "Cool It Heath Is Urged," 31 October 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher Keeping out of Referendum," 17 November 1978.
"Concern for Tory Image," 16 September 1975.
"Conservative Choice," 1 August 1958.
"Conservative Women Shed Fruit and Flower Hat Image," 17 May 1977.
"Conservatives and Labour Neck-And-Neck," 15 June 1978.
"Conservatism in the Right Direction," 11 May 1977.
Conyers, Tony. "Closed Shop Attack by Thatcher," 29 November 1978.
"Criticised Speech Was Mrs. Thatcher's Own." 15"March 1977.
"Enthusiasm Shown over Thatcher Political Broadcast," 10 June 1978.
. "Key Tory Hasn't Been Eased Out," 30 May 1978.
. "Many Tories Want Race to Be an Election
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"MPs Favour Total Ban On Immigrants Wishing To Settle With Families," 22 March 1978.
"Pay Negotiating Is Unions’ Job, Says Mrs. Thatcher," 1 February 1978.
. "Thatcher Support Waning," 7 June 1978.
"Thatcher Warns Of Squandering N. Sea Oil Wealth," 8 February 1978.
. "Tories Stick To Policy On Unions," 29 May 1978.
"Walker Steers A Middle Course On Pay Policy," 23 October 1978.
Coote, Colin R. "No Novelty," 4 February 1975.
Cosgrove, Patrick. "A Year When The Right Argued Back," 30 December 1975.
"The Cost Of Margaret Thatcher," 29 August 1974.
"Covering Ground," 15 May 1976.
Critchley, Julian. "The Way To Keep Mr. Benn Out," 10 July 1975.
Crozier, Brian. "When Marx Is Required Reading," 24 Feb. 1975.
Day-Lewis, Sean. "It's Margaret And Jim On The JY Prog," 20 February 1975.
Davies, Hugh. "Gift For Racialists' Condemned," 22 March 1978.
"Devolution By Stealth," 15 May 1976.
Dryden, Colin. "New Laws Threaten Camping," 10 November 1978.
Edmunds, Lynne. "Debate--It's All Part Of Family Life For Mrs. Thatcher," 11 December 1974.
"EEC Fishing Policy Deadlock, 16 June 1978.
"EEC Move To End Duty-Free Sales," 7 December 1978.
"Election Nerves," 2 June 1978.
"Entire Strategy Has Failed, Says Mrs. Thatcher," 12 April 1978.
"Euro-Conservatives, Unite!" 25 April 1978.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 275 " E u r o - P a u p e r s 7 December 1978.
"European Keynote," 18 February 1975.
"Family Matters," 25 May 1978.
Faulkner, Alex. "Margaret Thatcher, 49, Leader of The Conservative Party," 28 August 1975.
Field, Michael. "Six Nations Make Pact Viable," 7 December 1978.
"59 pc See Immigration As A Serious Problem," 6 February 1978.
Fleet, Kenneth. "City Comment--Jefferson,Smith,Thatcher, Wilson And Healy," 23 September 1975.
Fletcher, David. "Bleak Days Warning To Graduates," 25 March 1975.
"Tasks Waiting To Be Tackled By Heath's Cabinet Team--New Primary Schools Are Main Priority," 22 June 1970.
Floyd, David. "Rumania Visit A Success For Mrs. Thatcher," 3 September 1975.
"Fresh Attacks Tories Cheer Onslaught On Labour's 'Red Flag Rabble'," 8 October 1976.
"Front Bench Of Unknowns, Says Tory MP," 28 August 1976.
"Gala Show Visit For Princess," 20 May 1978.
"Gallup 61 pc 'Yes' To EEC," 22 May 1975.
"George Thomas Backed As Next Speaker," 23 January 1976.
"Getting To Know Mrs. Thatcher," 23 September 1975.
Gill, Peter. "Britain's Protest Limited," 19 May 1978.
______"Cairo Rolls Out Welcome Mat For Mrs. Thatcher," 8 January 1976.
_ . "Callaghan Backs Lords Abolition," 4 August 1978.
_ . "Callaghan Ready For Key Polls," 2 June 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher Tries To Calm Migrant Fears," 15 July 1978.
. "Referendum Plan To Aid Stability," 26 July 1978.
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. "Steel Unveils Plans To Curb A Tory Government," 2 June 1978.
. "Thatcher Pledge On Race Deal," 13 February 1978.
. "Tories In Row Over Powell," 13 June 1978.
"Tories Seek Poll Reform Referendum," 8 June 1978.
. "Tory Calls For Hanging Referendum," 5 June 1978.
"Tory Inquiry On Extending Use Of Referendum," 21 April 1978.
Griffin, Mark. "How Heath Keeps Party On The Rails," 23 October 1978.
Grigsby, John. "Beware Labour Votes Trap, Says Mrs. Thatcher," 6 February 1978.
"Guardians Of Freedom Are Journalists," 24 April 1976.
Hadley, Guy. "Socialist Aims In Tory Guise," 23 September 1975.
Harris, David. "Agency TV Film Puts Gloss On Tory Image," 18 May 1978.
. "Among The Poorest," 7 December 1978.
. "Callaghan Refuses To Answer," 17 November 1978.
. "Callaghan Wins By 5 Votes," 15 June 1978.
. "Commons Storm On Migrants--Callaghan Attacks Thatcher Speech," 1 February 1978.
"David Steel Insists On An Election," 24 June 1978.
"Dell Resignation May Force Tories To Change Team," 13 November 1978.
. "Hands Off Benn Warning," 7 June 1975.
"Heath Accused Of Spoiling Tory Victory Hopes," 18 November 1978.
. "Left MPs Wreck Debate," 8 December 1978.
. "London Falls To Tories," 6 May 1977.
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"Lord Home May Add To Thatcher Problems," 11 December 1976.
"Lords Impossible To Defend, Says Tory Committee," 21 March 1978.
"Maude Attacks Tory Interval Of Chaos," 26 March 1975.
. "MPs Demand Immigration Quotas," 22 March 1978.
. "MPs Scuffle In Commons," 28 May 1976.
. "Mrs. Thatcher Gives Promise To Make Dreams Come True," 1 March 1975.
"Mrs. Thatcher Sees Equality 'Mirage'," 16 Septem ber 1975.
"Mrs. Thatcher Sees Prices Leap Coming," 25 May 1978.
. "Nothing To Boast About," 18 February 1978.
"Oct. 12 Poll Alert By Mrs. Thatcher," 16 June 1978.
"Pardoe Compares Ulster Visit To Munich," 20 June 1978.
. "Prior Sways The Tories Confrontation Rejected; Fight For Safeguards," 12 October 1977.
. "St. John-Stevas Promoted In Reshuffle," 16 November 1978.
. "Stell's Men Play Hard To Get," 14 June 1978.
. "Thatcher Challenge To Voters Joint Interests With Unions," 15 October 1977.
. "Thatcher Poll Alert To Tories," 28 July 1978.
"Thatcher Scorn Revives Morale of Tories," T r " J u l y 1977.
"Tories Call For PR To Win Liberal Votes," 21 June, 1978.
"Tories Surprised At PYM 'Federal Option' Proposal," 24 July 1978.
. "Tory Cheers For Heath's Peace Sign," 7 October 1976.
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"Tory Troops Get Stand Easy In Election Alert," 31 December 1976.
"Varley's Salary Cut," 12 February 1976.
_. "Verdict On Healey Is Rather Dull," 12 April 1978.
_. "Wilson And Thatcher Hit Low Key," 23 May 1975.
"Hesseltine Top Of Tory Pops," 14 February 1977.
Hope, Alice. "No Chance For Women To Climb In Political Life," 21 May 1962.
Hutchinson, George. "Of Tycoons And Tories," 23 October 1978.
"I Was Wrong On Grant Schools Says Prentice," 12 October 1977.
"Industrial Revolution," 20 June 1978.
Izbicki, John. "Mrs. Thatcher Denounces Racist Slur," 13 April 1978.
______. "Oxford Attack On Minister's Plan For Social Universities," 8 October 1975.
______• ^Tory Leader Saved Open University," 10 April
______• "Why Dons Don't Trust Wilson," 9 June 1975.
Johnson, Frank. "Can They Co On Like This? Yes!" 9 April 1976.
______• "Cruel, To Quote What Jim Said," 14 June 1978.
______. "Day Three: Out Come The Nuts!" 1 April 1977.
"Getting Workers On The Board, More Or Less," 24 May 1978.
_. "The Greatest Living Example Of The Perils Which Await A Politician Interested In Ideas ..." 23 June 1978.
_. "A Man Who Knows His Tribes," 7 June 1978.
_i97^Nuance Is All As Heath Makes Peace," 7 October
"Off-TV Triumph For The Real Mrs. Thatcher," 9 October 1976.
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"Ongoing Dialogue Shrouded In Gloom," 8 June 1978.
"Unstabling In Its Massivity, This Crisis," 9 June 1978.
Johnson, Paul. "The Books That Creep Up On Me," 6 December 1975.
"Captives Of A Blind Idol," 24 September 1977.
"The Casanova Of The Queers," 2 July 1977.
"Church Unity: It Seems So Simple," 25 April 1975.
"A Classic Manipulator Of People, But A Bad Butcher Of Ministers," 17 March 1976.
"Death Of A True European," 4 December 1976.
"Do You Remember The Man Who . . . ?" 8 Novem ber 1975.
"A Dollar Come To Judgment," 4 February 1978.
"Doomsday Men Of Ecology," 4 June 1977.
"Food: Diplomacy By Other Means," 16 August 1975.
"Fraser, Tory In The Great Tradition," 1 February 1975.
"Hedonistic Hypotheses," 22 July 1976.
"How I Gave Up Smoking," 3 January 1976.
"Industrial Sickness Can Be Cured," 18 March 1976.
"Keep Your Place, Peasant!" 27 March 1976.
"A Nation Of Agnostics?" 13 September 1975.
"Oh Not-So-Lucky Jim," 4 March 1978.
"The Ordeal of Evelyn Waugh," 11 October 1975.
"Parliament That Hates Change," 1 March 1975.
"The Rape Of Arcady," 17 July 1976.
"Some Of Us Will Have To Go," 23 March 1975.
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______. "Strange Case Of The Anti-Benns," 4 January 1975.
______. "Tony's Ship Comes In," 19 June 1975.
"Tories With No Killer Instinct," 11 September 1976.
______. "The Tory Case: Substance That Transcends The Shadow," 12 June 1978.
______. "When No Privacy Is Left," 9 October 1976.
______. "When You're The Odd Man Out," 14 July 1976.
______. "Why Euroman Must Be Resisted," 29 March 1975.
______. "Why The Unions Are Paper Tigers," 5 August 1975.
______. "With Friends Like The Unions . . ."19 July 1975.
Joseph, Keith. "Purpose Of Centre For Policy Studies," 2 February 1976.
"Keeping Ministers Off CPA Executive," 2 May 1975.
"Kidnapper Murdered By IRA," 20 June 1978.
Knight, Peter. "BBC News Inquiry Sought," 18 July 1975.
"Labour Is Defeated Twice. Anniversary Coup For Mrs. That cher," 12 February 1976.
"Labour Plan GLC Estate Agency," 30 April 1977.
"Labour Scaremongering," 29 May 1978.
"Labour Stay Slightly Ahead In Latest Gallup Poll," 22 Jan uary 1976.
"Labour's Vendetta Against Success--Sense Of Despair Among Creators Of Wealth," 12 November 1976.
Last, Richard. "Robin Day As Champion Of The People," 10 October 1974.
"Last Of Heath's Men Replaced By Mrs. Thatcher," 20 January 1976.
Lewis, Russell. "Where Is The Body Of Conservatism?" 11 February 1976.
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"Lib-Lab Pact Not Helping Steel," 20 May 1977.
"London And 53 Counties At Stake In Local Polls," 6 May 1977.
"London Day By Day," 11 November 1959.
"London Day By Day," 15 October 1977.
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______. "Class Jibe For Mrs. Thatcher," 25 September 1975.
______. "Mrs. Thatcher Braves Mayor Daley's Feud," 23 September 1975.
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______. "Imagemaker Behind Mrs. Thatcher's Growing Assurance," 3 October 1975.
______. "Mrs. Thatcher Passes The Outback Test," 15 September 1976.
______. "Mrs. Thatcher Pays Tribute To Husband," 21 September 1976.
______. "Mrs. Thatcher's Good Sense Wins Australian Praise," 16 September 1976.
______. "NAAFI Win For Mrs. Thatcher," 23 January 1976.
______. "Russia Long Way Behind The West," 20 September 1976.
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"MP Swings Party Round To Europe," 25 April 1975.
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"Mrs. Thatcher Cheered By Tory MPs," 13 July 1977.
"Mrs. Thatcher Has Two Rules For Beauty," 22 May 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher Like Churchill, Says Russia," 4 February 1976.
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"Mrs. Thatcher Seen As Strong Personality," 24 October 1977.
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"Mrs. Thatcher's Critics," 23 May 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher's Hair No Topic For Mr. Heath," 29 March 1975.
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"Mrs. Thatcher's Plan," 29 August 1974.
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______. "Brussels Heals Split Over Aid Offer To Portugal," 18 July 1975.
______. "Thatcher Call To Link EEC Trade With Defence," 24 June 1978.
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______• "A Dream Of A Tory Triumph," 21 July 1977.
______. "Healey Disclaims Divinity," 16 November 1978.
______. "Hobson's Choice--Or What To Do About Immigra tion," 11 February 1978.
______• "Mrs. Thatcher's Team— 1: Sir Geoffrey Howe," 21 June 1978.
______. "Neat, Blue And Flawless," 17 March 1975.
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 8 4
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Perrlck, Eve. "Logical Materialism," 22 May 1975.
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"Powell Forecasts Revulsion," 4 June 1975.
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_ . "Millions Look To Tories For Their Freedom," 15 October 1977.
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"Selwyn Lloyd: He Survived Both Suez And MacMillan's Knife," 18 May 1978.
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"61 pc Back Controls On Wages," 21 July 1977.
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______. "Europe: The Choice Before Us," 4 June 1975.
______. "The Moral Basis Of A Free Society," 16 May 1978.
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"Tories For The Union," 20 June 1978.
"Tories, Inflation And Unions," 25 March 1975.
"Tories Raise Funds From Tea-Shops," 9 June 1978.
"Tories Ready To Face The Storm," 9 October 1976.
"Tories Road Back," 11 October 1975.
"Tories Slam BBC And Galbraith Economics," 28 March 1977.
"Tories Upset By Mrs. Thatcher’s Pay Speech," 29 November 1976.
"Tories Warn Euro MPs," 22 May 1978.
"Tory Asian Society Plans Race Seminar," 20 April 1976.
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______. "Pay Curbs Attacked By Joseph," 2 October 1976.
"Selsdon Group Oppose Subsidies For Parties," 14 March 1975.
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"Treasury And Economic Affairs," 20 April 1966.
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"Turn Left For Middle Way," 2 October 1978.
"Upheaval And Wide Dismay," 26 May 1966.
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______. "TV Victory By Mrs. Thatcher," 22 September 1975.
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_ . "Small Traders Threaten Tax Strike Over Labour Policies," 18 February 1975.
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_ . "Families Are In Fashion," 12 June 1978.
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"A Welcome Hand," 10 October 1975.
Welsh, Kathleen. "Shopping Basket Prices Point To 20 pc Inflation," 26 May 1978.
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______. "Heath Nails His Scottish Assembly Colours To The Mast," 7 December 1976.
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"Labour Played Ashfield 'Too Casually'," 30 April 1977.
______. "Mrs. Thatcher Faces Day of Insults," 16 June 1976.
"Mrs. Thatcher For Foreign Affairs Tour," 21 August 1976.
______. "Mrs. Thatcher's Impact Pleasing For Tory," 28 February 1976.
______. "Senior Tories Despair Over Heath's Sniping At Sir Keith," 10 July 1976.
______. "Swing Right For Shadow Cabinet," 20 November 1976.
______. "Thatcher Seeks Cut In Migrants," 29 April 1977.
______. "Tories Think Again Over Devolution," 1 April 1976.
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Dominion. 1976.
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"Mrs. Thatcher Tells The Americans," 16 September 1975.
"Mrs. Thatcher To Launch Trawler At Yarmouth," 15 June 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher's Sermon," 31 March 1978.
"Much Ado," 30 January 1976.
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"Tory Portents," 13 October 1978.
"Tub Thumped," 11 February 1978.
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"Fight Inflation United," 22 April 1978.
"Front Bench Form," 7 October 1978.
"A Full Day's Work," 14 February 1976.
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"Liberty, Inequality . . ."27 September 1975.
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"Shifts In Hue Of Red And Blue," 12 August 1978.
"Something Old, Something New," 1 March 1975.
"Special Children," 27 May 1978.
"A Stitch In Time," 28 August 1976.
"Swings, Marginals And Making Sense Of Many Parties," 10 June 1978.
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Afton, Richard. "Let Our MPs Take The Camera Test," 1 June 1978.
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______. "Maggie The Triumphant," 14 October 1977.
______. "Radio Maggie," 30 November 1978.
______. "Trust Us, Maggie Urges Unions," 13 October 1978.
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Johnson, Paul. "And For My Next 100 Days," 9 July 1976.
______. "Britain Is Waking Up Again," 25 March 1976.
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______. "Is Patriotism Such A Dirty Word?" 11 May 1977.
______. "Is There A Cynic In The House?" 19 May 1976.
______. "Oh, They’ve Got Plenty Of Nothing!" 20 July 1977.
______^^^"Try Gathering Some Democracy, Moss!" 27 April
______• "Why Jim Must Take The Royal Hint About Money," 22 June 1977.
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London, John. "Comic Time," 28 February 1962.
______. "Lucky 13," 12 October 1966.
Louis, Victor. "Maggie Egged On By China, Says Russia," 29 January 1976.
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______. "The Tories' Second Lady Is A Bow Belle," 28 April 1975.
McShane, John. "Mrs. T. Won't Talk To Us--Young Tories," 26 April 1976.
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"Maggie Plays It Cool," 1 June 1978.
"Maggie Welcomes Plans For The Queen's Jubilee," 20 February 1976.
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Miller, Compton. "Now Maggie Upsets The Carlton Club," 20 June 1978.
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"Now China Backs Thatcher Speech," 27 January 1976.
"Now Mrs. T. Gets It Right By Saying 'Ah'," 21 July 1977.
"The Old Live In Fear of Attack, Says Maggie," 24 May 1978.
"Only Fair, Mr. Healey," 12 April 1978.
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_ . "Bring Ted Back Into The Fold," 28 July 1977.
_ . "Maggie Goes Her Way," 10 October 1978.
_ . "Maggie Puts The Party Before Presents," 13 October 1978.
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"The Bow Group Elects First Woman Chairman," 22 April 1975.
Campbell, Jeremy. "Candid Maggie," 24 September 1975.
______. "How To Succeed As A Woman Without Really Crying," 12 February 1975.
______. "Maggie's Bigger Splash," 17 September 1975.
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"Heath Would Lead Tories To Landslide," 16 Novem ber 1978.
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"Liberals Wilt As Tories Go Ahead," 5 February 1976.
"Maggie; My Pay Promise," 16 October 1978.
"Maggie's Vision: Tax Cuts And Hard Work,"
"Must Maggie Be Quite So Prim . . . " 3 July 1978.
"1977 Is Maggie's Year!" 4 January 1977.
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"The Faces Change; The Balance Stays The Same," 16 November 1978.
Forgan, Liz. "The Right Tory At The Right Time?" 23 February 1977.
"The Funny Man Behind Mrs. Thatcher," 14 October 1977.
"Getting Better," 25 June 1975.
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Hawkey, Arthur. "Together We Can Do It Says Maggie," 26 September 1975.
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Johnson, Paul. "Breach Of Confidence," 27 February 1978.
______. "Goodbye To Brutalism," 21 November 1978.
______. "If Britain Stays In Will The U.S. Pull Out?" 19 May 1975.
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"Pollititis: Should We Stamp On It Now?" 14 March 1978.
"Tony Benn, The Nice Guy," 17 October 1978.
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______"Why You Really Can't Read All About It," 31 March 1978.
King, Michael and Simon Freeman. "Key Of The Door From Thatcher," 12 April 1978.
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Lambton. Lord. "Harold's Tory Allies," 9 July 1975.
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"Last Word . . . " 8 March 1976.
"Left, Right . . . " 2 June 1978.
"Londoner's Diary," 7 October 1976.
"Maggie Gets The Scent of Victory," 10 October 1978.
"Maggie, Ilford Tories, the Shadow Cabinet And Wrestling," 25 May 1978.
"The Make-Up Of Mrs. Thatcher's TV Performance," 6 March 1975.
"Margaret Thatcher," 13 October 1978.
"Margaret Thatcher's Double Dies," 17 June 1977.
"Men Have A Right To Their Clubs," 14 June 1978.
"The Men Who Don't Deliver," 31 March 1978.
"Middle Walker," 15 September 1978.
"Mike Takes Up The Challenge," 13 February 1975.
"Mrs. T Is Blooming," 17 November 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher Moves Out Of Office," 11 October 1976.
Murdin, Lynda. "Maggie And The Mobile Road Show . . ."17 February 1978.
"My Hair Style--By Maggie," 3 May 1976.
"The New Team," 20 February 1975.
"Opinions," 17 March 1978.
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Paterson, Peter. "When Nobody Wants To Know You," 25 April 1978.
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"Peter Walker's Unlikely House Guest: Mrs. T," 20 February 1978.
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"Who's In, Who's Out . . ."12 October 1978.
"Wish You Weren't Here!" 15 August 1977.
"Woman Barrister," 3 March 1958.
"The Woman Who May Represent U.S. In Britain," 5 January 1976.
"Word In Mrs. T's Ear--From Paul Johnson," 15 May 1978.
"The Word That Mr. Heath Did Use (Not Traitor)9 October 1975.
"Young People Who Don't Know The PM," 25 September 1978.
Express & Star, 1978.
Tart, Shirley. "Ready When You Are, Jim!" 7 September 1978.
Financial Times, 1975-1978.
Bourne, John. "Conference Gives The Tory Leaders A Rough Ride," 9 October 1975.
______. "Death Penalty Develops Into Political Issue," 29 November 1975.
"Heath Still Running For Leadership," 16 June 1975.
______. "Joseph Speaks Up For Profits And Incentive," 29 January 1975.
______. "Labour-Tory Talks On Ulster Policy," 11 Septem ber 1975.
______. "Major Rows Likely Over Queen's Wealth Documents," 24 February 1975.
" Mrs. Thatcher Fails To Spell Out Policy," 23 May 1975.
______. "Mrs. Thatcher To Meet Ford On U.S. Visit," 11 September 1975.
______. "Tories Buoyed By Opinion Poll," 7 October 1975.
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Servadio, Gaia. "Problem: How To Escape The Guard," 7 August 1975.
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______. "Could Shirley Ever Be Leader?" 1 August 1975.
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Brittan, Samuel. "Tories And Social Market Policies," 6 February 1975.
Buckley, William F. Jr. "A Mother For Parliament," 20 September 1975.
"Call For Conservatives To Reverse Socialism," 9 October 1976.
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______. "Thatcher Economy Cure," 12 July 1977.
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"Ministers Urge Callaghan To Postpone Election," 1 September 1978.
_. "Mrs. Thatcher: Callaghan Should Resign," 27 October 1976.
_. "Mrs. Thatcher Offers Olive Branch To Unions," 14 October 1978.
_. "Pardoe Launches Fierce Attack On Thatcher's Ulster Visit," 20 June 1978.
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_. "Thatcher Fires Tory Enthusiasm," 15 October 1977.
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"Thatcher Rules Out Wages Controls But Issues Warning," 11 October 1978.
______. "Thatcher Sets Out To Win Labour Voters," 10 October 1978.
______. "Thatcher's Right Move Attacked by Crosland," 27 September 1975.
______. "Thatcher's Two Vital Tasks," 6 October 1975.
______. "Tories Seek To Counter Food Prices Campaign," 25 January 1978.
______• "Tories Told To Push For Europe," 17 April 1975.
______. "Tory Reform Group Denies Anti-Thatcher Motive," 22 September 1975.
______• "Walker Calls For Big Tory Assault," 25 May 1978.
______. "Young Tory MPs To Join Front Bench," 25 February 1975.
______and Rupert Cornwell. "Four Men Are Launched On The Way Up . . .And One Brussels-Bound," 20 Wovem- ber 1976.
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______. "Little Sound--Less Fury," 11 October 1978.
______. "Maintaining The Balance Between Left And Right," 16 November 1978.
______. "Two Tories Leave Front Bench As 114 Rebel Over Sanctions," 9 November 1978.
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Hunt, John. "Heseltine Claims Collapse Of Chancellor's Policies," 8 October 1976. ______. "Scottish Assembly Plan," 1 April 1978.
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"Mrs. Thatcher Re-Elected," 5 December 1975.
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______. "Thatcher Starts Scottish Campaign," 31 August 1978.
Raws to m e , Philip. "Avoid Clash With Unions, Thatcher Warned," 18 April 1978.
______. "Commons Row On New Farm Tenancy Proposals," 27 February 1978.
______. "Commons Succumbs To Election Fever," 22 February 1978.
______. "The Denis Healey Show Makes Easy Listening," 12 April 1978.
______. "Howe Calls For Fairer System Of Income Tax Allowances," 25 May 1978.
______. "Liberals Take Tougher Line On National Insur ance," 16 June 1978.
______. "Poll Will Be Tough--Thatcher," 6 February 1978.
______. "Premier Warns On Tory Campaign," 28 July 1978.
______. "Protest Vote Could Grow, Says Biffen," 7 October 1976.
______. "Tories Attack Thatcher Pledge," 29 November 1976.
______. "Tories Press Leaders For Unions Policy," 30 May 1978.
______. "Tories Shaken By Fierce Callaghan Attack On Thatcher," 26 July 1978.
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______. "Ministers Act To Save Budget Strategy," 9 June 1978.
Rogaly, Joe. "The Case For A Bloodless Revolution," 18 April 1978.
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Rutherford, Malcolm. "City Side-Lights On The Conservatives," 22 September 1978.
______. "A Funny Way To Run A Shadow Cabinet," 10 February 1978.
______. "Labour: Steering With the Electoral Tide," 26 May 1978.
______. "The Opposition Blues," 5 May 1978.
"Political Will-O'-The-Wisp of Growth," 15 Septem ber 1978.
______. "Putting Disraeli Into Blue Jeans," 30 June 1978.
______. "Two Parties, But A Common Mood," 13 October 1978.
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"Thatcher Offers Collective Bargaining," 14 October 1978.
"Thatcher Urges Unity Against Marxism," 25 April 1978.
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Tonge, David. "Ten Arrests As Nixon Is Welcomed At Oxford," 1 December 1978.
"Tory Bloomer," 8 December 1978.
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Winsbury, Rex. "Tory Trumpet Voluntaries," 23 March 1978.
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______. "Thatcher To Bring Out Big Guns For Hamilton," 15 May 1978.
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Kelly, Molly. "Janet Brown - 'I Don't Analyse My Subjects-- They Simply Register With Me . . .," 7 September 1976.
Laing, Allan. "Labour Leaders Slam Tory Ideas On Unions."
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"Thatcher Faced With Assembly Backlash," 1 April 1976.
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______. "Inside Politics," 12 June 1978.
______. "Thatcher Retreat On End To Immigration," 13 February 1978.
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ______. "Tories Try To Damn With Faint Praise," 31 August 1978.
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"Tories Losing Urban Support," 19 January 1976.
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"West Clears Path to Test Ban Treaty," 7 June T 9 T8.
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______. "Grassrooting," 5 June 1978.
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Brumraer, Alex. "Healey Squeezes the Banks to Curb Market Jitters," 9 June 1978.
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"Commentary by Peter Jenkins," 25 March 1977.
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Crowther-Hunt, Lord. "Drawing the Sting of the English Backlash," 11 May 1976.
______. "The Expert Drive," 20 May 1977.
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"Gareth Parry On Airey Neave and David McKie on the Thatcher Press Circus," 12 February 1975.
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______. "Tories in Dilemma Over Schools Loophole," 13 October 1978.
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______. "Guardian Diary," 9 March 1977.
______. "Guardian Diary," 2 August 1977.
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______. "Foot Puts Heat on Rebel MPs," 9 December 1978.
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. "Labour Bars Its MPs from Europe," 13 June 1978.
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. "Libs Set to Give Way on Petrol," 2 April 1977.
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______. "Blackpool Commentary," 10 October 1975.
______. "Brighton Commentary," 12 October 1978.
______. "Hail to the Chief," 14 October 1978.
______. "Patriotism Is Easier to Grasp Than Monetarism, But Can Mrs. Thatcher Play the Great Patriot's Role? She Will Be Up Against A Very English-Sounding English man . . .," 28 July 1978.
______. "Thatcher's Audition for the No. 10 Footlights," 10 October 1978.
______. "Tories Reject Handing Referendum" 20 June 1978.
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"Pressure On To Defeat Abortion Bill," 21 February 1977.
Mackie, Lindsay, Michael White and Dennis Johnson. "Majority Call for Return of Death Penalty," 12 October 1978.
______. "Mr. Heath Does It His Way," 12 October 1978.
______. "Stormy Passage for Davies on Rhodesia Issue," 12 October 1978.
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______. "Ten Days in the Life of Mrs. T," 25 January 1975.
______. "Thatcher Cool on Coalition," 17 May 1975.
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Palmer, John. "Market to Fight for Open EMS," 7 December 1978.
"Thatcher Urges NATO and the EEC to Develop Closer Links," 24 June 1978.
Parkhouse, Geoffrey. "Inside Politics," 15 May 1978.
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______. "Thatcher Hammers Home Her Equality Point," 7 October 1975.
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______. "Whitelaw Saves The Day," 9 October 1975.
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 2 1
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Shrapnel, Norman. "Maggie Swims Out Of View," 23 May 1975.
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_ . "Mrs. T's Day as Modesty Blazes," 12 March 1975.
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Liverpool Daily Post. 1960-1978.
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Tindall, Gillian. "What’s So Special About Being A Woman, 14 April 1975.
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______. "Has Maggie Got a Glass Jaw?" 15 October 1978.
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______. "Paul the Disenchanted," 11 September 1977.
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______. "Can the Centre Hold for Jim?" 28 March 1976.
______. "A Doubly Sad Day for Peter Jay," 15 May 1977.
______. "The Cut-Price Statesmen," 17 April 1977.
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______. "Hard Pounding for Dauntless Denis," 19 November 1978.
______. "Jim and Ted Strike a Chord," 5 November 1978.
______. "Maggie, Queen of Hearts," 15 October 1978.
______. "Maggie's Moment to Be Bold," 12 November 1978.
______. "The Man Who Counts Most with Maggie,"
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"Time You All Paid up Lads . . ,"12 November ------1978.
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Scotsman, 1963-1978.
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Ascherson, Neal. "Great Britannia Thatcher," 15 May 1978.
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Foster, William. "Television Takes a Look at Itself," 16 July 1977.
Fry, Michael. "Give Us the Economic Tool," 25 June 1974.
______"Lord Lyon Cuts Life Peer Down to Size," 7 February 1977.
______. "A Meditation on our Times," 17 March 1978.
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"Tory Leader Speaks up for Family Firms," 22 May 1975.
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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. "Unfair to Antis," 12 April 1978.
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Scottish Daily Express, 1978.
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______. "The Several Ages of Johnson," 21 October 1978.
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______. "The End of the Affair," 24 June 1978.
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______. "On Coalitions, Union Power and the Control of Money," 11 October 1975.
______. "The End of 'Right' and 'Left'," 22 April 1978.
______. "Parliamentary 'Phone-In'," 20 May 1978.
______. "Secular Maggiolatry," 25 March 1978.
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______. "A Few Pathetic Fallacies," 24 June 1978.
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"No Nearer to Downing Street," 30 July 1977.
"Nonchalanguage--The Anatomy of Political Jokes," 16 July 1977.
"Notebook," 27 May 1978.
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Akass, Jon. "British Queue Show Those Foreigners a Thing or Two," 10 November 1978.
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Bonner, Hilary. "Margaret Thatcher Could Be on Her Way to No. 10 Downing St. According to a Startling New Survey," 6 October 1975.
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"Maggie Praises Staff at Grunwick," 12 July T 9 7 7 .
. "Maggie’s Blitz! London Belongs to the Tories-- and the Rest of Britain, too," 6 May 1977.
"Maggie's Huge Snub for Maudling," 19 February "T576.
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. "Mrs. Rising Price!" 25 January 1978.
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"Pardoe's Amazing Attack on Maggie," 20 June 1978.
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______« "The Women Who Will Make or Break Mrs. Thatcher, 13 February 1975.
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______. "Sunny for Jim," 24 May 1978.
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Fingleton, Eamonn. "Cash Shock over Big Jim's Spree," 19 May 1978.
"Ford on the Blacklist," 24 November 1978.
Game, Peter. "Margaret Backs Shop Rebels," 18 February 1975.
Gay, Michael. "Wakey, Wakey, Maggie!" 7 June 1978.
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Kay, John. "It's Going to be Hell Says Denis," 25 April 1977.
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______. "Speechless! Jim Is Lost for Words as Maggie Asks : How Will You Make the 5% Stick," 7 November 1978.
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"Maggie Blasts Pardoe," 21 June 1978.
"Maggie Fan Bursts Into Song," 18 July 1975
"Maggie Gets Her Hair Cut!" 4 May 1976.
"Maggie Gives Walker a Recall," 17 August 1978.
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"Maggie Raps Our 'Raw Deal'," 31 August 1978.
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______. ""Murray v. Maggie," 20 May 1978.
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"By Maggie," 9 June 1978.
"Dear Jim— Your Humbug Is Difficult to Stomach-- Sincerely, Peter Walker," 3 July 1978.
"I'm Not Alone Says Ted— Yes You Are, Prior Hits Back," 30 October 1978.
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______. "Geoffrey Gets the Top Job," 13 October 1978.
______. "Has Jim Missed the Boat?" 16 June 1978.
______. "Margaret Plans U.S. Invasion," 24 June 1977.
______. "Revealed; The Path of Retreat," 22 July 1977.
______. "Set the People Free!" 22 February 1978.
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"The Switch That Split the Tories," 19 December T?76.
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Terry, Walter. "Chaos in the House," 8 December 1978.
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. "Maggie Goes a Wooing," 10 October 1978.
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. "A Shock Right Turn in Sweden Boosts Maggie," 21 September 1976.
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Walker, Iain. "When an Iron Lady Sheds a Tear or Two," 21 September 1978.
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Johnson, Paul. "I Salute the Amazing Margaret," 26 February 1978.
Lord, Graham. "Why Mrs. Thatcher Kissed an MP in the Commons," 25 November 1978.
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______. "A Blazing Row Before the Queen's Speech," 8 May 1977.
______. "Maggie Thatcher's No. 1 Man Loses His Wife," 24 October 1976.
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"Powell Slams 'Pygmies' Who Ignore Race Problems," 11 June 1978.
"Pulling Up The Ladder," 16 October 1977.
Renshaw, Keith. "Mrs. Thatcher Rouses Tories for October Poll," 25 July 1976.
______. "Mrs. Thatcher Savages Liberals," 13 June 1976.
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Spark, Ronald. "Isn't This What You Want for Your Children?" 21 September 1975.
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______. "It's Your Freedom They Hate," 23 November 1975.
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Basnett, David. "No, We Don't Misuse Our Power," 3 Septem ber 1978.
"Buchan^^Alasdair. "Maggie Hogs the Limelight," 9 February
Carr, Jean. "Class of 41--Class of 75," 9 February 1975.
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Hendry, Tom. "Winner By A Head," 16 October 1977.
Knight, Victor. "Heath Is A Mr. Nobody Says Jim," 16 October 1977.
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"Maggie Pledge to Curb Thugs," 11 June 1978.
"Maggie to Clinch It In March," 24 July 1977.
"Maggie's Mouse," 12 March 1978.
"Maggie's Race Rebels," 12 February 1978.
"Pay and Race Slap for Maggie," 5 February 1978.
"Thatcher On the Winter Warpath," 21 November 1976
"The World's Most Exclusive Club," 24 April 197
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"Maggie Is No Pushover For The Unions," 16 October 1977.
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"Unholy Alliance," 15 October 1978.
"A Very Silly Broadcast," 25 June 1978.
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Wyatt, Woodrow. "Brave Maggie Puts the Future First," 10 December 1978.
Sunday Telegraph. 1971-1978.
"Albany at Large," 15 August 1976.
Bagnall, Nicholas. "Still No One Right Road to Reading," 12 January 1975.
______. "The Making of Mrs. Thatcher," 1 April 1972.
Beloff, Max. "Why Mrs. Thatcher Is Right," 21 May 1978.
Berrington, Hugh. "What Mrs. Thatcher Must Do To Win," 25 June 1978.
Berry, Adrian. "Mrs. Thatcher Given Ovation," 9 February 1975.
"Thatcher Call to Moderates Wins Ovation," 2 March 1975.
"Blackpool Reflections," 16 October 1977.
Brodie, Ian. "Tax Cuts Man for Britain," 10 December 1978.
Conyers, Tony. "Smell of Success in the Air," 20 March 1977.
"Cutting Class," 1 June 1975.
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______. "How Mrs. T. Caught the Tide," 13 March 1977.
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"Five Words Mrs. Thatcher Must Say," 19 January T5 7 5 .
"How Healey Blew It," 12 November 1978.
"Living Through a Long, Hot Summer," 4 June 1378
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Johnson, Paul. "Has Labour Abandoned the People?" 16 July 1978.
______• "The Year of Desperate Remedies," 8 January 1978.
Johnstone, Violet. "Why Margaret Has Got It Right," 1 Decem ber 1974.
Kirkham, Norman. "Desai Rebukes Thatcher on Immigration," 11 June 1978.
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Laurence, Charles and Nicholas Roe. "How Quangos Keep Spawning," 18 June 1978.
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"Party Lines," 3 September 1978.
"Party Out of Touch, Says Tory," 12 November 1978.
Political Cartoon. 25 September 1977.
"Powell Warning on Race Violence," 11 June 1978.
"Prior Backs Pay Controls," 12 March 1978.
"Prior Explains 'Cool It' Call," 5 November 1978.
"Proclaim the Message: Keynes Is Dead!," 11 July 1976.
Purser, Philip. "A Lady of E.E.C. Virtue," 23 March 1975.
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______. "No Silver Spoons in the Thatcher Story," 12 December 1976.
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"Thatcher 'No' to Heath," 24 April 1977.
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______"Thatcher Warning of 'Labour Trap' at Polls," 5 February 1978.
"Two Hee-Haws for Democracy," 11 June 1978.
"Unions Erode Rule of Law: Thatcher," 7 May 1978.
Waller, Ian. "Callaghan Keeps Nation Guessing," 3 September 1978.
______. "Dilemma for Tory MPs Who Seek Euro Seats," 21 May 1978.
______. "Heath's Backers Rally to Fend off Challenge," 26 January 1975.
______. "Mrs. Thatcher to Reshuffle Front-Bench Team Maudling Doubts," 12 October 1975.
______. "Thatcher Faces Row in Party," 28 May 1978.
______. "Thatcher Firm on Picketing," 3 July 1977.
"Thatcher in Firm Call for Supremacy Over Unions," 7 May 1978.
"Thatcher Rules Out PR Deal with Liberals," 4 June 1978.
"Thatcher to Call for Party Unity," 15 October 1978.
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"Why the Rope Could Hang the Tories," 11 June T978.
"Why Mr. Callaheath Can Call the Tune," 2 Novem- 1978.
"Why They Bow to Socialist Sahibs," 4 June 1978.
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Sunday Times (London), 1959-1978.
"Aggro-Dons and Our Misguided Universities," 8 May 1977.
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Blundy, David. "Conversion of Paul?" 14 August 1977.
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______. "How I Plan to Govern," 8 May 1977.
______. "How Right Is Right to Mrs. Thatcher?" 16 Febru ary 1975.
______. "Is It Mrs. Thatcher Who Is More in Touch?" 28 May 1978.
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Fay, Stephen. "Mrs. T Assessed . . . by the Man on the Train by the Man at the Pub by the Party Worker," 3 Septem ber 1978.
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______. "Squeeze on Thatcher," 11 June 1978.
Fryer, John. "Whitehall to Vet Pay Deals," 24 July 1977.
Hall, Allan. "Look! Friends : First of a Series," 14 November 1971.
Holden, Anthony. "Jonathan, Maggie and Bel," 9 April 1978.
______. "The Scion Also Rises," 28 May 1978.
"How Extreme Is Mrs. Thatcher?" 4 June 1978.
Hugo, Hugo. "Margaret As Seen from America, Denmark and Sweden--We Know About the Hair-Do's, But What About the Politics?" 16 February 1975.
Jacobs, Eric. "Britain's Government: The Role of Union Power," 23 April 1978.
"Jeremy Thorpe: Living with the Smear," 18 April 1978.
"Jim's Triumph," 11 June 1978.
Johnson, Paul. "All of a Sudden Margaret Thatcher Is Looking Like a Real Prime Minister," 24 July 1977.
______. "In Defence of the Middle Class," 8 May 1977.
Jones, Michael. "Benn Set on Collision Course," 12 November 1978.
"Callaghan Leads A Charge On Thatcher," 16 October 1977.
"Libs Ready for New Pact After Poll, Says Steel," 21 May 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher Will Try to Cool Race Debate, 12 February 1978.
"Thatcher Goes Into Battle," 11 June 1978.
"Tories Ignore Call for Free Wage Bargaining," 12 March 1978.
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"Tories Out to Get Jim as Thatcher Popularity Dips," 6 November 1977
"Tory Plan 'Blueprint for Industrial Civil W a r ' 28 May 1978.
. "We'll Act to Stop Threats by Unions, Says Thatcher," 7 May 1978.
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Kellner, Peter. "Poll Clues to the Callaghan Comeback," 4 June 1978.
Marks, Derek. "Tea and Sympathy with Mrs. Thatcher," 1 December 1974.
"Mrs. Thatcher's People," 16 February 1975.
"The No. 1 Issue for the West," 25 June 1978.
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Peters, Pauline. "The Tidy Mind of Margaret Thatcher," 20 August 1978.
Political Cartoon. 10 October 1976.
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Potter. "The False Glitter of the God-Slot," 24 October 1976.
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Schapiro, Renie and Nicholas Carroll. "What US Thinks of Mrs. Thatcher," 28 September 1975.
Scully, Michael and Margaret. "Against Abortion--A Socialist View of Life," 17 April 1977.
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"Student Leaders Condemn Insult to Keith Joseph," 12 Decem ber 1976.
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"Thatcher Ends Lull with All-Out Attack on Labour, " 15 June 1975.
"Thatcher-Heath Rift Widens," 22 June 1975.
"Tony Holden with the Thatcher Entourage in China," 17 April 1977.
"Vote Family!," 28 May 1978.
"Wanted: A Tory Haines," 5 June 1977.
Watson, George. "Our Socialist Tories," 28 November 1976.
"The Women of Our Choice," 19 May 1974.
Young, Hugo. "Can a Party Be Sold Like Soap-Powder?," 21 May 1978.
"The Chamber of Horrors Comes Alive," 28 May 1978.
. "The Middle Class Defectors," 9 January 1976.
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"What Does Jim Callaghan Believe In?," 11 June I W 8 .
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"Accent on Youth in Thatcher Second Tier," 25 February 1975.
"Adam Smith and Marx," 27 July 1977.
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"Anniversary Television Interview Shows Mrs. Thatcher as Wily Opponent," 6 February 1976.
Berthoud, Roger. "Making Whitehall a Happier Hunting Ground for Foreign Correspondents," 17 February 1977.
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"Better Than Blackpool," 14 October 1978.
"Brighton Underlines The Tories' Belief That They Have Found The Right Approach," 9 October 1976.
"British Still In Wilderness, Mrs. Thatcher Says," 3 November 1977.
Brocklebank-Fowler, Christopher. "Making the Conservatives Look Fit to Rule," 26 April 1978.
"Business Diary : Debt of Honour. RTZ and Its Critics," 25 May 1978.
Butt, Ronald. "The Aristocracy of the Left May Be Labour's Worst Enemy," 27 July 1978.
"Cotton Wool Clouds Pile Up Over Brighton,” 12 October 1978.
. "If Socialism Has Failed, What Is the Genuine Political Alternative?," 21 July 1977.
"IS There a Political Future for the Liberals, 12 February 1976.
. "An Olive Branch for the Public Rather Than the Unions," 4 March 1976.
"What Will the New Tories of Ashfield Think of This Dogma Gone Mad?," 5 May 1977.
______"When Is a Tory Ideologist Not An Ideologist?" 20 October 1977.
"Cabinet Deal Dismissed by Transport Union Chief," 9 June 1978.
"Callaghan Attack on Tory Leader's View of Britain," 20 September 1975.
"Campaign Aims Spelt Out," 22 June 1978.
Castle, Barbara. "The Right to Work Is the Best Manifesto," 17 November 1976.
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"Change in Election Method for New Speaker Today," 3 February 1976.
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"Christians in Russia," 1 November 1973.
"Churches' Aid to Guerrillas: Choosing Whom to Help," 22 September 1970.
Clark, George. "Colour Bar in Tory Clubs Condemned by Mrs. Thatcher," 14 February 1977.
______"Election May Be Far Off, Tory Leader Is Told," l3 October 1976.
______. "Heath Views on Pay Defended," 23 October 1978.
"Mr. Callaghan Gives an Assurance on Interests of Non-Union Employees," 24 May 1978.
"Mr. Peter Walker Woos the Working Class," 11 October 1978.
. "Mr. Pym Adds Foreign Affairs to Shadow Role," 21 October 1978.
. "Mr. Short and Left Wing in Dispute on Queen's Freedom of Choice," 11 May 1974.
"Mr. Smith Urges Liberals to Stay Free," 3 June "1978.
. "Mrs. Thatcher Sees Poll Results as Pointer to End of Lib-Lab Pact," 30 April 1977.
. "Sir Keith Joseph Wants to 'Rub the Labour Government's Noses in Their Failures' as Parliament Returns," 13 October 1975.
. "Thatcher Warning of Tax 'Catch'," 18 February 1978.
"Tories Considering Referendum on Hanging," 5 June 1978.
• "Tories Pledge Their Support," 29 April 1977.
"Tories Table Motion of No Confidence in the Government," 19 March 1977.
"Tories 'Wait and See' on Devolution," 7 January ~vm.
"Tories Will Divide Commons on Prices Bill, But Avoid Direct 'No' Vote," 26 April 1977.
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"Tory Leader Finds Poll a Strange Paradox," 27TApril 1975.
Clayton, Hugh. "Farmers: Tax Paid on Profits Will Be Reduced," 12 April 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher Says Family Farmer Is Obstacle to Increasing State Power over Individuals," 25 January 1978.
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Connell, Brian. "Mrs. Thatcher Speaks Her Mind," 9 May 1977.
"Conservative Party Conference/Brighton," 7 October 1976.
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"Conservative Party Posts," 31 May 1978.
"Conservative Policy-Making," 2 June 1978.
"Conservatives Accused by Pravda of Trying to Undermine Detente," 9 May 1978.
"Conservatives Delighted by Soviet Response," 26 January 1976.
"Conservatives Triumph in Greater London and Metropolitan Counties," 6 May 1977.
"Conservatives Triumphant in Greater London and Metropolitan Counties," 7 May 1977.
Coren, Stephen. "Sir Keith Joseph Ejected by Students," 11 December 1976.
Critchley, Julian. "How the Bow Group Lost its Tinge of Pink and Became True Blue," 17 March 1976.
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Emery, Fred. "After Brighton: the Tories Must Prove They
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Can 'Get It Right'," 14 October 1978.
"Behind the Scenes of the Big TV Debate," 22 July 1978.
. "Can the Tories Stop the Rot?" 20 May 1978.
"Close Vote Expected on Tory Censure," 14 June 1976.
. "Conservative Pledge to Keep Faith with Immi grants," 13 February 1978.
. "Conservatives Return to the Attack on Income Guidelines and Sanctions Against Companies," 10 February 1978.
"Counting the Profits that Came from the Pact," 27 May 1978.
. "Every Person Must Be Made a Capitalist, Mrs. Thatcher," 12 June 1978.
. "Immigration Is down by a Quarter, Prime Minister Says," 1 February 1978
. "Labour 5-Vote Win after Liberals Are Taken to Brink of July Poll," 15 June 1978.
. "More Cut and Thrust as the Prime Minister and Mrs. Thatcher Warm up for Election," 28 July 1978.
"Move for Reform of Voting System," 24 May 1978.
"Mr. Healey Aims Tax Cuts Chiefly at Lower Paid," 12 April 1978.
. "Mr. Powell Attacks Tories on Immigration," 19 May 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher Feels She Has Won International Acceptance," 26 September 1975.
. "Mrs. Thatcher Sees Indications that Britain Will Choose Party of Hard Work and Sacrifice," 20 September 1975.
. "Mrs. Thatcher Sees October 12 General Election Day as Result of Labour's 5-Vote Escape," 16 June 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher's Pledge to Restore Free Wage Bargaining," 14 October 1978.
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"Mrs. Thatcher's Surprise Praise for Herr Schmidt," 24 September 1975.
"Risky Speech with a Sombre Theme," 15 October 1977.
"Scots Tories Rally to Thatcher Creed and Election Challenge," 15 May 1978.
. "Sir Keith Adds to Divisions over Tory Incomes Policy," 13 October 1978.
. "Tory Chief's Call to Back Press Freedom," 29 November 1978.
"Tory Leader Maintains Pay Policy Reform," 11 October 1978.
. "Tory Leaders Angered as Mr. Heath Backs Pay Guidelines," 12 October 1978.
. "Urgent Commons Economy Debate," 9 June 1978.
"Will Anyone But Mrs. Thatcher Remember Last Tuesday?" 29 July 1978.
"Europe 'Gives Us Security'," 20 May 1975.
"Europe or Commons for Tories," 16 June 1978.
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______. "Immigration Analysis Suggests that Moves to Cut the Inflow Might Clash with Commitments," 1 February 1978.
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Fishlock, Trevor. "George Thomas--Neutrality Instead of Controversy," 9 February 1976.
______"Mrs. Thatcher Drops Criticism of Labour's 'Power Maniacs' from Cardiff Speech," 14 June 1975.
Fletcher, Raymond. "Mr. Johnson Must Have Forgotten His History," 19 September 1977.
"The Four Nations of the UK," 23 October 1975.
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"Gallup Says Tory Lead Has Dropped by 1 per cent," 21 April
Geddes, Diana. "Mrs. Thatcher Jeered over Immigrant Issue," 13 April 1978.
"Germany's Conservatives," 25 May 1976.
Glynn, Prudence. "What the Think Tank Never Thought," 4 May 1978.
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"Government Opts for PR in Europe Vote," 17 June 1977.
Groser, John. "Mrs. Thatcher Espouses the Joseph Credo," 2 July 1975.
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Grylls, Michael. "A Conservative Industrial Policy for Britain," 16 May 1977.
Hatfield, Michael. "Concern to Keep Pact with Liberals," 17 June 1977.
"Constitution Reform to Be in Labour Manifesto," 20 March 1974.
. "Labour Move Against Dual MPs," 13 June 1978.
. "Mr. Callaghan Shows His Stamina During Tour of Northwest," 15 May 1978.
. "Mrs. Thatcher Asks Labour Moderates to Join Tories," 10 October 1978.
. "Mrs. Thatcher Removes Moderate from Top Job," 29 May 1978.
. "Thatcher Challenge on Tax," 17 May 1978.
. "Tory Party Struggle over Policy-Making Blamed for Damaging Disclosures," 30 May 1978.
. "Walker Speech Thaws Tory Freeze," 20 May 1978.
Hennessy, Peter, "American Economist Has a Plan for
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Mrs. Thatcher,” 27 April 1978.
"Changes Mrs. Thatcher May Make at No. 10," “ 2T"May 1977.
. "Group of Crusading Reformers Intent on a British Freedom of Information Act," 6 June 1978.
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______. "Tory Lawyers Review official Secrets Question," 15 June 1976.
"The High Ground of Politics," 4 October 1975.
Hornsby, Michael. "Mrs. Thatcher Calls for EEC-NATO Alii ance Against Soviet Threat," 24 June 1978.
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"How to Stop the Government Machine Running out of Control," 12 April 1977.
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______. "Twin Pulpits Clash of Pundit and Politician," 16 December 1970.
Huckerby, Martin. "New Constitutional Post for Lord Crowther-Hunt," 24 January 1976.
Hutchinson, George. "Going Back to the Back Benches," 1 March 1975.
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. "The Tories Must Rally Round Mrs. Thatcher and Prove They Are Fit to Govern," 2 October 1976.
"Why the Tories Have Climbed on the Friday Bandwagon," 16 August 1975.
"Idea for Payment by Installments," 15 October 1968.
"Immigration Figures," 10 February 1978.
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"It's the- Fools, Not the Don't Knows Who Scare the Daylights out of Me," 18 October 1977.
Johnson, Paul. "How Long before the Unions Are Saved from Their Leaders?" 23 March 1978.
"The Passion for Unity that Rules Mr. Callaghan," 28 September 1976.
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Joseph, Sir Keith. "'The Age of Uncertainty'," 1 April 1977.
______. "Corporation and Freedom," 9 June 1976.
"Economics Need not Lead to Inhumanity," 25 February 1976.
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Kershaw, Ronald. "Labour Defend Record," 28 April 1977.
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"Labour Has 4.9 per cent Opinion Poll Lead over Tories," 23 May 1978.
"Labour Policies after the Election," 7 June 1978.
"Labour Seek Assurances over the Constitution," 8 April 1974.
Lambton, Lord. "Time for the Tories to Drop Their Petty Differences," 12 January 1976.
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Leigh, David. "Tories Revolt on Devolution Policy for Scotland and Form 'Keep Britain United' Group,"
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10 May 1976.
. "Tory Councils Told to Run Down Scale of Local Government," 9 May 1977.
"Tory Women Hear French Views on Liberation," April 1975.
"Ulster MPS' Leader Sees Strike as 'Putsch' Attempt," 5 May 1977.
Levin, Bernard. "Electoral Reform: Let's Have a Referendum" 7 June 1978.
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Longley, Clifford. "Organized Christianity 'Now of Pinkish Hue'," 10 July 1978.
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Mackintosh, John P. "Government Limits," 15 May 1978.
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Macintyre, Donald. "'Major Step Forward' Unions Say," 24 May 1978.
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Martin, Paul. "Tory Leader Sees Issue of Palestine as Crucial," 10 January 1976.
"Maudling Warning on Arms Race Danger," 8 October 1976.
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Money, Ernie. "Too Perfect Margaret Thatcher First Lady of the House," 4 December 1975.
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"Mrs. Thatcher," 7 September 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher 'A Romantic at Heart'," 21 September 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher Calls Crusade Against a Marxist Future," 9 October 1976.
"Mrs. Thatcher Emphasizes US Role in Defence," 14 September 1976.
"Mrs. Thatcher Is Criticized by Mr. Powell," 25 November 1975.
"Mrs. Thatcher Keeps Her Balance," 16 November 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher Looks to Fruitful Association with Unions," 15 October 1977.
"Mrs. Thatcher on Race," 1 February 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher Pledges to Curb Racial Violence," 15 July 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher Puts Emphasis on Productivity Deals and Need to Restore Differentials," 21 July 1977.
"Mrs. Thatcher to Break Tradition," 11 August 1975.
"Mrs. Thatcher Tours the Horizon," 24 June 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher Warned in Secret Report of Defeat in Confron tation with Unions," 18 April 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher's New York Speech," 17 September 1975.
"Mrs. Thatcher's September Tour," 22 July 1977.
"Mrs. Thatcher's Vision of Free Economy Wins Five-Minute Standing Ovation," 11 October 1975.
"Mrs. Thatcher's Warning : Sense of Economic Failure Would Feed the Forces of Separation," 20 November 1975.
"National Front Gains 117,000 GLC Votes," 6 May 1977.
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"New Zealand Sees Threat in Lamb Scheme," 16 May 1978.
Nicholson-Lord, David. "Mrs. Thatcher Woos Ulster Unionists with Local Rule Pledge," 20 June 1978.
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"SDLP Attack on Thatcher Ulster Visit," 21 June 1978.
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"Not Good News for the Lib-Lab Pact," 30 April 1977.
Noyes, Hugh. "Callaghan Plea for Troop Withdrawal," 24 May 1978.
_ . "Government Economic Policy Approved by 30-Vote Majority," 21 July 1977.
_ . "Mrs. Thatcher Accuses the Prime Minister of Supporting Censorship," 14 January 1977.
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. "Myth of Union Confrontation if Conservatives Win," 7 October 1976.
. "Sighs of Relief as Storm Clouds Pass," 13 October 1978.
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. "Sound and Fury Follow Mr. Callaghan's Charge of 'Conservatism C o nspiracy'10 November 1976.
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"Tory Delight as Mrs. Thatcher Demands Labour Defence Pledge," 28 January 1976.
"Tory Dismay as Mrs. Thatcher Fails to Jolt Prime Minister," 26 July 1978.
"On the Side of Liberty," 22 September 1978.
"Opposition's Election Manual Is Published," 9 May 1977.
"Orme Attack on Tory 'Hypocrisy'," 1 September 1978.
Osman, Arthur. "West Midlands Tories Hope to Turn Tables," 29 April 1977.
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Parker, Robert. "Mrs. Thatcher's Remarks 'Will Make Things
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"Parties Running Neck and Neck," 5 November 1977.
"Party Poised to Win Poll, Chairman Says," 11 October 1978.
"The Party That Has Not Failed," 13 September 1975.
"Pay Policy a Fact of Life, Tory Argues," 4 April 1977.
"Pay 'Rebels' Urged to Think Again," 2 September 1975.
"Pledge to Strengthen the Armed Forces," 13 October 1978.
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Pulzer, Peter. "The Local Elections Proof that Labour and its Liberal Allies Really Are Sliding," 9 May 1977.
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Routledge, Paul. "Mr. Basnett Calls for 'A New Radical Left in Trade Unions'," 6 June 1978.
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______. "Pay Bargaining Reform South by Tories," 13 March 1978.
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Seton, Craig. "National Front Exults over 'Excellent Result'," 7 May 1977.
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Smith, Geoffrey. "As Mr. Heath's Star Rises, Will the Party Turn to Him?" 24 November 1978.
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. "Searching for a Tory Package to Please all the People," 11 June 1976.
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Stassinopoulos, Arianna. "Freedom in the Face of the Collec tivist Onslaught," 11 October 1978.
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"A Successful Conference," 15 October 1977.
"A Testing Time for the Tories as Things Appear To Be Going Labour's Way," 15 October 1977.
"Thatcher Appointment," 3 March 1976.
"Thatcher Plea for Responsibility by Unions," 14 October 1978.
"Thatcher Warning on Soviet Strength," 20 January 1976.
"The Times Diary," 6 October 1976
"The Times Diary," 7 October 1976.
"The Times Diary," 14 June 1978.
"Tories 'Hold Most Scots Councils'," 7 May 1977.
"Tories May Back Proportional Poll for Assemblies," 6 October 1976.
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"Tories Plan Early Talks on European Money Policy," 12 October 1978.
"Tory Ideals," 13 July 1977.
"Tory Leader Denounces Socialism," 21 February 1976.
"Tory Leader on Cause of 'English Sickness'," 16 September 1975.
"Tory Leaders to Launch Campaign for Partnership with Unions," 27 February 1976.
"Tory Pamphlet Counts Political Cost of Trade with Russia," 13 June 1977.
"Tory Reshuffle Brings Back Mr. Biffen to Front Bench," 16 November 1978.
"Tory Shuffle Being Considered," 18 November 1976.
"Twenty Weeks to Polling Day," 25 May 1978.
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Walker, Christopher. "Mr. Paisley Arrested after Militants Blockade Town--One Killed by Petrol Station Bomb," 11 May 1977.
Walker, David. "Tory Leaders Accused of Decrying Social Sciences21 November 1975.
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Warman, Christopher. "Conservative Aim Is Tax Relief on Rates," 13 October 1978.
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"Whitelaw Pledge to Restore Respect for the Rule of Law," 12 October 1978.
Willmer, Haddon. "Luther and Mrs. Thatcher on 'Our Religion' 30 July 1977.
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. "Coalition or a Bill of Rights?" 28 June 1976.
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. "Mrs. Thatcher Says 'Frightened Men' in Cabinet Want Election Postponed to Next Year," 2 September 1978.
. "Mrs. Thatcher's Middle-Class Uprising," 13 October 1975.
. "'Mystery' Man Behind Tory New Thought," 12 June 1978.
. "New Tory Policy on Lame Ducks," 5 May 1975.
"The Other Side of the Hill for Labour," 29 May 1978.
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. "Tory Landslide Win at Ashfield Overthrows 23,000 Labour Majority," 29 April 1977.
. "Tory Leader Greets Anti-Marxist Alliance," 25 April 1978.
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_ • "It's Not only the Russians Who Fear the Metal lic Matron," 28 January 1977.
_ . "Panic of the Tory 'Moderates'," 14 March 1975.
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Mullin, Chris. "Pay Policy: Anti-Thatcher Rhetoric Gets the Applause But not the Votes," 6 October 1978.
"Populism in Control as the Tories Start to Panic," 23 June 1978.
Sedgemore, Brian. "Control of Imports Would Help not Hinder the Growth in World Trade," 18 August 1978.
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______. "Margaret Thatcher," 19 May 1978.
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______"Tory Leader Refuses to Disown 'Race' Candidate," 25 March 1977.
Evans, Catherine. "Thatcher in a Fighting Mood," 2 September 1978.
"Tories Make Soft-Sell Approach," 31 August 1978.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 8 1
Hill, Donald. "The Trouble with Incomes Policies," 2 October 1978.
House, Thomson. "An Issue We Can no Longer Ignore," 3 February 1978.
______. "No Bargain Offers for Ulster," 21 June 1978.
"It's Cheers for Mrs. Thatcher," 13 October 1966.
"Limits of the New Tory Rhetoric," 15 October 1975.
"M.P.s Asked to Lay Euro-cards on the Table," 22 May 1978.
"Maggie Hits Back at 'Munich' Allegation," 21 June 1978.
"Many Happy and Painful Returns for Thatcher," 5 March 1977.
Osmond, John. "Look in the Mirror Jekyll Jim, Says Thatcher," 12 June 1978.
"PM Calls in Thatcher over Ulster," 11 September 1975.
"Political Farce," 28 September 1976.
"'Psychological Revolution'," 13 March 1978.
Rosser, David. "Analysing the Tory Way of Change," 20 March 1978.
"Country Cousins Who Could Supply the Key to Tory Success," 9 June 1978.
"A Day in the Life of George Thomas," 29 July 1977.
. "Heath May Be Healing Rift with Thatcher," 6 July 1978.
. "How Denis Let the Election Cat out of the Bag," 10 February 1978.
"It's Freedom or Marxism, Warns Thatcher," 15 October 1977.
. "Thatcher Prepares for Battle," 15 October 1977.
"Thatcher Rules out Fixed Rises under the Tories," 11 October 1978.
. "Tough Thatcher Promises to Force an Election," 14 October 1978.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 382
"Tories Cheer as Mrs. Thatcher Lays into the Liberals," 12 June 1977.
"Students Pelt Sir Keith with Eggs," 12 February 1977.
"Thatcher Hints at New Image," 21 February 1975.
"Thatcher's Ulster Visit Despicable, Says Angry Pardoe," 20 June 1978.
"Thatcher's Warning 'Invites Conflict'," 2 August 1976.
"Tories Should Play Walker at Centre," 18 September 1978.
"Tory Women Call For End To Area Health Authorities," 25 May 1978.
"A Tory's Doubts on Thatcher," 5 April 1976.
"We'll Back Labour, Says Union Chief," 28 July 1978.
"What The Tories Can Do For Europe,” 27 June 1977.
"Why Our Farmers Need Support," 25 January 1978.
Western Morning News, 1975-1978.
"Big Brother!" 1 April 1978.
"Busy Time in West For Mrs. Thatcher," 11 February 1976.
"Callaghan Grand Plan Hit Again," 14 October 1978.
"Delay Over Farm Pound Change," 25 January 1978.
"Enigma," 27 January 1976.
"Escaping 'Good Old England'," 16 October 1975.
"Fateful Poll," 6 February 1978.
"Free Politics," 1 February 1978.
"'Frightened Five' Earn Tory Scorn," 2 September 1978.
"How To Succeed," 19 April 1976.
"Jim In Wonderland," 17 June 1977.
"Jim's Tablets," 15 October 1977.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 383
"Kidnapped PC Executed, IRA Claims," 20 June 1978.
"The Laggard," 13 March 1978.
"Low Profile," 31 August 1978.
"Masters Of TV," 14 July 1977.
"Mrs. Thatcher Woos The Unions," 14 October 1978.
"New Attack On Mrs. Thatcher," 4 February 1976.
Nicholson-Lord, D. "Resign Call For Thatcher," 25 March 1977.
"No Action Say Police In Tory Politics Dispute," 15 May 1978.
"Our Money, Mr. Benn," 3 May 1975.
"Rhubarb Row," 29 July 1978.
"Row Grows On Tory Union Report," 29 May 1978.
"Sharing Limelight," 19 September 1975.
"Support for Rates Reform," 17 May 1978.
"Thatcher Tells Premier: My Way," 9 October 1976.
"Their Last Chance," 4 April 1977.
"Tories Rally to Maggie," 27 January 1976.
"Tories Will Win Carter Is Told," 9 May 1977.
"Tory Insult to the Intelligence," 15 September 1978.
"A Tory Triumph," 22 February 1975.
"Tory MP Says the Thatcher Team Is 'Getting Nowhere'," 13 November 1976.
"Tough Times," 9 October 1976.
"Visiting Rome," 20 June 1977.
"Walkabout," 18 February 1978.
Way, L. K. "Attack on 'Racist' Thatcher," 1 February 1978.
"Rates System 'Creaking at the Joints'," 9 September 1975.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 8 4
"Thatcher Knocks Magic 9.9," 18 February 1978.
"Thatcher Warns of Red Meance," 15 October 1977.
Woman, 1975.
Vincent, Maureen. "The Two Lives of Margaret Thatcher 22 March 1975.
Yorkshire Post, 1959-1978.
Allan, Glen. "Tories Pledge Rule of Common Sense," 13 March 1978.
"Bar Powell, Plea to Tory Chief," 25 January 1977.
"Be Prepared," 7 October 1975.
"Beware the State, Says Tory Leader," 31 March 1978.
"Bitter Pill of Rates Reform," 15 October 1965.
Brace, Reginald. "Janet's Career Gets a Big Boost with Mrs. Thatcher's Help," 6 August 1977.
"When the Rank-And-File Choose Their Election Standard-Bearer," 28 February 1976.
"Brighton's Challenge," 10 October 1978.
"Bring Back Execution," 13 February 1978.
Brown, Colin. "Premier to Name Polling Date Tomorrow," 7 September 1978.
"Burying the Past," 9 October 1976.
"Dilemma of High Heels on the Hallowed Floors," 13 February 1975.
Dineen, Bernard. "Facts of Life for Mrs. Thatcher," 2 May 1977.
"Freedom and Excellence That Is What Matters," T ^ p r i l 1977.
"Election Run-In," 15 October 1977.
"Electoral Reform May Get Tory Cold Shoulder," 6 October 1975.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 8 5
"End the Vendetta Against Success--Mrs. Thatcher," 12 November 1976.
"Fictitious Figures," 22 February 1978.
"Fighting Talk on Schools," 23 October 1969.
Fisher, John. "Gunpowder Fuse Lit Under Labour," 6 November 1976.
______. "Mrs. Thatcher Clinches Deal with Ulster MPs," 13 October 1978.
______. "Mrs. Thatcher Leads from the Front," 24 January 1976.
______. "Mrs. Thatcher Promises to Set the Unions Free," 11 October 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher Sets out to Woo Labour Voters," 10 October 1978.
. "Mrs. Thatcher's Signpost for Britain at the Crossroads," 15 October 1977.
"Now Mrs. Thatcher Makes Her Mark." 7 October 1975.
. "Tories' All-Out War Threat," 14 October 1978.
'Tories Put on Red Alert for 'Birthday' Elec tion," 16 June 1978.
"True-Blue Triumph for Mrs. Thatcher," 11 October 1975.
"Why This Is No Time for Tories to Become Over-Complacent," 13 April 1977.
"General Politics Now, Demands Mrs. Thatcher," 6 November 1976.
"Get on the Offensive Mrs. Thatcher Told," 19 September 1975.
"I am Sorry, Says Mrs. Thatcher," 11 May 1976.
"Jobless Figures Peak--But How Far the Plateau?" 22 February 1978.
Landen, Mavis. "People," 24 November 1959.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 386
Lean, Geoffrey. "One Way 'Iron Lady' Could Save Millions," 18 May 1977.
"Looking at a Picture on her 50th Birthday," 14 October 1975.
"Maiden Speech," 6 February 1960.
"Mason Attacks Mrs. Thatcher's Threat to Peace," 2 August 1976.
"Mason Hits at 'Maggie the Cold War Warrior'," 26 January 1976.
"Middle Ground," 6 October 1976.
MP Faints from Over-Work," 25 November 1960.
"MP Hits at Mrs. Thatcher Rebels," 27 September 1975.
"Mrs. T. Speaks--About Her Voice," 18 November 1976.
"Mrs. Thatcher," 16 April 1977.
"Mrs. Thatcher," 22 April 1977.
"Mrs. Thatcher Denies Racist-Party Charge, " 13 April 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher 'Obsessed'," 2 May 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher Puts Her Seal on Anti-Marx Alliance," 25 April 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher's Beauty Tips," 22 May 1978.
"Mrs. Thatcher's Peace Offering to Migrants," 15 July 1978.
"Nothing Natural about Labour," 2 September 1978.
"Nothing to Lose by Spelling It Out," 8 August 1977.
"Obstacle Race," 13 February 1978.
"Off-Duty: Just a Packed Social Round," 13 February 1978.
"One Is Enough," 23 March 1974.
Parry, Mark. "Reading: Screening of 7-Year-Olds Urged," 8 February 1972.
Potts, Paul. "Mrs. Thatcher's Promised Land," 15 October 1977.
"Sir Keith Calls for Cuts by the Billion," 2 October 1976.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 387
. "Thatcher Pledge of Tory Axe on Tax," 18 February 1978.
"The Pound in Your Pocket Worth 50p," 14 October 1978.
"Race Against Time," 1 February 1978.
Rankin, Brenda. "Myth Snatcher," 1 September 1975.
"Satisfied Tories," 11 October 1975.
Scott, Robert. "Could You Fit These Faces to Their Names?" 3 May 1976.
______. "Hanging Debate Takes New Turn," 8 December 1975.
"Sounding Off," 10 June 1978.
"Spelling it Out," 14 October 1978.
"State Control Our Sickness," 16 September 1975.
"Thatcher Attack on Labour Race Smokescreen," 13 February 1978.
"Thatcher Defence of Right to Be Unequal," 7 October 1975.
"Thatcher Plea for Return to Democracy," 14 February 1977.
"Thatcher Praises Ulster Security Forces," 20 June 1978.
"30 Hurt as Ministers Look at Picket Law," 12 July 1977.
"Unnecessary Confusion," 13 March 1978.
"Walker Aims to Heal Rift with Mrs. Thatcher," 20 May 1978.
"A Way with Tailed Socialism," 9 October 1976.
"What Is a Racist?" 9 May 1977.
Wolff, William. "The Man Who Wants to Get a Woman into No. 10," 7 October 1975.
"Young Tory Attacks Vague Shadows," 25 September 1976.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 388
Political Journals
"Agriculture," Politics Today, May 17, 1976.
"Bellairs, Charles. "Home Ownership," Politics Today, June 7, 1976.
"Briefing Notes," (Conservative Research Department), Politics Today, December 1, 1975.
"Briefing Notes," (Conservative Research Department), Politics Today, May 31, 1976.
"Briefing Notes," (Conservative Research Department), Politics Today, November 29, 1976.
"Briefing Notes," (Conservative Research Department), Politics Today, February 7, 1977.
"Briefing Notes," (Conservative Research Department), Politics Today. March 14, 1977.
"Briefing Notes," (Conservative Research Department), Politics Today, May 9, 1977.
"Briefing Notes," (Conservative Research Department), Politics Today, July 25, 1977.
Buckmaster, Clive, ed. Tory Challenge. June, 1977.
"Conservation Conference and 'The Right Approach,'" Politics Today, October, 1976.
"Controlling Public Expenditure," Contact Brief. 78, October/November, 1976.
"Economy^in Local Government," Contact Brief, 67, February,
"Education," Contact Brief, 65, November/December, 1974.
"Electoral Reform and Devolution," Contact Brief, 66, January, 1975.
"Employee^Participation," Contact Brief. 81, April/May,
"Encouraging Small Business," Contact Brief, 73, December 1975/January 1976.
"Feeding^the Nation," Contact Brief, 83, August/September
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 389
"Financing Political Parties," Contact Brief, 82, June/July, 1977.
"Housing," Contact Brief. 63, June/July, 1974.
Houston, John. "The Northern Ireland Economy: A Special Case?" Politics Today, August 16, 1976.
"Inflation," Contact Brief, 64, August/September, 1974.
"The Labour Party," Politics Today, November 6, 1975.
"Local Govt. Elections: Questions and Answers on Topical Issues," Politics Today, July 19, 1976.
"Mr. Healey's Ninth Budget," Politics Today, January 24, 1977.
"Mr. Healey's Tenth Budget," Politics Today, April 18, 1977.
"The New Session," Politics Today, December 20, 1976.
Nicholson, David. "Electoral Change," Politics Today, April 12, 1976.
"Our Role in Opposition," Contact Brief, 62, April/May, 1974.
"Overseas Review," (Conservative Research Department), Politics Today, November 17, 1975.
"Overseas Review," (Conservative Research Department), Politics Today, December 6, 1976.
"Overseas Review," (Conservative Research Department), Politics Today, April 11, 1977.
"Overseas Review," (Conservative Research Department), Politics Today, August 8, 1977.
"Participation in Industry," Contact Brief, 60, December, 1973/January, 1974
"Personal Taxation under Labour," Politics Today, March 28, 1977. ------
"Policy Suggestions Box," Contact Brief, 61, February, 1974.
"Priorities in Housing," Contact Brief. 79, December, 1976/ January, 1977.
"Reforming^Taxes and Benefits," Contact Brief, 76, June/July,
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 9 0
"Safeguarding Britain's Defences," Contact Brief, 75, April/ May, 1976.
Shepherd, Robert. "Global Interdependence," Politics Today, November 22, 1976.
"Taxation of Capital and Wealth," Contact Brief, 69, May, 1975.
"Taxes for Tomorrow," Contact Brief, 80, February/March, 1977.
"Transport and Roads," Contact Brief, 70, June/July, 1975.
II. SINGLE-VOLUME WORKS
Abbott, Stephen. How to Bring Democracy and Participation to the Trade Unions. London: Aims for Freedom and Enterprise.
Baker, Kenneth M.P. and Others. Maybe It's Because We Are Londoners . . . . Kenneth Bake, M.P., 1977.
Bannock, G . , R. E. Baxter, and R. Rees. A Dictionary of Economics. Middlesex, England: Penguin Books Ltïï.,
Behrens, Robert. The Conservative Party in Opposition 1974- 1977--A Critical Analysis. Coventry : Lanchester Polytechnic.
Blake, Lord Robert. Conservatism in and Age of Revolution. London: Churchill Press Limited, 19/6.
The Conservative Party from Peel to Churchill. London: Wm. Collins Sons & Co. Ltd., 197ÏÏ.
and John Patten. The Conservative Opportunity. London: The Macmillan Press Ltd., 1976.
Block, Geoffrey D.M. A Source Book of Conservatism. London: Conservative Political Centre, 1964.
Blonde1, Jean. Voters, Parties, and Leaders. Middlesex, England: Penguin Books Ltd., 1963.
Bull, Richard. The Place of Incomes Policy within Economic Strategy. London : Young Conservative Organisation.
Bumet, Alastair. Is Britain Governable? London : Conserva tive Political Centre, 1975.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 391
Butler, David and Anne Sloman. British Political Facts 1900- 1975. London: The Macmillan Press, 1963.
______and Donald Stokes. Political Change in Britain. New York: St. Martin's Press, Inc., 1969.
Campbell, Alan and Others. Another Bill of Rights? A Report by a Committee of the Society of Conservative Lawyers. Lonïïon: Conservative Political Centre, 1976.
Carter, Charles. Wealth. Middlesex, England: Penguin Books, Ltd., 1968.
Clarke, David. The Conservative Party. London: Conservative Central Office.
Cor servative Publications Centre, 1977.
Cosgrave, Patrick. Margaret Thatcher: A Tory and Her Party. London: Hutchinson and Co. Ltd., 1978.
Cowling, Maurice. Conservative Essays. London: Cassell Ltd., 1978.
Cox, C. B. and Rhodes Boyson. Black Paper 1977. London : Maurice Temple Smith Ltd., 1977T
du Cann, The Rt. Hon. Edward M.P. Parliament ^ the Purse Strings. London: Conservative Political Centre, 1977.
Feldman, Basil and Roger Boaden. Constituency Campaigning. London: Conservative Central Office, 1977.
Fifty Questions on Local Government. Pamphlet. London: Conservative Central Office, 1976.
Gardiner, George M.P. Margaret Thatcher from Childhood to Leadership. London: William Kimber & Co. Limited, 1 9 75/
Gilmour,r, Ian.ian. Inside Right : A Study of Conservatism. London : Hutchinson and Co. Ltd., 1 97%
Goodhart, Philip M.P. The Climate of Collapse. Richmond, Surrey: Foreign Affairs Publishing Co. Ltd., 1975.
Guide to Local Government. Elections in England & Wales. Tamphlet“ London : Conservative Central Office, 1977.
Harris, Ralph and Arthur Seldon. from Benevolence . . . 20 Years of Economic Dissent. Lancing, Sussex: The Institute of Economic Affairs, 1977.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 392
Harvey, J. and L. Bather. The British Constitution. London: Macmillan Education Ltd., 1963.
Havighurst, Alfred F. Twentieth-Century Britain. New York: Harper & Row, Publishers, Incorporated, 1962.
Hayek, F. A. The Constitution of Liberty. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltïï., I960.
Heimann, Eduard. History of Economic Doctrines. London: Oxford University Press, 1945.
Hutber, Patrick. The Decline and Fall of the Middle Class-- And How It Can Fight Back. London: Associated Business Programmes Ltd., 1976.
What's Wrong With Britain. London : Sphere Books Limited, 19
Hutchinson, George. Edward Heath: A Personal and Political Biography. London:Longman Group Limited, 1970.
Hutchison, T. W. Keynes Versus the "Keynesians" . . . ? Lancing, Sussex: The Institute of Economic Affairs, 1977.
James, Robert Rhodes. An Introduction to the House of Commons. London : Collins Clear-Type Press, l?El.
Jarman, T. L. Socialism in Britain. New York: Taplinger Publishing Co., Inc., 1972.
Jenning, Sir W. Ivor. The British Constitution. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press, 1971.
Johnson, Paul. Enemies of Society. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1977.
Jones, Barry. British Government Today. London : Sweet & Maxwell Ltd. and Methuen Educational Lts., 1972.
Joseph, The Rt. Hon. Sir Keith Bt M.P. The Business of Business. London : Bow Publications Limited, lW7.
Freedom under the Law. London: Conservative Political Centre, 1975. '
Monetarism Is Enough. London: Barry Rose Ltd.
Stranded on the Middle Ground? London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1976.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 393
Angus Maude, M.P., and Ian Percival QC M.P. Freedom under the Law. London: Conservative Political Centre, 1975.
King, Horace Maybray. Parliament and Freedom. London : John Murray (Publishers) Ltd., 1953.
Kirk, Peter M.P., Rt. Hon. Sir Christopher Soames, and Rt. Hon. John Davies M.P. Three Views of Europe. London : Conservative Political Centre, 1973.
Lewis, Russell. Margaret Thatcher, A Personal and Political Biography. London: Rougledge & Kegan Paul Ltd.,
Should Political Parties Be Subsidised? London: SeIsdon Group.
_ . Tony Benn: A Critical Biography. London : Associated Business Press, 19787
MeCowan, Sue. Widening Horizons. London : Conservative Political Centre, 1975.
McFadzean, Sir Frank. The Economics of John Kenneth Galbraith. London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1977.
McKeon, Richard. The Basic Works of Aristotle. New York: Random House, 1941.
McKie, David, Chris Cook, and Melanie Phillips. The Guardian/ Quartet Election Guide. London: Quartet Books Limited. IWW.
Maudling, Reginald. Reginald Maudling: Memoirs. London : Sidgwick & Jackson Ltd., 1978.
Money, Ernie. The Conservatives & the Arts. London : Conservative Central Office, 1974.
Moseley, R. K. British Government and Politics 1977. Southampton: R. K. Mosley, 1977.
Murray, Tricia. Margaret Thatcher. London: W. H. Allen & Co. Ltd., T 9 7 ^
Objectives and Style. Pamphlet. London: Centre for Policy Studies, 1975.
O'Sullivan, Noel. Conservatism. London: J. M. Dent & Sons Ltd., 1976.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 9 4
Patten, Bob and Others. Eclipse of the Private Landlord. London: Conservative Political Centre, 1974.
Patterson, Ben. The Character of Conservatism. London: Conservative Political Centre, 1973.
Perry, Stephen, July Shaw, and Tony Jerram. A Credit to Us All. London: Young Conservative Organisation.
Putting Britain First. Pamphlet. London : Conservative CentralOffice.
Reading, Brian. Government by Deceit. London : Conservative Political Centre, 196ÏÏ7
Rees-Mogg, William. Democracy and the Value of Money. London : The Institute of Economic Affairs, 1977.
The Right Approach, A Statement of Conservative Aims. Pamphlet. London: Conservative Central Office, 1976.
Rose, Richard, ed. Studies in British Politics. London : Macmillan and Co. Ltd., 1969.
Roth, Andrew. The MP's Chart. London: Parliamentary Profiles, 1976.
Russel, Trevor. The Tory Party : Its Policies, Divisions, and Future. Middlesex, England: Penguin Books Ltd., 1978.
Sampson, Anthony. The New Anatomy of Britain. New York: Stein and Day, 1971.
Seldon, Arthur. The Coming Confrontation : Will the Open Society Survive to 1989 . London : The Institute of Economic Affairs, 1978.
Sherman, Alfred. The Newest Profession. London: Aims, 1978.
Stacey, Frank. British Government 1966 to 1975. London : Oxford University Press, 19731
Stradling, Robert. The Political Awareness of the School Leaver. London : Hansard Society, I977T
Sturges-Jones, Elisabeth, ed. Women in Politics. London : Conservative Central Office, l W 5 .
Thatcher, Margaret. Let Our Children Grow Tall: Selected Speeches 1975-1977. London: Centre forPolicy Studies, 1977.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 9 5
Thonssen, Lester, A. Craig Baird, and Waldo W. Braden. Speech Criticism. New York: The Ronald Press Co., 1§70. VerbatimI9lb. Report, Ninety-Third Annual Conference. London:
Wade, Lord. Europe and the British Health Service. London: Bedford Square Press of the National Council of Social Service, 1974.
Walkland, S. A. and Michael Ryle. The Commons in the vrrr.Seventies. Fontana: William Collins Sons & Co. Ltd..
Weatherkill, Bernard M.P. and John Cope. Acorns to Oaks ; A Policy for Small Business. London: Conservative PoliticalCentre, 1969.
Why Britain Needs a Social Market Economy. Pamphlet. London : Centre for Policy Studies, 1975.
Yes to Europe. The Conservative Guide for the 1975 Referendum Campaign. London : Conservative Central Office.
III. MULTI-VOLUME WORKS AND SERIES
Bruce-Gardyne, Jock. ^ End to the Whitehall Dole. Selsdon Group Policy Series No. 3, London: Selsdon Group.
The Campaim Guide 1977. Conservative Research Department. London: Conservative and Unionist Central Office.
Electoral Registration. Conservative Central Office Organisation Series. London : Conservative Central Office, 1970.
District Committee Room--The Key to Success. Conservative Central Office Organisation Series. London : Conser vative Central Office, 1969.
Local Government and Party Organisation. Conservative Central Office Organisation Series. London: Conservative Central Office, 1971.
Meetings. Conservative Central Office Organisation Series. London: Conservative Central Office, 1971.
The Times Guide to the House of Commons, October, 1974. London: Times Books, 1974.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 9 6
IV. UNPUBLISHED SOURCES
Audio and Video Taped Recordings of
Margaret Thatcher's Speeches
"Let Me Give You My Vision," Conservative Conference Speech, Brighton, England, 10 October 1975.
"The Rebirth of a Nation," Conservative Conference Speech, Brighton, England, 8 October 1976.
"We Shall Not Fail Our Country," Conservative Conference Speech, Brighton, England, 14 October 1977.
(Untitled), Conservative Conference Speech, Brighton, England, 14 October 1978.
Personal Interviews
Interview with Lord Robert Blake at Queens College, Oxford, 15 December 1978.
Interview with Lord Crowther-Hunt at Exeter College, Oxford, 15 December 1978.
Interview with Professor Robert Rhodes James at the House of Commons, London, 13 December 1978.
Interview with Janet Brown at The Chesterfield Hotel, London, 14 December 1978.
Written Transcripts of Margaret Thatcher's Speeches
Provided by Mrs. Thatcher's Private Office,
House of Commons and the Conservative Central
Office. Smith Square, London
Chronological Order of Mrs. Thatcher's Speeches. 1975-1978
20 February 1975. Speaking at the Party Meeting at the Europa Hotel in London.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 397
21 February 1975. Speaking at City Hall in Glasgow.
28 February 1975. Speaking to Party Workers at Beamingter School in Dorset.
1 March 1975. Speaking at the Annual Conference of the Trade Unionist Advisory Committee.
5 March 1975. Party Political Broadcast on Radio 4.
15 March 1975. Speaking to the Conservative Central Council Meeting in Harrogate.
21 March 1975. Party Political Broadcast on Television.
21 March 1975. Speaking at the Annual Conservative Local Government Conference at Floral Hall in Southport, Lancs.
24 March 1975. Speaking to the Federation of Conservative Students' Conference in Ranmoor Hall at Sheffield University.
16 April 1975. Speaking at the Opening of the Conservative Group for Europe's Campaign to Keep Britain in the European Community at St. Ermin's Hotel in London.
2 May 1975. Speaking in Derby.
17 May 1975. Speaking to the Annual Scottish Conservative Conference at the Caird Hall in Dundee.
19 May 1975. Speaking at Christ College School in Hendon.
21 May 1975. Speaking at the Annual Women's Conference at Central Hall in Westminster.
3 June 1975. Speaking at a Press Conference in Conservative Central Office.
6 June 1975. Speaking at the Annual Luncheon of the Insti tute of Directors (Midlands Branch) at Penns Hall Hotel in Sutton Coldfield.
7 June 1975. Speaking at the Inauguration of the Annual Conference of the Commonwealth Press Union at Marlborough House.
14 June 1975. Speaking at the Annual Conference of the Conservative Party in Wales at Aberystwith.
18 June 1975. Party Political Broadcast on Television.
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 398
21 June 1975. Speaking at Beechwood in Hampstead Lane, N.6.
28 June 1975. Speaking at the Shipley Conservative Association Garden Party at Bingley in Yorkshire.
1 July 1975. Speaking at a Lunch of the Aims for Freedom and Enterprise at the Europa Hotel in London.
5 July 1975. Speaking in Croydon.
12 July 1975. Speaking at Conservative Central Office to a Meeting of the Federation of Conservative Students.
26 July 1975. Speaking at a Meeting of the Chelsea Constituency Association.
30 July 1975. Speaking at the Alnwick Castle Fete in Northumberland.
15 August 1975. Speaking in Hendon, London, "The Socialists and Nationalisation."
6 September 1975. Speaking at Sea Mill Hyde Co. in Fairlie, Ayrshire, "Plight of Samll Businesses."
8 September 1975. Speaking at Aberdeen.
15 September 1975. Speaking at the St. Regis Hotel in New York to the Institute of Socioeconomic Studies, "Let the Children Grow Tall."
19 September 1975. Speaking to the National Press Club in Washington.
22 September 1975. Speaking at Roosevelt University in Chicago, "Progress Through Interdependence."
25 September 1975. Speaking to the Empire Club in Toronto, Canada, "Heirs of Runnymede.”
14 October 1975. Speaking at the Annual Banquet of the Society of Motor Manufacturers and Traders at the Grosvenor House.
28 October 1975. Speaking at the Carlton Club.
16 December 1975. Speaking to the British Institute of Management in London.
19 January 1976. Speaking at Kensington Town Hall, "Britain Awake."
31 January 1976. Speaking in her Finchley Constituency,
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 399
"War of Words."
6 February 1975. Speaking at the Opening Ceremony at the University College, Buckingham.
8 February 1975. Speaking at the 16th Young Conservative National Conference at the Spa in Scarborough, "Liberty- -Opportunity--Concern. "
20 February 1976. Speaking at St. George's Hall in Exeter, "Increasing Tax Means Diminishing Freedom."
21 February 1976. Speaking at a Rally for Party Workers in St. Austell, Cornwall.
28 February 1976. Speaking at the UNAC Annual Conference in Manchester, "Co-operation--Not Conflict."
3 March 1976. Speaking at the Annual Meeting of the Greater London Area Council at Caxton Hall, London, "Towards a Prosperous Britain."
12 March 1976. Speaking to the Cambridge University Conser vative Association at the Cambridge Union.
20 March 1976. Speaking at the Central Council Meeting in Norwich, "The Historic Choice."
13 April 1976. Speaking to the Templeton Foundation, Prize for Progress in Religion, at the Guild Hall.
14 April 1976. Speaking to the Association of Independent Businesses at the Russell Hotel in London, "Independence and Prosperity."
30 April 1976. Speaking at the Conservative Association Headquarters, Finchley in London.
4 May 1976. Speaking at a Meeting of the Junior Carlton Club Political Council in London, "The Path to Profitability."
15 May 1976. Speaking to the Scottish Conservative Party Conference at the City Hall in Perth.
19 May 1976. Speaking at the 47th Annual Women's Conserva tive Conference in Central Hall, Westminster, "Local Elections— Sale of Council Houses."
22 May 1976. Speaking to Conservatives in the Melton Constituency, "The Flourishing Society."
25 May 1976. Speaking at the Conference of the Christian
Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 0 0
Democratic Union in Hanover, "Let Us Bequeathe a Free Europe."
12 June 1976. Speaking at the Annual Welsh Conference in Aberystwith.
19 June 1976. Speaking in the Market Place in Carlisle.
9 July 1976. Speaking to the Industry Conference in Solihull, "A Programme for Industrial Recovery."
31 July 1976. Speaking at Surrey Conservative Rally at Dorking Halls in Dorking.
8 September 1976. Speaking to the Auckland New Zealand Chamber of Commerce.
9 September 1976. Message to the Chinese Charge d'Affaires in London.
10 September 1976. Speaking to the Parliamentary Luncheon in Wellington, New Zealand.
15 September 1976. Speaking to the Institute of Directors in Sydney, Australia.
20 September 1976. Speaking to The Liberal Party Federal Council at the Lakesdie Hotel in Canberra.
28 September 1976. Statement to the Government Calling for Action.
20 October 1976. Speaking to the American Chamber of Commerce at Grosvenor House in London.
21 October 1976. Update on Margaret Thatcher's Activities.
22 October 1976. Speaking to the Newspaper Press Fund Luncheon at the Grosvenor Hotel in Glasgow.
26 October 1976. Speaking at the Launching of the Federation of Conservative Students' Free Enterprise Campaign in Conservative Central Office.
11 November 1976. Speaking to the Annual Convention of the Institute of Directors at the Royal Albert Hall.
24 November 1976. Speaking to the Conservative Group for Europe Dinner at the Waldorf Hotel in London, "Direct Elections to the European Parliament."
2 December 1976. Speaking to the 1976 Social Services Conference Dinner in the Adelphi Hotel in Liverpool,
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"The Healthy Society."
6 December 1976. Speaking at the Netherlands British Chamber of Commerce at the Promenade Hotel at The Hague.
19 January 1977. Speaking to the Institute of Bankers at 10 Lombard Stree in London on the Future of the Mixed Economy.
11 February 1977. Speaking at the Polygon Hotel in South hampton, "Labour and the Marxists."
12 February 1977. Speaking at Newport, Isle of Wight, "The Truth Is Tory."
13 February 1977. Speaking to the Young Conservative Con ference at Eastbourne.
16 February 1977. Party Political Broadcast on Television.
26 February 1977. Speaking at "Campaigning for Victory," the Conservative Local Government Conference at Caxton Hall, Westminster.
4 March 1977. Speaking in Grantham.
5 March 1977. Speaking to the Annual Conference of the Conservative Trades Unionists in the Sherwood Rooms at Nottingham.
9 March 1977. Speaking at the Presentation of the Guardian Newspaper's Young Businessman of the Year Award in the Mansion House, "The Wealth of this Nation."
14 March 1977. Speaking to the Zurich Economic Society at the University of Zurich, Switzerland, "The New Renaissance."
19 March 1977. Speaking at the Annual Central Council Meeting Torquay.
4 April 1977. Speaking at the Annual Conference of the Federation of Conservative Students at Royal Holloway College in Egham, Surrey.
4 May 1977. Party Political Broadcast on B.B.C. and I.T.V.
14 May 1977. Speaking at the Scottish Conservative Con ference at the City Hall in Perth.
25 May 1977. Speaking at the Conservative Women's Annual Conference at Central Hall, Westminster.
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11 June 1977. Speaking at the Welsh Conservative Conference at the EBBW Vale, Gwent, "Direct Elections to the European Parliament."
22 June 1977. Speaking to the City of London and Westminster South Annual Luncheon.
24 June 1977. Speaking at the Centro Italiona di Study per la Conciliazione Internazionale in Rome, "Europe As I See It."
4 July 1977. Speaking to the Greater London Young Conserva tives at "The Iain Macleod Memorial Lecture" at Caxton Hall, "Dimensions of Conservatism."
16 July 1977. Speaking at Blenheim.
2 November 1977. Speaking at a luncheon given by the Institute of Public Relations at the Dorchester Hotel in London.
15 November 1977. Speaking at a Reception to Mark the First Anniversary of the Party's Small Business Bureau at St. Stephen's Club.
9 January 1978. Speaking at a Conference for Management in Industry Held at the Albany Hotel in Glasgow.
24 January 1978. Speaking at the Annual Dinner of the National Farmers' Union in the Hilton Hotel.
4 February 1978. Speaking at the Conservative Local Govern ment Conference at the Caxton Hall in London, "An Election this Year?"
7 February 1978. Speaking to Overseas Bankers at a Luncheon at the Plaisters' Hall in London.
12 February 1978. Speaking at the Young Conservative National Conference at Harrogate.
17 February 1978. Speaking at the Dryburgh Hall in Putney.
21 February 1978. Speaking to the Engineering Employers Federation at the Dorchester Hotel in London.
11 March 1978. Speaking at the Annual Conference of the Conservative Trades Unionists at St. George's Hall in Bradford.
30 March 1978. Speaking at St. Lawrence Jewry, Next Guildhall, City of London, "I Believe."
31 March 1978. Speaking to the Food and Drink Industries
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Council Annual Lunch at the Inter-Continental Hotel.
8 April 1978. Speaking to the Central Council Annual Meeting at the DeMontfort Hall in Leicester.
24 April 1978. Speaking at the Foundation Meeting of the European Democratic Union in Klesheim, Austria, "An Alliance for Freedom."
29 April 1978. Speaking to the Irano-British Chamber of Commerce in Tehran.
6 May 1978. Speaking to the Bow Group at the Royal Common wealth Society in London, "The Ideals of an Open Society."
13 May 1978. Speaking to the Scottish Conservative Annual Conference at the City Hall in Perth.
19 May 1978. Speaking at the Guildhall in Worchester on the Occasion of the Centenary Dinner of Worchester Conservative Association.
24 May 1978. Speaking to the Annual Conservative Women's Conference at Central Hall in Westminster.
8 June 1978. Party Political Broadcast.
10 June 1978. Speaking at the Wales Area Conservative Asso ciation Conference at the Pier Pavilion in Llandudno, Gwynedd.
19 June 1978. Speaking at a Luncheon for Businessmen Organised by the Ulster Unionist Council in Belfast.
23 June 1978. Speaking at Les Grandes Conferences Catholiques in Brussels, "The Sinews of Foreign Policy."
14 July 1978. Speaking at the Barnet Branch of the Anglo- Asian Conservative Society at Woodhouse School in London.
1 September 1978. Speaking in the Constituency of Roxburgh, Selkirk and Peebles.
1 September 1978. Speaking to the Scottish Young Conserva tive Rally at Trades House, Glassford Street in Glasgow.
13 October 1978. Speaking to the Conservative Party Conference.
21 October 1978. Speaking to the First National Congress of
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the Union de Centro Democratico in Madrid, Spain.
28 November 1978. Speaking to the Institute of Journalists Dinner in London, "Press Freedom."
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'LET ME GIVE YOU MY VISION'
THE LEADER'S ADDRESS TO THE CONSERVATIVE CONFERENCE, AT BLACKPOOL, ON FRIDAY, OCTOBER 10, 1975:
The first Conservative Party Conference I ever attended was in 1946, and I came to it as an undergraduate representing Oxford University Conservative Association (I know our Cambridge supporters will not mind). That Conference was held in this very hall, and the platform then seemed a long way away, and I had no thought of joining the lofty and distinguished people sitting up there, but our Party is the Party of equality of opportunity, as you can see.
I know you will understand the humility I feel at following in the footsteps of great men like our Leader in that year, Winston Churchill, a man called by destiny to raise the name of Britain to supreme heights in the history of the free world. In the footsteps of Anthony Eden, who set us the goal of a property-owning democracy--a goal we still pursue today; of Harold Macmillan, whose leadership brought so many ambitions within the grasp of every citizen; of Alec Douglas-Home, whose career of selfless public service earned the affection and admiration of us all; and of Edward Heath, who successfully led the Party to victory in 1970 and brilliantly led the nation into Europe in 1973.
During my lifetime, all the Leaders of the Conservative Party have served as Prime Minister, and I hope the habit will continue. Our leaders have been different men with, different qualities and different styles, but they all had one thing in common; each met the challenge of his time. Now, what is the challenge of our time? I believe there are two challenges : to overcome the country's economic and financial problems and to regain our confidence in Britain and ourselves.
The economic challenge has been debated at length this week in this hall. Last week, it gave rise to the usual scenes of cordial brotherly strife. Day after day, the comrades called one another far from comradely names and, occasionally, when they remembered, they called us names, too. Some of them, for example, suggested that I criticised Britain when I was overseas. They are wrong. It was not Britain I was
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criticising, it was Socialism, and I will go on criticising Socialism and opposing Socialism, because it is bad for Britain. Britain and Socialism are not the same thing, and as long as I have health and strength they never will be.
COST OF SOCIALIST FRAUD
Whatever could I say about Britain that is half as damaging as what this Labour Government has done to our country? Let us look at the record. It is the Labour Government that has caused prices to rise at a record rate of 26 per cent a year. They told us the 'Social Contract' would solve everything, but now everyone can see that the so-called 'contract' was a fraud--a fraud for which the people of this country have to pay a very high price.
It is the Labour Government whose past policies are forcing unemployment higher than it need ever have been. Thousands more men and women are losing their jobs every day, and there are going to be men and women, many of them youngsters straight out of school, who will be without a job this winter because Socialist Ministers spent last year attacking us instead of attacking inflation.
It is the Labour Government that brought the level of pro duction below that of the three-day week in 1974. We have really got a three-day week now, only it takes five days to do it. It is the Labour Government that has brought us record peace-time taxation. They have the usual Socialist disease: they have run out of other people's money. It is the Labour Government that has pushed public spending to record levels. How have they done it? By borrowing and borrowing. Never in the field of human credit has so much been owed!
Serious as the economic challenge is, the political and moral challenge is just as grave, and perhaps even more so, because economic problems never start with economics. They have much deeper roots in human nature and roots in politics, and they do not finish at economics either. Labour's failure to cope, to look at the nation's problems from the view-point of the whole nation, and not just one section of it, has led to a loss of confidence, and to a sense of help lessness, and with it goes a feeling that Parliament, which ought to be in charge, is not in charge, and that the actions and decisions are taken elsewhere.
ADVOCATES OF MARXIST SYSTEM
It goes even deeper than that, to the voices that seem anxious not to overcome our economic difficulties, but to exploit them to destroy the free-enterprise society and put a Marxist system in its place. Today, those voices form a sizable
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chorus in the parliamentary Labour Party, a chorus which, aided and abetted by the many constituency Labour Parties, seems to be growing in numbers. Mind you, anyone who says this openly is promptly accused of seeing Reds Under the Beds, but look who is seeing them now, on his own admission. Mr. Wilson has at last discovered that his own party is infil trated by extreme Left-wingers, or, to use his own words, it is infested with them. When even Mr. Wilson gets scared about their success in capturing key positions in the Labour Party, should not the rest of us be? Should not the rest of us ask him: "Where have you been while all this has been going on, and what are you doing about it?" The answer is : "Nothing".
I sometimes think the Labour Party is like a pub where the mild is running out. If someone does not do something soon, all that is left will be bitter, and all that is bitter will be Left.
Whenever I visit Communist countries their politicians never hesitate to boast about their achievements. They know them all by heart; they reel off the facts and figures, claiming this is the rich harvest of the Communist system. Yet they are not as prosperous as we in the West are prosperous, and they are not free as we in the West are free.
Our capitalist system produces a far higher standard of prosperity and happiness because it believes in incentive and opportunity, and because it is founded on human dignity and freedom. Even the Russians have to go to a capitalist country--America--to buy enough wheat to feed their people-- and that after more than 50 years of a State-controlled economy. Yet they boast incessantly, while we, who have so much more to boast about, forever criticise and decry.
Is it not time we spoke up for our way of life? After all, no Western nation has to build a wall around itself to keep people in.
CRISIS LIES IN SOCIALISM
So let us have no truck with those who say the free-enterprise system has failed. What we face today is not a crisis of capitalism, but of Socialism. No country can flourish if its economic and social life is dominated by nationalisation and State control.
The cause of our shortcomings does not, therefore, lie in private enterprise. Our problem is not that we have too little Socialism. It is that we have too much. If only the Labour Party in this country would act like Social Democrats in West Germany! If only they would stop trying to prove their
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Socialist virility by relentlessly nationalising one industry after another!
Of course, a halt to further State control will not, on its own, restore our belief in ourselves, because something else is happening to this country. We are witnessing a deliberate attack on our values, a deliberate attack on those who wish to promote merit and excellence, a deliberate attack on our heritage and our great past. And there are those who gnaw away at our national self-respect, rewriting British history as centuries of unrelieved gloom, oppression and failure-- as days of hopelessness, not days of hope.
And others, under the shelter of our education system, are ruthlessly attacking the minds of the young. Everyone who believes in freedom must be appalled at the tactics employed by the far-Left in the systematic destruction of the North London Polytechnic--blatant tactics of intimidation designed to undermine the fundamental beliefs and values of every student, tactics pursued by people who are the first to insist on their own civil rights while seeking to deny them to the rest of us.
We must not be bullied or brainwashed out of our beliefs. No wonder so many of our people, some of the best and the brightest, are depressed and talking of emigrating. Even so, I think they are wrong.
They are giving up too soon. Many of the things we hold dear are threatened as never before, but none has yet been lost. So stay here, stay and help us defeat Socialism, so that the Britain you have known may be the Britain your children will know.
These are the two great challenges of our time--the moral and political challenge, and the economic challenge. They have to be faced together and we have to master them both.
What are our chances of success? It depends on what kind of people we are. What kind of people are we? We are the people that in the past made Great Britain the workshop of the world, the people who persuaded others to buy British, not by begging them to do so but because it was best.
We are a people who have received more Nobel Prizes than any other nation except America, and head for head, we have done better than America--twice as well, in fact.
We are a people who, among other things, invented the com puter, the refrigerator, the electric motor, the stethoscope, rayon, steam turbine, stainless steel, the tank, television, penicillin, radar, the jet engine, hovercraft, float glass and carbon fibers, etc.--oh, and the better half of the Concorde.
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We export more of what we produce than West Germany, France, Japan, or the United States, and well over 90 per cent of these exports come from private enterprise. It is a triumph for the private sector and all who work in it, and let us say so loud and clear.
With achievements like that, who can doubt that Britain can have a great future, and what our friends abroad want to know is whether that future is going to happen.
THESE--THE BRITISH INHERITANCE
Well, how can we Conservatives make it happen? Many of the details have already been dealt with in the Conference debates. But policies and programmes should not just be a list of unrelated items. They are part of a total vision of the kind of life we want for our country and our children.
Let me give you my vision: a man's right to work as he will, to spend what he earns, to own property, to have the State as servant and not as master--these are the British inheri tance. They are the essence of a free country, and on that freedom all our other freedoms depend.
But we want a free economy, not only because it guarantees our liberties, but also because it is the best way of creating wealth and prosperity for the whole country, and it is this prosperity alone which can give us the resources for better services for the community, better services for those in need.
By their attack on private enterprise, the Labour Govern ment has made certain that there will be next-to-nothing available for improvements in our social services over the next few years. We must get private enterprise back on the road to recovery, not merely to give people more of their own money to spend as they choose, but to have more money to help the old and the sick and the handicapped. And the way to recovery is through profits, good profits today leading to high investment, leading to well-paid jobs, leading to a better standard of living tomorrow. No profits mean no investment, and that means a dying industry geared to yesterday's world, and that means fewer jobs tomorrow. Other nations have recognized that for years now and, because they have recognized it, they are going ahead faster than we are ; and the gap between us will continue to increase unless we change our ways, and the trouble here is that for years the Labour Party have made people feel that profits are guilty unless proved innocent.
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WHAT GOVERNMENTS MUST LEARN
When I visit factories and companies I do not find that those who actually work in them are against profits; on the con trary, they want to work for a prosperous concern, a concern with a future--their future. Governments must l e a m to leave these companies with enough of their own profits to produce the goods and jobs for tomorrow. If the Socialists will not or cannot, there will be no profit-making industry left to support the losses caused by fresh bouts of nationalisation.
If anyone should murmur that I am preaching laissez-faire, let me say that I am not arguing, and have never argued, that all we have to do is to let the economy run by itself .
I believe that, just as each of us has an obligation to make the best of his talents, so Governments have an obligation to create the framework within which we can do so. Not only individual people, but individual firms and particularly small firms.
If they concentrate on doing that, they would do a lot better than they are doing now. Some of the small firms will stay small, but others will expand and become the great companies of the future.
The Labour Government has pursued a disastrous vendetta against small business and the self-employed. We will reverse their damaging policies.
EMPTY PROMISES, PENAL TAXATION
Nowhere is this more important than in agriculture, one of our most successful industries, made up almost entirely of small businesses. We live in a world in which food is no longer cheap or plentiful. Everything we cannot produce here must be imported at a high price. Yet the Government could not have destroyed the confidence of the industry more effectively if they had tried deliberately to do so, with their formula of empty promises and penal taxation. So, today, what is the picture? Depressed profits, low investment, no incentive, and, overshadowing everything. Government spending, spending, spending, far beyond the taxpayers' means.
To recover, to get from where we are to where we want to be-- and I admit we would rather not be here--will take time. "Economic policy", wrote Maynard Keynes, "should not be a matter of tearing up by the roots, but of slowly training a plant to grow in a different direction." It will take time to reduce public spending, to rebuild profits and incentives, and to benefit from the investments which must
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be made. But the sooner that time starts, the better it will be for Britain's unemployed and for Britain as a whole.
One of the reasons why this Labour Government has incurred more unemployment than any Conservative Government since the War is because they have concentrated too much on dis tributing what we have, and too little on seeing that we have more.
We Conservatives hate unemployment. We hate the idea of men and women not being able to use their abilities. We deplore the waste of natural resources, and the deep affront to people's dignity from being out of work through no fault of their own. It is ironic that we should be accused of wanting unemployment to solve our economic problems, by the very Government which has produced a record post-war unemployment and is expecting more.
The record of Mr. Wilson and his colleagues on this is unparalleled in the history of political hypocrisy. We are now seeing the full consequences of nearly 20 months of Labour Government. They have done the wrong things at the wrong time in the wrong way, and they have been a disaster for this country.
ALL ARE EQUALLY IMPORTANT
Now, let me turn to something I spoke about in America. Some Socialists seem to believe that people should be numbers in a State Computer. We believe they should be individuals. We are all unequal. No one, thank heavens, is quite like anyone else, however much the Socialists may pretend otherwise. We believe that everyone has the right to be unequal. But to us, every human being is equally important.
Engineers, miners, manual workers, shop assistants, farm workers, postmen, housewives— these are the essential founda tions of our soceity, and without them there would be no nation. But there are others with special gifts who should also have their chance, because if the adventurers who strike out in new directions in science, technology, medicine, commerce, and industry are hobbled, there can be no advance. The spirit of envy can destroy; it can never build. Every one must be allowed to develop the abilities he knows he has within him, and she knows she has within her, in the way he or she chooses.
Freedom to choose is something we take for granted, until it is in danger of being taken away. Socialist Governments set out perpetually to restrict the area of choice, and Conservative Governments to increase it. We believe that you
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become a responsible citizen by making decisions yourself, not by having them made for you. But they are made for you by Labour.
'LET US EXTEND CHOICE'
Take education: our education system used to serve us well. A child from an ordinary family, as I was, could use it as a ladder, as an advancement, but the Socialists, better at demolition than reconstruction, are destroying many good grammar schools. Now this is nothing to do with private education. It is opportunity and excellence in our State schools that are being diminished under Socialism. Naturally enough, parents do not like this, but in a Socialist society parents should be seen and not heard.
Another denial of choice is being applied to health. The private sector helps to keep some of our best doctors here, and so available, part-time, to the National Health Service. It also helps to bring in more money for the general health of the nation; but under Labour, private medicine is being squeezed out, and the result will be to add to the burden on the National Health Service without adding one penny to its income.
Let me make this absolutely clear: when we return to power, we shall reverse Mrs. Castle's stupid and spiteful attack on hospital pay-beds. We Conservatives do not accept that because some people have no choice, no one should have it. Every family should have the right to spend their money, after tax, as they wish, and not as the Government dictates. Let us extend choice, extend the will to choose and the chance to choose.
AN ARGUMENT AGAINST DEMOCRACY
I want to come now to the argument which Mr. Wilson is trying to put across the country: namely, that the Labour Party is the natural party of Government, because it is the only one that the trade unions will accept. From what I saw on television last week, the Labour Party did not look like a party of Government at all, let alone a natural one.
But let us examine the argument, because it is important. If we are to be told that a Conservative Government could not govern because certain extreme leaders would not let it, then General Elections are a mockery, we have arrived at the one-party State, and parliamentary democracy in this country will have perished. The democracy for which our fathers fought and died is not to be laid to rest as lightly as that.
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When the next Conservative Government comes to power, many trade unionists will have put it there. Millions of them vote for us at every election. I want to say this to them and to all of our supporters in industry: go out and join in the work of your unions ; go to their meetings and stay to the end, and l e a m the union rules as well as the far-Left knows them. Remember that if parliamentary democracy dies, free trade unions die with it.
FIRST DUTY OF GOVERNMENT
I come last to what many would put first: the rule of law. The first people to uphold the law should be Government, and it is tragic that the Socialist Government, to its lasting shame, should have lost its nerve and shed its principles over the People's Republic of Clay Cross, and that a group of the Labour Party should have tried to turn the Shrewsbury pickets into martyrs. On both occasions, the law was broken and, on one, violence was done. No decent society can live like that, and no responsible party should condone it.
The first duty of government is to uphold the law, and if it tries to bob, weave and duck round that duty when it is inconvenient, the governed will do exactly the same thing, and then nothing will be safe, not home, not liberty, not life itself.
There is one part of this country where, tragically, defiance of the law is costing life day after day. In Northern Ireland our troops have the dangerous and thankless task of trying to keep the peace and hold a balance. We are proud of the way they have discharged their duty.
This party is pledged to support the unity of the United Kingdom, to preserve that unity and to protect the people. Catholic and Protestant alike. We believe our Armed Forces must remain until a genuine peace is made. Our thoughts are with them and our pride is with them, too.
I have spoken of the challenges which face us here in Britain--the challenge to recover economically, and the challenge to recover our belief in ourselves--and I have shown our potential for recovery. I have dealt with some aspects of our strength and approach, and I have tried to tell you something of my personal vision and my belief in the standards on which this nation was greatly built, on which it greatly thrived, and from which in recent years it has greatly fallen away. I believe we are coming to yet another turning point in our long history. We can go on as we have been going and continue down, or we can stop and, with a decisive act of will, say, "Enough".
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Let all of us here today, and others far beyond this hall who believe in our cause, make that act of will. Let us proclaim our faith in a new and better fortune for our Party and our people. Let us resolve to heal the wounds of a divided nation, and let that act of healing be the prelude to a lasting victory.
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'THE REBIRTH OF A NATION'
THE LEADER'S ADDRESS TO THE CONSERVATIVE CONFERENCE AT BRIGHTON ON FRIDAY, OCTOBER 8, 1976.
I want to speak to you today about the rebirth of a na tion. Our nation. The British nation.
It is customary at Conferences to talk mainly about win ning elections, to concentrate on the Party interest. There is nothing dishonourable about that. I am not against winning elections. On the contrary, I think that one of the problems facing this country is that our Party has not won enough of them lately. A situation we pro pose to remedy.
But for the Conservative Party politics has always been about something more than gaining power. It has been about serving the nation. We are above all a patriotic Party, a national Party ; and so it is not we who have been obsessed this week with how to take party advantage of the present crisis. What's good for General Motors may be good for the USA. But nothing that's bad for Britain can ever be good for Conservatives. l\lhat we have been concerned with is how we can tackle this crisis, how we can ensure the prosperity, the freedom - yes - and the honour of Britain. The very survival of our laws, our institutions, our national character - that is what is at stake today.
CLOSE TO MIDNIGHT
Economically, Britain is on its knees. It is not patri otic to say this. It is no secret.
It is known by people of all ages. By those old enough to remember the sacrifices of the war and who now ask what ever happened to the fruits of victory; by the young, born since the war, who have seen too much na tional failure ; by those who leave this country in increas ing numbers for other lands. For them, hope has withered
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and faith gone sour. And for we who remain it is close to midnight. As Ted Heath said with such force on Wed nesday, Britain is at the end of the road. As we all know, he is a man who never sold the truth to serve the hour. I am indeed grateful for what he said. Let us all have his courage.
The situation of our country grows daily, almostly hourly, worse. As the bailiff's approach, can nothing be done?
If the Labour Government is no longer able to act in the national interest, is there no alternative to the ruin of Britain? Yes, indeed there is - and that alternative is here at Brighton today.
BEG AND BORROW
But if we in the Conservative Party are to shoulder the responsibility of Government, to chart a fresh course for our country, then we must first understand what has hap pened to us - where things have gone wrong - and why.
I believe there are several reasons for what is known as "the British sickness" - and they are not a criticism of the people of this country. They are a criticism of the Government of this country.
First, we have become the big spenders of Europe - spend ers of other countries' money.
The Labour Governments of Harold Wilson and James Calla ghan have spent and spent and spent again with unbridled extravagance. And they have exhausted the means to pay for it. They have nearly exhausted the patience and tolerance and respect of our friends.
Under Labour the land of hope and glory has become the land of beg and borrow.
Today, the Government are back once more at the money lenders for what may well be their last chance - and ours. For this time they are about to pledge the nation's credit to the hilt.
Secondly, increasing interference and direction of in dustry have stopped it doing its job properly.
The Government have chopped and changed policies ; they have created confusion and uncertainty. They have added countless burdens. They have destroyed profits. They have raised the cost of borrowing to intolerable heights.
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And they have demoralised management and they have sapped the will to work.
No wonder investment in industry has slowed to a crawl.
The third reason - and it goes hand-in-glove with the second reason - is political rather than economic. It's the Labour Party's chronic schizophrenia about the future of free enterprise - although the world over, free enter prise has proved itself more efficient, and better able to produce a good standard of living then either Socialism or Communism; and although wherever free enterprise is strangled, freedom is strangled too.
Even so, even against all that background, the Labour Party has remained confused and divided over whether free enterprise should be allowed to survive. Yet, in spite of everything, it has survived - so far. Not only that, but, taxed to the limit, it has been the prop and stay of the public sector.
Today that survival is in danger.
As everyone saw on their television screens last week, the Labour Party has now been taken over by extremists. After years of gnawing and burrowing away in the back ground, they have at last crept out of the woodwork - at of all places the Winter Gardens, Blackpool. It was a sight the country is unlikely ever to forget.
THE RED FLAG
The Labour Party is now committed to a programme which is frankly and unashamedly Marxist, a programme initiated by its National Executive and now firmly endorsed by its of ficial Party Conference.
In the House of Commons the Labour Left may still be outnumbered, but their votes are vital to the continuance of Labour in office, and that gives them a strength out of proportion to their numbers. And make no mistake, that strength, those numbers, are growing.
In the constituency Labour parties, in the Parliamentary Labour Party, in Transport House, in the Cabinet Room it self, the Marxists call an increasing number of tunes - in addition to "The Red Flag".
With the Labour Party more bitterly divided than ever, let no-one imagine that this country will be protected
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by Mr. Callaghan's avuncular umbrella any more than it was protected by Sir Harold Wilson's raincoat. That umbrella was blown inside out at Blackpool,
Let's not mince words. The dividing line between the Labour Party programming and Communism is becoming harder and harder to detect. Indeed, in many respects Labour's programme is more extreme than those of many Communist parties of Western Europe.
So I hope that anyone who votes Labour in future will be aware both of the people and the ideas they are in fact supporting. It is not surprising that after the events of last week Mr. Callaghan should speak about a totalitarian threat. He should know all about that. He faces it in his own party. But it is arrogant and utterly wrong of him to suggest that the only alternative to his Government is dictatorship. He should have a higher opin ion of the British people.
Ours is one of the oldest democracies in the world. Our citizens have a passion for liberty. They have fought for it, and died for it.
Provided they know what is happening, they will never sur render to the extremists, whether of the Left or Right. We are made of sterner stuff than the Labour Party. The trouble about the Socialist leader is that he talks tough but he never acts tough - until it's too late. He talked tough last week. He condemned the pawn-shop philosophy of his supporters.
STRAIGHT FOR ROCKS
He even spoke of the need to earn wealth before it's dis tributed, He even mentioned profits - and at a Labour conference!
Apart from reading our speeches, where have Mr. Callaghan and his colleagues been for the last few years? After the energy crisis 3 years ago, who was attacking us for cutting public spending and tightening the money supply? Callaghan and Co.
Who fought the October 1974 Election saying that infla tion was under control? Who said that there would be no great rise in unemployment? Who claimed that the Social Contract would take care of all our troubles? Callaghan and Co.
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VTho doubled public spending? Who doubled unemployment? Who saw prices go up by more than 50 pence in every pound? Callaghan and Co.
Who said "Steady as she goes" - and then steered straight for the rocks? You've guessed it. Callaghan and Co.
Now half the Cabinet are beginning to tell half the truth. So what are the chances they'll change course? Nil, I'm afraid. Because the very nature of the Labour Party pre vents a Labour Government from doing what some of its members at long last realise must be done.
For example, we are told that to cut public spending fur ther is impossible because the Labour Party wouldn't stand for it. What an appalling admission! If the country's economy is bleeding to death, the Labour Party must stand for it. We must all stand for it. This brings us, not for the first time, to the question: "Which comes first with the Labour leaders - party or country?" Don't tell me. It's too depressing.
With their appraoch it's hardly surprising that Labour's record over the last 2% years has been so disastrous. First, there was Harold Wilson's administration. There's no secret why he resigned. He took to the hills while the going was bad but before it got worse. Now we under stand he s been found and brought back to the City. A plunging pound and Wilson found. There's no end to our troubles. And now we have Mr. Callaghan.
Between the pair of them. Sir Harold and Mr. Callaghan and their wretched Governments have impoverished and all but bankrupted Britain. Socialism has failed our nation. Away with it, before it does the final damage.
A FORMIDABLE TASK
Yesterday we heard that the bank rate had been raised to an unprecedented 15%. You will remember in your time, Mr. Chairman, 7% was a crisis measure. Now 15%. The Govern ment are going on taking stopgap measures to try to re store confidence in the L. They still won't or can't change course and take the painful steps that are needed.
What would be the attitude of the Conservative Party if the Government did at last lay the right measures before Parliament for its approval? That is an important ques tion for us all. In our response to it, we must be care ful not to fall into a trap ; a trap in which the
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Government look to us to support them over difficult deci sions, knowing full well they can then buy off their own Left wing by putting through further Socialist measures which the Left will demand.
It is no part of Conservative philosophy to help build a Socialist Britain. I have already said that the Conserva tive Party puts the national interest before short term party advantage. But the national interest now requires not only that the Government should cut back their expendi tures to reduce their borrowing, but also that they should drop the divisive legislation which they are steamroller ing through Parliament: Bills like the Dockwork Regula tion Bill; like the nationalisation of aircraft and ship building ; like the controversial Education and Health Bills.
These Bills have nothing to do with saving the British economy. Indeed, they can only make that task much more difficult. We must distinguish clearly between Govern ments and the measures they introduce. A few good measures dictated by events cannot redeem the appalling record and intentions of this Labour administration. We do not op pose good measures but we will fight ceaselessly against bad Government.
Because the Britain we are seeking is a Britain which could never be founded on Socialism.
The task of the next Conservative Government will be formidable. The sooner we start the better. We have two great obstacles to overcome - doubt and bewilderment. First, bewilderment about what should be done, because we seem to have tried every trick in the book. We have had National Plans and Pay Pauses, Price Freezes, Pro ductivity Awards, Industrial Strategies and Growth Targets.
THE RIGHT APPROACH
We have been promised that the next bright ploy will hit the bullseye : that blue skies are just around the corner ; that we will soon turn the corner ; that the light is about to appear at the end of the tunnel - I quote from Mr. Callaghan's speeches in the past - that we are emerg ing from the valley of gloom; that we are heading for an economic miracle.
We have had whole regiments of cliches marching into the sunset; but the problems just go on getting worse.
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Uncertain whether the task of doing what needs to be done - whatever that may be - is possible for a Government of any party. For the Labour Party. Or for the Conserva tive Party. They are cynical about politics and politi cians. They fear that a free future cannot be saved.
It can be saved.
We can overcome our doubts, we can rediscover our confi dence, we can regain the respect of the rest of the world.
The policies which are needed are dictated by common-sense. That is the right approach. We have set out the broad lines in our Strategy Statement and we have shown how they stem from a clear, coherent political philosophy.
We have first to put our finances in order. We must live within our means. The Government must do so. And we must do so as a country. We can't go on like this.
LOANS BRIDGE CRUMBLING
We are paying ourselves more than the value of what we pro duce. We are spending more than we earn. The gap has to be bridged. It can only be bridged at present by borrow ing from overseas. But it cannot be bridged that way forever.
And at any moment, if we forfeit the confidence of those who lend to us, that bridge can collapse.
It is crumbling now.
The only way to safety is to stop borrowing, and stop borrowing soon; and, moreover, to show that we can and will repay our debts in a strong currency and on time. That is usually the task of a Conservative Government.
To do that, the country must consume less than it pro duces. That means a drastic change in policies and in attitudes. But we shall have to proclaim openly that this is our purpose.
Once we have taken the immediate emergency measures which are needed, we must chart the course for years ahead.
There, the country faces a choice. % o is to spend less? At one extreme the Treasury can try to make u s , the
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people, economise by putting up taxes. At the other it can concentrate all its economies on the Government's own spending. There is not much doubt about the right deci-
The Government is spending about L200 a year more than it is raising in taxes, for each man, woman and child in the country.
Surely no-one, (that is no-one outside the National Execu tive Committee of the Labour Party), can believe in the long-term that taxes should go up still more.
COMMON-SENSE ANSWER
So the only common-sense answer is to reduce Government spending.
That is our answer.
Economies started as a matter of urgency must be sustained deliberately, carefully and humanely over the period of a full Parliament.
They won't be easy. They will not be popular, and we shall have to defer some of our hopes,
We have indicated in The Right Approach those areas where cuts must be made.
By getting rid of Socialist programmes. By removing in discriminate subsidies. By rooting out waste and extrava gance, By applying cash limits. By economies in most major spending programmes other than Defence, the Police and those on which the needy must depend.
That is a very similar strategy to that which the Australi an Liberal Party, our counterparts, fought their election upon. They are now doing it. That shows it can be carried out in practice ; and the people are supporting them be cause they knew the measures must be taken.
In opposition we cannot write our own public expenditure White Paper; it would be foolish to do so. But we may not be in opposition that much longer. So let me pledge that once we are the Government, what we have said we will do about public expenditure, we will do ; and we will keep our word just as those other Conservative Governments that I have seen in action recently in Australia and New Zea land have kept theirs.
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If the present Government have no stomach for the fight, let them depart.
INCENTIVE - THE DYNAMO
Let us realise that their almost total commitment to ex travagant Government expenditure is not home solely of compassion. Not a bit of it! It reflects a stubborn desire to regulate the day-to-day lives of rich and poor alike. The more a family has of its own money to spend, the more independent it is of the State. The more that is taken away from that family by taxation, the more that family are under the heel of the State; and that is where Socialism wants them.
The Socialists' battle cry is always the same ; we hear it in Parliament. "The Conservatives", they say "want un employment . Conservative cuts" they claim, "would double or treble those out of work".
Now this is nonsense. And we must recognise it as non-
No Party deliberately seeks the misery and waste of un employment. But what is the history of the last two-and- a-half years? It is a Labour Government that has doubled the numbers out of work and set a shameful post-war record. And however well intentioned it is Labour's poli cies that have brought this about.
Yet curiously enough they have neither the wit to acknowl edge it nor the courage to change those policies. They doubled public spending. That led to a doubling of un employment, because they bled p._oductive industry white of the resources it needed to provide jobs.
Today their policies threaten the ultimate disaster. An economic earthquake that would ruin the livelihood of thousands of families.
Of course we're not going to solve our problems just by cuts, just by restraint. Sometimes I think I have had enough of hearing of restraint. It was not restraint that brought us the achievements of Elizabethan England; it was not restraint that started the Industrial Revolu tion; it was not restraint that led Lord Nuffield to start building cars in a bicycle shop in Oxford.
It wasn't restraint that inspired us to explore for oil in the North Sea and bring it ashore.
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It was incentive. Positive, vital, driving individual incentive. The incentive that was once the dynamo of this country but which today our youth are denied. In centive that has been snuffed out by the Socialist State.
BREAKING OUT OF RESTRAINT
We Conservatives have to re-create the conditions, cited by that wise French philosopher de Tocqueville - condi tions which "give men the courage to seek prosperity, the freedom to follow it up, the sense and habits to find it, and the assurance of reaping the benefits". That says it all ; everything that is not being done now but which we must do. We must break out of restraint if we are to have a prosperous and successful future.
We shall do this by providing a stable economic back ground so that expansion and growth will pay and be seen to pay.
We shall do it by letting profits rise to a level which offers a real incentive to expand.
We shall do it by ensuring that men and women who invest their savings in their own business, or in someone else's business, can once more earn a reasonable return.
We shall do it by following the example of other Conserva tive Governments and cutting taxes as soon as we can.
We shall encourage the production of wealth by spreading a share in its growth among those who have helped to cre ate it.
That is the programme which will lead to expansion - picking up speed over the years. Expansion - leading to more jobs. Expansion - leading to higher wages. Expansion - leading eventually to more resources for the nation, so that we can have the same standards of social services as our more successful competitors enjoy. That is a realistic strategy, and it is one which offers hope to our nation.
These, then, are some of the guidelines of our strategy - prudent financial management and soundly based expansion. But there are many who will say : "We agree, broadly, with what you want to do. But we are frightened that the trade unions won't let you do it".
This does less than justice both to us and to the trade unions.
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One of the best debates that we have had here was on in dustrial relations. During that debate one speaker after another, Conservative trade unionists, Conservative nego tiators and shop stewards, distinguished the role of trade unions from that of Parliament. What shone through was the difference between what we understand by a social contract and what the Socialists mean.
If the phrase social contract means that the job of the trade union negotiator in a factory or office is to secure good pay for good work, to secure good terms and condi tions of service ; to secure extra rewards for extra skill and responsibility, then we support the social contract wholeheartedly.
JOB FOR PARLIAMENT
We want to restore the right of unions and management to make the best bargain they can in circumstances they both know. So do most union leaders. But we believe that ideally there should first be a generally agreed basis for wage bargaining. This is a system which has worked elsewhere for years - in countries which have inflation rates far lower than ours. So, the first meaning of social contract presents us with no problem.
But Labour's social contract is not like that. It appar ently allows a handful of trade union leaders to dictate to the Government the level of public spending, the num ber of industries to be nationalised, what the tax sys tem should be, the terms on which we can borrow from the IMF - and so on and so on.
I am bound to say to them: "With great respect, that is not your job. It is Parliament's."
Parliament is the only body which represents all the people. The most famous definition of democracy is govern ment of the people, by the people, for the people. Not government of a section of the people, by a section of the people, for a section of the people.
I agree with the speaker who said that if a trade union leader, or anyone else for that matter, wants to run the country, he or she should stand for Parliament. In the Conservative Party we would welcome some more of them as candidates, although I should warn them that Selection Committees are a law unto themselves, as many non-trade
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unionists have discovered. But those who believe in good jobs, in raising their standard of living by their own efforts, in working hard for themselves and their fami lies - all of those people, whether they are trade union leaders or shop stewards or ordinary union members, whether they belong to a union or do not belong to any union at all - all of them should welcome the return of a Conservative Government.
CONSULTATION WITH UNIONS
Let me make it absolutely clear that the next Conserva tive Government will look foward to discussion and con sultation with the trade union movement about the poli cies that are needed to save our country. As for confrontation, the confrontation that matters to us is confrontation with rising prices, with rising unemploy ment, with rising debts and with the grave threat to Britain's future.
So nobody should allow the Labour Party to frighten them into thinking that there can be no domestic peace if we do what has to be done to save our economy. Common- sense policies must and will prevail if we fight hard enough.
And those who share our commonsense views are not a small, beleagurered minority. We are a Party ofordinary people with ordinary hopes and beliefs, but with extra ordinary qualities of tenacity and purpose. Not for nothing are we privileged to belong to probably the oldest and certainly the most successful democratic party the world over.
But in recent years we have had more than our share of disappointments at the polls. We have all too often won the argument, but lost in the ballot box. We have won minds - but we must now win hearts. This I believe we can do. Because today the Conservative Party is the truly national Party. On matters that concern ordinary men and women, it is we who represent the majority view, and the Socialists the minority.
People are increasingly concerned about the quality of their children's education, but we are the Party that puts standards as our first priority. People want to buy rather than rent their homes. It is we, not the Social ists, who want to offer the opportunity of home
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ownership to everyone. People want protection from crime and vandalism in particular and it is we who are the Party that will emphatically not economise on the Police Force.
FRUSTRATION OF THE PEOPLE
People are becoming increasingly frustrated by the crush ing weight of personal taxation in Britain, where we now have the highest starting rate of income tax in the world. We are the Party that wants to reduce taxation, while the Socialists never stop trying to raise it.
And we are the Party that believes it should pay more to work than to stay idle. A growing number of people are anxious about the strength of our Armed Forces. We are the Party that regards the defence of the Realm as the overriding duty of any Government. We want to see a de feat of terrorism, especially in Northern Ireland.
But what a distortion, what a travesty of the truth it is for the Socialists to call themselves the party of the working people. Today we are all working people. Today it is the Conservatives and not the Socialists who repre sent the true interests and hopes and aspirations of the working people. Above all else, let us get that message into every corner of the United Kingdom.
We are nearing the end of one of the best Conferences we have had since the War. Speaker after speaker, from every walk of life, has come forward to join in debates that have not only been of high quality but have reflected the grave position in which our country finds itself.
Today I have tried to speak the truth to you as I see it - and through you to the nation - and beyond the nation to those who wait and watch from abroad, asking anxiously "Where are the British going? What will they do?"
FIGHT FOR SOCIAL ORDER
I call the Conservative Party now to a crusade. Not only the Conservative Party. I appeal to all those men and women of goodwill who do not want a Marxist future for themselves or their children or their children's children. This is not just a fight about national solvency. It is a fight about the very foundations of the social order. It is a crusade not merely to put a temporary brake on Socialism, but to stop its onward march once and for all.
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To do that we must reach out not only to the minds but to the hearts and feelings and to the deepest instincts of our people.
Let us be clear in our thinking. Let us be confident in our approach. But above all, let us be generous in our understanding. If, as has been said and I believe, the Conservative Party is the last bastion between Britain and disaster, then let that bastion be broad enough and large enough to accommodate all our people, Conservative and non- Conservative, trade unionists and non-trade unionists, those who have always been with us and those who have never been with us but who are prepared to support us now because they put country before Party. Let no-one be excluded from our crusade and let no-one exclude himself. We are one nation. We may not know it with our brains but we know it with our roots.
I am deeply conscious of the challenge to our Party and of the responsibility I face as its Leader, but I be lieve we shall be sustained by millions who are hoping and praying today that we shall rise to the level of events. We must not fail them, and we will not fail them. As I look to our great history and then at our dismal present, I draw strength from the great and brave things this nation has achieved. I seem to see clearly, as a bright new day, the future that we can and must win back. As was said before another famous battle : "It is true that we are in great danger; the greater therefore should our courage be".
'WE ARE NOT ALONE'
So let us be in good heart. We are not alone. Across the world, from Australia to Sweden, from New Zealand to West Germany, Socialism is on the way out. The tide is turning. Be in good heart and we will give this nation back a sense of pride and purpose. Be in good heart and we will give our people back their self-respect. Let nothing narrow or vindictive or self-righteous be any part of our crusade. Rather let us say with humility: "We offer you hope and a new beginning. Together we shall meet the crisis of this country - and tomorrow the day will be ours".
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'WE SHALL NOT FAIL OUR COUNTRY'
THE LEADER'S ADDRESS TO THE CONSERVATIVE CONFERENCE, AT BLACKPOOL, ON FRIDAY, OCTOBER 14, 1977:
I want to begin with a confession. I do not greatly care for being in Opposition, but we have certain plans to deal with that situation. I believe the essence of poli tics is not what you say, it is what you do, so I look to the day when we put Conservative principles into practice in government.
I look to the day when we throw off the Socialist yoke and turn together to the task of setting our country on the road to a real and lasting recovery. That day can be postponed but it cannot be put off forever. One Thursday - it will be a day just like any other Thursday, and yet I believe it will be a day that will prove the turning point of our time - one Thursday the Labour Party will have to keep their appointment with the voters. It is a prospect I relish.
"Either back us or sack us", says Mr. Callaghan. Just give the people the chance, Jim, just give 'em the chance. He will not of course, until he must. He dare not, which is why instead of having Government with steel in its backbone, we have got one with Steel in its pocket.
LABOUR'S LIMPET GOVERNMENT
Last week at Brighton we were accused of an insatiable lust for power. It is not the Tories who have wheeled and dealed and manoeuvred and manipulated to avoid one thing at all costs - facing the voters ; it is Labour's limpet Government. Hence the Lib-Lab pact. So much for Labour's political principle. So much for the Liberals' genuine conviction, and so much for the courage to stand by what you believe in, even if by standing by it you lose your seat. Better to lose your seat than your self-respect.
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Just what is it that the Liberals have kept in office? A Government that for two-and-a-half years overspent, over-taxed, interfered, nationalised, debased our cur rency and all but bankrupted Britain; in short, that acted like a Labour Government.
Mr. Healey blandly refers to the horrors of 1974-75 but who was Chancellor of the Exchequer then? You have guessed - they were Healey's horrors. After him the deluge? No, because of him the deluge.
"The financial position has been reversed 180 degrees", says the Chancellor with a flourish. Quite so, because his policies have been reversed 180 degrees - by order of the IMF. Twelve months ago the four-budget-a-year man all but took the country over the cliff with him, until at the eleventh hour he turned back from Heathrow in a panic and headed for home to take out the most mas sive mortgage in our history. The prescription the IMF forced his Government to swallow is the prescription we have long been advocating - a good, sound, sensible Conservative prescription.
So my message to Moses is this: keep taking the tablets.
If Labour wants an election slogan, I suggest - it is just a thought but one likes to be helpful: "You know IMF Government works".
Some of the commentators are saying that the Prime Minis ter is stealing our clothes. Well, it is true that he has lost his own, but he is going to look pretty ridi culous walking around in mine!
PRIVATE ENTERPRISE OIL
Of course, all of us are deeply thankful that the wealth of the North Sea started to flow; but the North Sea is not a Socialist sea and its oil is not Socialist oil. It was found by private enterprise; it was drilled by pri vate enterprise ; and it is being brought ashore by private enterprise. So let us put the picture in perspective.
As the oil comes on stream, our balance of payments is going to look healthier. That is good news for Britain. Sterling should be safe from another Socialist slide. That is good news for Britain. The standard of living of our people might rise again, if only a little, after its catastrophic fall. That would be good news for Britain, too. As I have said before, good news for Britain is good news for the Conservative Party. But look closer.
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The truth is that we are still grinding along in bottom gear, with our factories producing less than they were when Labour came to power. Real profits, and therefore investment, are still abysmally low; the number of men and women without a job is the highest since the War. And that is bad news for Britain.
Now take prices, if you can catch them! The Government boasts of its success in bringing down the rate of infla tion. But even if it falls as far as Mr. Healey predicts - and today not even his own No. 2 believes him - prices in Britain will still be going up faster than in other countries.
If Labour survives into next year, prices will have doubled while they have been in power. Doubled! That is not an economic miracle. It is an economic and personal disaster.
BEWARE THE LEOPARD
At Brighton last week we saw Socialism wearing its pre election face. Beware the leopard when it is quiet. It has not changed its spots ; it just does not want its victim to know that it is there. Why was it so quiet last week at Brighton? Because it wants the people to believe that it is a gentle, well-behaved, social democratic pussy-cat.
We all know the drill. In the run-up to each election the claws of Labour's extremists are not drawn ; they are just withdrawn. The front men are paraded to talk quietly, moderately, almost sensibly. The Left-wing just allows them their little outing until the voters are once more in the trap.
Now suppose the election is over. Make a supreme effort and imagine that Labour has won - only for a moment. What then? The trap is sprung and Labour's extremists resume the drive towards a Britain modeled on Eastern Europe.
"It cannot happen here", you say. But at Brighton the annual election to Labour's National Executive produced the same line-up as before ; not a single Left-winger lost out. It is the same executive which produced Labour's Programme for Britain, 1976, and that programme remains otticiai Labour Party policy, 1977. Mr. Benn was frank enough to say so, perhaps hoping the public was not listening.
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Nationalise the banks and insurance companies! That is Labour policy. Do you like the idea of their hands on your savings? How do you fancy Mr, Healey or Mr. Benn as your friendly neighbourhood bank manager?
They want to nationalise all the land, not just some of it. All of it! They demand a free hand to take over al most any firm, big or small, the building industry, the food industry, fishing, forestry, ports, and many more. That is their policy, too. They want the power to make every business obey them. They want to cut tax relief for home-buyers. They want higher Income Tax to pay for their plans. They want an immediate Wealth Tax on top of Capital Gains Tax, on top of Capital Transfer Tax.
SIGNPOST TO MARXISM
What is the point of building up your savings or your business if they are going to take it all away from you? But it's all there in their little red book. It's all official Labour Party policy. And to make it easier to ram through this frightening Socialist programme, they have just voted to abolish the House of Lords. There, behind the cosy Brighton front, you have the reality of Labour.
Although, Mr. President, I rather agree with you about the House of Lords, they will not find it easy to abolish it, because while half the Labour Party are trying to abolish it, the other half are trying to get in!
When the election comes, will this actually appear in their manifesto? Some of it will, and if they were to win, sooner or later they will do it all. Because, when ever Labour win an election, the Tribune Group grow stronger and stronger and stronger. From one election to the next. Labour's programme gets meaner, more narrow, more Marxist.
Britain, beware! The signpost reads: "This way to the total Socialist State". Destroying freedoms we have cherished and defended down the centuries doesn't worry the Far-Left. They like everything about Eastern Europe - except, alas, going to live there - because, after all, the living standards there are very low for them.
So let no-one say today there is no true difference be tween the parties, no real choice before the nation. That is not what the people think. Many men and women who had voted Labour all their lives turned to us in
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Ashfield, Stechford, Workington and Walsall. They know the Labour Party they used to vote for is not the Labour Party of today. The Party of Hugh Gaitskell has become a Party fit for Andy Bevan and Peter Hain. The disil lusioned, the disenchanted, the courageous, the converted, we welcome them, one and all, to our cause. But the job of cleaning up Labour, the job of ditching the extremists, is not in our hands. It's in the hands of the people on that special Thursday for which we watch and wait and work.
OUSTING THE TRIBUNITES
If just five or six out of every 100 voters switch from Labour to Conservative at the election, they will slash the size of the Tribune Group by about a third - and on a swing of that size 25 Tribunites will lose their seats. And Britain will have a Conservative Government, a truly moderate Government, moderate not by order of our foreign creditors, but by genuine conviction, a Government in touch and in tune with the people, carrying out the sort of sensible, prudent policies that work so well in other countries.
Of course, that is not the picture our opponents are go ing to paint. And here let me make a personal prophecy. In the coming months you are going to see a carefully orchestrated campaign by the Labour Party and Labour Gov ernment to portray me as "extremely this" or "extremely that" - not to mention "extremely the other". A whole battery of extremist labels are going to be bandied about. Indeed, they are being bandied about already ; and the closer the election looms, the faster and more furi ous will the bandying come. So just let me tell you a little about my "extremism".
I am extremely careful never to be extreme.
I am extremely aware of the dangerous duplicity of Social ism, and extremely determined to turn back the tide before it destroys everything we hold dear.
I am extremely disinclined to be deceived by the mask of moderation that Labour adopts whenever an election is in the offing, a mask now being worn, as we saw last week, by all who would "keep the red flag flying here". Not if I can help it! The Conservative Party, now and always, flies the flag of one nation - and that flag is the Union Jack.
So much for my so-called "extremism".
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There is another word our opponents like. The word is "reactionary". They say that a Thatcher Government - and I must say that I like the sound of that ; I like it a little more each time I hear it, and they use it quite a lot, so they must believe it - they say that a Thatcher Government would be reactionary. If to react against the politics of the last few years, which undermined our way of life and devastated our economy - if that is reac tionary, then we are reactionary - and so are the vast majority of the British people.
PEOPLE BELIEVE THIS...
They believe, as we do, that Government is far too big - indeed, the next generation were telling us so earlier in the week. They believe, as we do, that Government does not know all the answers, that it has downgraded the individual and upgraded the State.
We do not believe that if you cut back what Government does, you diminish its authority. On the contrary, a Government that did less, and therefore did it better, would strengthen its authority. Our approach was put very simply by a Chinese philosopher centuries ago : "Govern a great nation", he counselled, "as you would cook a small fish. Don't overdo it".
If you ask whether the next Conservative Government will cut controls and regulations, and keep interference in people's lives to a minimum, my answer is: "Yes, that is exactly what we shall do." The best reply to full- blooded Socialism is not milk-and-water Socialism, it is genuine Conservatism.
For 13 years, from 1951, we curbed the powers of the State. Ask those who remember which they preferred: the steady increase in prosperity of the 13 Tory years or the white-hot Socialist stagnation of Messrs. Wilson and Callaghan? By their fruits ye shall know them. What are the fruits of Socialism? Where is the pros perity? Where are the new jobs, the stable prices, the low taxes? Where is the money created by a thriving economy, to spend on our schools, our hospitals, on the pensioners, on the sick and the disabled?
Today we know Socialism by its broken promises ; above all, by the broken promise of a fairer and more pros perous society. Socialism has not made society fairer, it had made it less fair. It has not made Britain richer, it has made it poorer. It has not distributed
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the rewards of achievement more widely, it has deci mated them.
THE UNANSWERED QUESTION
Just let us ask, and keep on asking, the question Labour can never answer: "If your policies are right, why do they never work? And why is it only when you start do ing some of the things we have told you to do, that you ever take a few steps forward?" But a few steps are not enough.
If I have one message above all else, it is this: I am not prepared to settle for the second, third or fourth best for Britain. I do not believe that our decline was inevitable, any more than I believe that an accident of nature off our coasts has made our recovery automatic. I believe that if we confront - and, yes, "confront" is the word I use - if we confront reality, if we pin our trust on the skill, the resource and the courage of our people, then this country can work out its salvation and regain its prosperity, regain the respect of others and its own self-respect.
Some people regard this as dangerous talk: "The Tories", they say, "want change; they want to challenge the rules and ideas and policies that govern Socialist society". "Risky," they murmur. "Right, of course, but risky - might upset Arthur Scargill or Jack Jones - better not do it, better not do it."
And there you have the root and heart of the choice fac ing our nation. What worries Jack Jones is that the leaders of his Party are living too well. What worries us is that ordinary people are not living well enough.
That is why the next election will be so crucial. All elections are crucial, but this time the choice could be decisive for a generation, because, this time, how the country votes will settle which party is entrusted with the immense benefits of North Sea oil. If it is the Socialists, then the profits of free enterprise will be used to purchase Socialism and to take more powers for the State. If it is the Conservatives, they will be used to give power back to the people.
The choice is the classic choice. Labour will do what it has been doing for the last three years, only more so. We shall do what we have said we will do - Set the people free.
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UNIONS : PARROT TALK
The key question I am asked over and over again is : "But will a Conservative Government be free? How will you get on with the trade unions, and will the trade unions allow a Conservative Government to govern?" Yes, the word is "allow".
People who ask that question are already half-way into Labour's trap. They have swallowed the bait and they are ripe for the catch. Here is the position : The Government dares not fight on its record or on any manifesto that would be acceptable both to its Marxist Left and to the people of Britain. So, like an unimaginative parrot, they keep on repeating: "The Tories won't be able to work with the unions".
When the time comes. Jack Jones will be expected to mutter it, Hugh Scanlong to go along with it, David Basnett may ac tually say it, and Clive Jenkins ... he will amost cer tainly shout it.
And it will not be true, unless the union leaders are determined to make it true.
Now let us take and face a hypothetical situation. Sup pose they are so determined. Suppose they have already made up their minds to make the task of an elected Con servative Government impossible. Then we would face a situation in which an unelected minority was intent on getting rid of a Government that it could not control and replacing it with one that it could.
Is this what the union leaders seriously intend, to use their industrial muscle for political ends? I do not believe it. But people are asking: If it were so, what would happen? Could a handful of men with great power hold the nation to ransom?
The answer is, it is possible.
Should such a situation arise, for example, in a vital nationalised industry, it would be presented as a con flict between Government and trade union. This would be false. The real conflict would be between union and people, because it would be the people who suffer. It always is. In that case the duty of the Government, any Government, would be to act through Parliament on behalf of the nation as a whole. In a vital issue such as this, in which Government had to take decisive
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action on a single specific matter, it would be important for the Government to know that it had the support of the majority of the people.
It is in that context, and that context only, that I have suggested a referendum to test public opinion. In those circumstances - in those special circumstances - I say: "Let the people speak". But I hope, and believe, the situation will never arise.
OUR POSITIVE APPROACH
I would like to make two final points about the unions. First, a strong and responsible trade union movement is essential to this country, and its rights must be re spected. Second, the belief that those rights take precedence over all other rights, and even over the law itself, could be fatal to this country. Happily, the great majority of trade unionists know this as well as, if not better than, some of their leaders. They know that while their leaders represent them at work, we rep resent them in Parliament.
We in the Conservative Party look foward to a long and fruitful association with the unions, because a Con servative Britain will be as much in the interests of union members as of the rest of the community. They know that taxes today are too high, that they torpedo talent, and that they must be cut ; and that is what we Conservatives will do.
We shall cut Income Tax, so that once again it is worth while to work harder and to le a m a skill. We want to keep our best brains in Britain. We want to bring home some of those who have been driven abroad. We want to hold out to the enterprising businessman a reward which matches the risks of building up a firm. We want to renew the spark of incentive in our economy, because, without that, new jobs cannot and will not be created. We want to leave everyone with more of his own money in his own pocket to spend as he pleases.
Our aim is to make tax collecting a declining industry. There are more civil servants in the Inland Revenue than there are sailors in the British Navy. If Govern ments do not cut what they spend, we have to cut what we spend. There is one hand-out that the people really want today. That is the Government's hand out of their pocket.
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This is the positive approach, and it is the key to get ting industry going again. We do not believe that Government can run industry better than the people who work there. It cannot. Countries that are more success ful than we are owe their economic achievements, above all, to free enterprise, and the benefits are not con fined to a few of their citizens. They are spread among the many. The whole community benefits, because, when the tide comes in, all the boats rise.
Of course, no Government in a modern industrial society, and certainly no sensible Conservative Government, can wholly withdraw from the market place, but Government support for ailing industry will only produce an ailing economy unless it is selective, unless the circumstances are exceptional, and unless that support is directed to two overriding aims : moving the firm out of the red in to the black, and then back to independence as quickly as possible.
WINSTON SAID IT
A sure recipe for industrial blight is a Government that gives what amounts to a blanket guarantee that virtually any firm will be saved from the consequences of its own mistakes. No firm and no nation can behave indefinitely as though there is little difference between profit and loss, high production and low, success and failure.
In this, as in so much else, Winston put his finger on it. "It is a Socialist idea", he said, "that making profits is a vice. The real vice is making losses."
Now, we would like to see the workers who help to create the profits sharing them. The Labour Party want union leaders on boards of directors. We want more employees voting as shareholders at company meetings. Under a Conservative Government we hope that more of them will own a stake in industry and that more of them will own their own homes.
A FAMILY PARTY
We Conservatives are a family Party. We believe that in a healthy society more and more people should be able to buy the roof over their own heads, That is why we will give council tenants the right in law to buy their homes.
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That legislation, I promise you, will be announced in the first Queen's Speech of the next Conservative Government.
Let the Labour Party go on offering newly-weds a place on the waiting list for a house on a council estate which they can never call their own. We offer them a place that belongs to them, their own home in which to start life together and later to bring up their children.
What happens when the children go to school? We have got to stop destroying good schools in the name of equality. The main victims of Labour's recent attack on the direct grant schools have been able children from less well-off families. People from my sort of background needed grammar schools to compete with children from privileged homes, like Shirley Williams and Anthony Wedgwood Benn.
Our aim in education is simple : it is to raise standards for all our children. That means fighting far more vigorously against that small minority which believes that the principal purpose of education is to instill contempt for democratic institutions. That is not edu cation, it is political propaganda, and I see no reason why you and I and every other taxpayer should pay for it. These destroyers would also destroy respect for our laws and the order on which a civilised society is based.
BACKING FOR POLICE
People have asked me whether I am going to make a fight against crime an issue at the next election. No, I am not going to make it an issue. It is the people of Britain who are going to make it an issue. The old people in our city centres, who are frightened to go out at night, are going to make it an issue. The taxpayers and rate payers, who have to meet the bills for mindless vandalism ...they are going to make it an issue. The parents wor ried sick when their children go out on their own ... they are going to make it an issue.
Yes, law and order will be an issue, and it will be a vital issue, at the election. If anyone thinks that is Right-wing, they should talk to the workers in the factories and the women in the supermarket.
The next Conservative Government will give more re sources to the police. They are under-manned and poorly paid. We will bring them up to strength. We will give them the money to do the job.
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I do not intend to sit on the sidelines wringing my hands while London, Glasgow, Manchester, Birmingham and the rest of our cities go the way of New York.
But if the violence in Britain is deeply disturbing, it is nothing to what has been endured by the people of Northern Ireland for nearly 10 years. What happens in Ulster touches us all; it is part of our country, our United Kingdom, So let the people of Ulster be assured of this ; the Conservative Party stands rock firm for the union of Great Britain and Northern Ireland,
Today I would like to express our deep and lasting admir- aion for Betty Williams and Mairead Corrigan, the Bel fast Peace Women, who have been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize, Their courage symbolises to us and to the whole Western World the yearning of the people of Ulster for peace.
HELP FOR SERVICEMEN
We honour with them the Royal Ulster Constabulary, the Ulster Defence Regiment, and our Servicemen in Northern Ireland, I only wish that all the members of our Armed Forces who defend freedom there, and in other parts of the world, had a higher place in Socialist priorities. The Labour Party have cut present and future spending on defence by the staggering figure of L8% billion.
What sort of Government is it that so neglects the wel fare of our Servicemen? What sort of Government forces front-line soldiers into claiming rent rebates, and makes many of them worse off than people who do not even try to work at all?
Our Armed Forces are poorly paid. They are denied the equipment, the stores, the back-up and the training that they know are vital to the job they do. Worse, they see the anti-Western wing of the Labour Party calling for still more gigantic cuts in defence, which a former Labour Defence Secretary said would mean, at best, neu trality and, at worst, surrender.
We have a Government that neglects our defences, a Govern ment that lets down NATO so badly that our Allies have re buked it publicly. What a disgrace! A Government which spends money on nationalism while cutting spending on the defence of the Realm.
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As I promised President Carter last month, the next Con servative Government will give defence the high priority that it demands. The Conservative Government will see that our troops are properly paid, increase defence spending so that we can meet our obligations to our Allies, and by strengthening the defence of the West, restore the morale of our fighting Services.
DEFENCE OF FREEDOM
Let us not forget - our first duty to freedom is to defend our own. It was to that end and purpose that I entered politics, and two years ago, in this hall, from this platform, I spoke to you for the first time as Leader of our Party. I remember well my nervousness, and pride, as I tried to tell you something of my personal vision and my hopes for our country and our people. I felt deeply my responsibility then.
Today I feel it even more deeply. For much has happened between those two Octobers. Two years ago I spoke of a man's right to work as he will, to spend what he earns, to own property, to have the State as servant and not as master. And today the threat to those democratic values has doubled and redoubled.
I know only too well, as I go about the country, the fears felt for our British way of life. I know it from the letters I receive. And I know how many hopes ride with us today - the hopes of millions who are Conserva tive, and millions who are not, but who look to us because they feel instinctively that what is happening to their country threatens not only their freedom but everything that made it materially and morally great.
Paul Johnson expressed it movingly, and with a writer's clarity, the other day, when he resigned from the Labour Party. "I have come to appreciate, perhaps for the first time in my life", he wrote, "the overwhelming strength of my attachment to the individual spirit. The paramount need to keep it alive, I now see, is so great as to override any other principle whatever."
WE SHALL NOT FAIL
These are deeply anxious and disturbing days for those whose eyes are open, and who value freedom, but provided we are alert and alive to the danger, then the human will of the growing and quietly determined majority must pre vail.
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The responsibility that rests upon the Conservative Party is huge and humbling. Bv.t as autumn moves toward winter, and we brace ourselves for the great task that lies ahead, let us make this promise to the British people : We will discharge the task with all our strength and all our faith.
WE SHALL HOT FAIL OUR COUNTRV.
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THE LEADER'S ADDRESS TO THE CONSERVATIVE CONFERENCE ON FRIDAY, 13TH OCTOBER 1978.
I must first thank you, Madame Chairman, for the wonder ful heartwarming welcome. I confess that this is the biggest birthday party that I have ever had. I just do not know whether my parents had in mind the timing of the party conference, but if that is what is meant by family planning I am all for it.
One of the distinguished members of my shadow Cabinet sent me a birthday card today and said "Don't think of it as another birthday ; think of it as another year spent mastering the intricacies of a rewarding and demanding life." That seemed to me a pretty fair description of the job.
Let us turn to the nation's business. Political life may be unpredictable. Dull it isn't. Last month the nation was priviliged to watch on television the first broadcast ever to present a chronic case of cold feet as a noble act of patriotism. "Let's see it through together," said the Prime Minister in his now notorious announcement that there would be no election - "in the national interest."
Of course by seeing it through together he meant seeing it through with Labour. I am inclined to think that the people of this country will reject that invitation the moment that they are given the opportunity. Whenever the moment comes we are ready. As soon as Parliament reassembles we shall do all we can as a responsible Oppo sition to end the present damaging uncertainty, to de feat the Government and to bring about a general elec tion.
But I must warn you that the dying days of this adminis tration may well see one last wretched round of manipu lation and manoeuvre, of private deals or public pacts or cosy little undertandings - always, of course "in the national interest" - before the Government are finally
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dragged, kicking and screaming, to the polls. If that should be the case, so be it. I believe that the longer they wait the harder they will fall. But the harder, too, will be our task of halting and reversing the decline of Britain. Our party offers the nation nothing less than national revival, the deeply-needed, long-awaited and passionately longed-for recovery of our country. That recovery will depend on a decisive rejection of the La bour Party by the people and a renewed acceptance of the Conservative belief that the State is the servant, not the master of this nation.
But the problems we shall face are daunting. After nearly five years of Labour Government living standards have just got back to where they were when they took office. The Wilson-Callaghan years have left Britain close to the bottom of every international league table in terms of prices, in terms of jobs, and, above all, in terms of what we produce and what we owe to the rest of the world. Where they have left our country in terms of self- reliance and in terms of self respect, in terms of na tional security I hardly have to tell you.
That is the legacy of Labour, and no amount of whistling in the dark by the Prime Minister or the Chancellor can change it. There is only one service they can do the nation now. It is to stand not upon the order of their going, but go. The damage that they have done to Bri tain is immeasurable. Our ancestors built . land of pride and hope and confidence in the future, a land whose influence grew out of all proportion to her size, whose constitution guaranteed a balance between freedom and order which used to be the British hallmark and be came a model for the world. That was the heritage they handed down to us.
What would they think of Labour Britain today. A country in which people ask: "Why work if you can get it with out?" ; "Why save if your savings are taxed away, or in flated away or both?"; "Why do a good job when you will probably make out just as well if you do a bad one?"; "Why bother to get extra qualifications when differen tials and earnings so often depend on political muscle, not personal merit?"
At home we are a country profoundly ill at ease with ourselves, while abroad a darkening and dangerous world scene confronts us. This is not just a Conservative analysis, it is a view shared here and overseas, not least by those who love this land and wish it well. In
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their franker moments even some Labour Ministers subscribe to it, "Land of hope and glory, mother of the free" sounds as stirring and moving as ever, but it is less and less like the land we live in today. Why is that? What has happened to this country of ours that we thought we knew? It is not just a question of pinning down who is responsible, important though that is. The first step in clearing your mind about where to go is to understand how you got where you are.
Does what has happened to Britain over the last four and a half years imply that we have been governed by remark ably foolish people? No, though you may be able to think of one or two who would qualify under that heading. Is it the result of having been governed by unusually wicked people? No. There have been enough good intentions to pave the well-worn path twice over. The root of the mat ter is this; we have been ruled by men who live by illu sions, the illusion that you can spend money you haven't earned without eventually going bankrupt or falling into the hands of your creditors ; the illusion that real jobs can be conjured into existence by Government decree like rabbits out of a hat ; the illusion that there is some other way of creating work and wealth than by hard work and satisfying your customers ; the illusion that you can have freedom and enterprise without believing in free enter prise; the illusion that you can have an effective foreign policy without a strong defence force and a peaceful and orderly society without absolute respect for the law.
It is these and many other Labour fallacies that have brought Britain to where we are today. Of course it is true that things have not deteriorated quite so quickly since the crisis of 1976. It was then, you will remember, that Dennis Healey was put on probation to the Interna tional Monetary Fund. A strange man, Mr. Healey. He seems to think that being put on probation is some sort of achievement demanding recognition. Someone ought to tell him that you do not give the man who sets fire to your house a medal just because he phones for the fire brigade.
Last week at Blackpool he was boasting again about his success. He could see growing confidence throughout the economy. We are poised, he said, for another "great leap forward". But, he told the assembled comrades, there were two conditions which Labour had to fulfill to win the election. First, and I quote him again "we have got to keep inflation under control." Agreed. "And we have got to strengthen, not weaken the authority of Jim Callaghan in this movement and in this country." Disagreed.
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"Those,” said Mr. Healey, "are the things you have got to ponder before you cast your votes." Well, the brothers pondered and then they voted. They voted overwhelmingly to throw overboard the Government's whole economic strategy, and with it, according to the Chancellor, the Prime Minister's authority.
The following day Mr. Callaghan tried to restore it by speaking of the Government's "inescapable responsibility" to deal with the present situation. He said nothing about his own inescapable responsibility for bringing that situation about. That is the charge against Mr. Cal laghan. Ask Sir Harold Wilson and Barbara Castle what they thought of his "responsibility" nearly 10 years ago when he fought tooth and nail against their plan for re forming the trade unions, for making them - yes - more responsible. "In Place of Strife" they called it. The unions did not like it. Mr. Callaghan saw it straight in to the waste paper basket. The road to Blackpool 1978 was opened in 1969 by Mr. Callaghan. He cut the tape and so long as it suited him he travelled steadily down the road he had himself opened without so much as a backward glance.
In 1974 during the dispute with the miners how did he de fine responsiblity then? I will tell you how. He went to Wales and said to the miners: "I am here as chairman of the British Labour Party because I wanted to come into the mining valleys to place the Labour Party firmly behind the miners' claim for just and honest wage." What would he say, what would the people of this country say, if the chairman of our party had gone down to East London and announced: "I am here as chairman of the British Con servative Party because I wanted to come to Dagenham to place the Conservative Party firmly behind the Ford work ers' claim for a just and honest wage."?
Well, now that the boot is on the other foot, what will the Conservatives do to him? Let me put his mind at rest. We are not going to follow in his footsteps. We won't accuse him of union bashing. We won't support a strike in breach of an agreement. We won't act irresponsibly, and he knows it. Nor do we rejoice at his discomfiture, for his problems are the country's problems. But a man who whets the tiger's appetite cannot expect much sym pathy when it turns and bites him.
Today the nation has a Prime Minister whose party has disowned his principal policy and destroyed the chief plank in his election strategy. Until last week that strategy was simple. Labour would play its union card, the one called "special relationship". The idea was this.
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A group of union leaders would try to persuade the country that if they were not allowed to call the tune there would be no music. Mind you, no union leader ever said: "I shall overturn a Conservative Government". It was always the union next door that was going to do that. For Labour this device would have had one splendid virtue. It would have made it possible for every Labour candidate to say in effect: "Suppose Labour has created more unemployment than any Government since 1945; suppose it has produced a stag nant economy ; suppose it has doubled prices ; suppose it has nothing to offer but more and more nationalisation, more and more State control. The fact remains that only it can keep the unions happy and without this the economy will grind to a halt".
That, in a nutshell, was to be the Labour case when the election came. But the election did not come. Blackpool came - and with it, the great illumination.
Today, Labour's policies are at a dead end, economically and politically. This is not something to crow about. We do not hope for a country in ruins so that we can take over. We want to be elected so that we can do better, not because we could not possibly do worse.
The country is looking for a sign that we can succeed where Socialism has failed. Labour's dead end has to be our beginning. The idea that only Labour can talk to labour drowned in the sea at Blackpool. Let me now at our Conservative Conference start the Conservative dia logue .
Here are the facts as I see them - and I am talking now straight to the union leaders.
"We Conservatives don't have a blue-print for instant suc cess. There isn't one. "But at least we start with this advantage. "We know what not do do. That path has been clearly sign posted. "If a government takes too much in tax, everyone wants higher wages. "If a government bails out those who bargain irresponsibly, where does the money come from? The pockets of those who bargain responsibly. "If a government tries to level everyone down, with year after year of totally rigid income policies, it destroys incentive. "If a government enforces those policies with the under world sanctions of blackmail and blacklist, it undermines its own authority and Parliament's.
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"For years the British disease has been the ’us' and ’them’ philosophy. Many in industry are still infected with this virus. They still treat the factory not as a workplace but as a battlefield. When that happens the idea of a common interest between employers and employed flies out of the window and so does the truth that if your company prospers, you will too. "Now, you the trade union leaders have great power. You can use it well or you can use it badly. But look at the position of your members today, and compare it with the position of workers in other free countries. Can you really say, can anyone really say, you have used your power well? You want higher wages, better pensions, shorter hours, more government spending, more investment, more - more - more - more. "But where is this ’more’ to come from? There is no more. There can be but there won't be unless we all produce it. You can no more separate pay from output than you can separate two blades of a pair of scissors and still have a sharp cutting edge.
"And here let me say plainly to the trade union leaders, you are often your own worst enemies. Why isn’t there more? Because too often restrictive practices rob you of the one thing you have to sell - your productivity. Restrictive practices are encrusted like barnacles on our industrial life. They've been there for almost a century. They were designed to protect you from being exploited, but they have become the chief obstacle to your prosperity. How can it be otherwise? When two men in sist on doing the work of one, there is only half as much for each.
"I understand your fears. You’re afraid that producing more goods with fewer people will mean fewer jobs, and those fears are naturally stronger at a time of high unemployment. But you're wrong. The right way to at tack unemployment is to produce more goods more cheaply and then more people can afford to buy them. Japan and Germany, mentioned several times this week - and rightly so - are doing precisely that and have been for years. Both have a large and growing share of our markets. Both are winning your customers and taking your jobs. "Of course, we in Britain see the German success and want it here - the same living standards, the same output, the same low rate of inflation. But remember, what they have also had in Germany is strict control of the money supply, no rigid incomes policy, less state control than we have, lower personal tax and unions which are on the side of the future, not refighting the battles of the past.
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"We shall do all that a government can to rebuild a free and prosperous Britain. We believe in realistic, re sponsible collective bargaining, free from government interference. Labour doesn't. "We believe in encouraging competition, free enterprise, and profits in firms large and small. Labour doesn't. "We believe in making substantial cuts in the tax on your pay packet. Labour doesn't. We will create condi tions in which the value of the money you earn and the money you save can be protected. "We will do these things. That I promise you. We'll play our part, if you, the trade union leaders, play yours, responsibly. "Responsibility can't be defined by the government setting a fixed percentage for everyone, because the circumstances are different in every concern in the country, whether nationalised or free. It's up to you, the trade union leaders, to act realistically in the light of all the facts, as the government must do. If you demand too much you will bargain your firm into bankruptcy and your mem bers on the dole. And no one wants that.
"Our approach works in other countries which are doing far better than we are. It worked here during 13 years of Conservative government. You did better, Britain did better - infinitely better than today under Labour.
"Let's make it work again."
That is our message to the unions.
You can hear the same message in country after country. You can hear distant echoes of it even from Labour Minis ters . It would be nice to think that this was due to an irreversible shift in the distribution of common sense. But it's really due to the nearness of an election and a swelling tide of protest from every taxpayer, every home owner, every parent in the land.
I look forward to Labour's continuing conversion to good sense, and after the election, to their becoming a help ful Opposition in the new House of Commons.
So far I have spoken mainly of the practical and material failure of the last four Labour years and how we shall start to put things right. Let me turn now to something deeply damaging to this country.
Many of us remember the Labour Party as it used to be. In the old days it was at least a party of ideals. You didn't have to agree with Labour to understand its appeal and
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respect its conern for the underdog. Gradually over the years there has been a change, I have no doubt that those ideals, those principles, are still alive today in the hearts of traditional Labour supporters. But among those who lead the Labour movement something has gone seriously wrong.
Just compare the years of Clement Attlee and Hugh Gait- skell with those of Harold Wilson and James Callaghan. Today, instead of the voice of compassion, the croak of the Quango is heard in the land. There may not be enough jobs for the workers, but there are certainly plenty of jobs for the boys.
That is the house that Harold built, to which his succes sor has not been slow to add a wing or two of his own.
Many in the Labour Party wonder what has happened to it. Socialism has gone sour. Today Labour seems to stand too often for expediency, for greed, for privilege, for poli cies that set one half of society against the other.
There are many reasons for this. One stems from that least attractive of emotions, envy. This spirit of envy is aimed not only at those privileged by birth and in herited wealth, like Mr. Wedgwood Benn. It is also di rected against those who have got on by ability and effort.
It is seen in Labour's bias against men and women who seek to better themselves and their families. Ordinary people - small businessmen, the self-employed - are not to be allowed to rise on their own. They must rise col lectively or not at all.
Object to merit and distinction and you're setting your face against quality, independence, originality, genius, against all the richness and variety of life.
You are pinning down the swift and the sure and the strong, as Gulliver was pinned down by the little people of Lilli- put.
A society like that cannot advance. Our civilisation has been built by generation after generation of men and women inspired by the will to excel. Without them we should still be living in the Stone Age. Without the strong who would provide for the weak? When you hold back the successful, you penalise those who need help.
Envy is dangerous, destructive, divisive - and revealing. It exposes the falsity of Labour's great claim that
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they're the party of care and compassion. It is the worst possible emotion to inspire a political party supposedly dedicated to improving the lot of ordinary working people.
From there it is but a short step to the doctrine of class warfare. The Marxists in the Labour Party preach that this is not only just but necessary and inevitable.
But let me put this thought to you. If it is wrong to preach race hatred - and it is - why is it right to preach class hatred? If it is a crime to incite the pub lic against a man simply because of the colour of his skin - and it is - why is it virtuous to do so just be cause of his position?
The political organisation of hatred is wrong - always and everywhere. Class warfare is immoral, a poisonous relic of the past. Conservatives are as fallible, as human and therefore as given to making mistakes as the next man. But we don't preach hatred and we are not a party of envy.
Those who claim that we are a class party are standing the truth on its head. So, too, are those who claim that we are racists. Our determination to deal with the very real and difficult problems of immigration control has inspired Labour to a shameful attempt to frighten the coloured population of Britain.
Last month the Liberal leader added his voice to the chor us. No doubt in an effort to distract attention from his many deep and pressing problems, he too did his best - or worst - to pin the label of 'racialism' on the Conserva tive Party.
I realise that a drowning man will clutch at any straw. But let me remind young Mr. Steel, millions of Conser vatives were among those who spent five years of their lives fighting a war against racialism when he was still in short trousers.
It is true that Conservatives are going to cut the number of new immigrants coming into this country, and cut it substantially, because racial harmony is inseparable from control of the numbers coming in.
But let me say a word to those who are permanently and legally settled here, who have made their homes with us. Your responsibilities are the same as those of every other British citizen, and your opportunities ought to be.
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Compulsory repatriation is not, and never will be, our policy and anyone who tells you differently is deliber ately misrepresenting us for his own ends.
Many other smears and charges will be thrown at us as election day comes nearer. But let us not be too con cerned, however large the lie or absurd the charge. They are a sign of our opponents' desperation. For instance, you may have noticed, and so, I suspect, has the public, how often these charges contradict one another. One mo ment it is said that we have no policy, the next that our policies would bring about every disaster known to man. One moment. Shadow Ministers are said to be notorious villains - well, here the 'villains' are. The next minute they are said to be unknown. Unknown? There's a charge from a party with household names like - let me see, now - Stanley Ormer, not to mention Albert Booth, But then, no one does, do they?
Well, Mr, Prime Minister, if there are any unknowns in the Shadow Cabinet we are all looking forward to becoming a lot better known at your earliest convenience.
Until then, national uncertainty continues, and with it the continued weakening of one of our most ancient and deep-rooted traditions - respect for and safety under the law. When a rule of law breaks down, fear takes over. There is no security in the streets, families feel unsafe even in their own homes, children are at risk, criminals prosper, men of violence flourish, the nightmare world of "A Clockwork Orange" becomes a reality.
Here in Britain in the last few years that world has be come visibly nearer. We have seen some of the symptoms of the breakdown of the rule of law - the growth in the number cf unsolved and unpunished crimes, especially vi olent crimes, overcrowded courts, an underpaid and under manned police force, judges insulted by a senior Minister of the Crown, Sometimes, members of the Labour Party give the impression that as between the law and the lawbreakers they are at best neutral.
We Conservatives are not neutral. We believe that to keep society free the law must be upheld. We are 100 percent behind the police, the courts, the judges, and not least the law-abiding majority of citizens.
To all those engaged in law enforcement we pledge not just our moral but our practical support. As for the law breakers, whether they are professional criminals carrying
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firearms or political terrorists, or young thugs attack ing the elderly, or those who think they can assault policemen with impunity, we say this : "You will find in the new Conservative Government a remorseless and im placable opponent."
The Conservative Party also stands for the defence of our realm. I am often told that there are no votes to be won by talking about defence and foreign policy. Well, I in tend to go on talking about them, especially with elec tions to the European Parliament approaching. And, unlike Labour, we shall work to make a success of our place in the Community, and we shall not need to be prompted to honour our obligations to our NATO allies.
It was nearly three years ago that I warned of the growing danger of Soviet expansion. I was at once attacked by Labour's Defence Secretary and the Soviet leaders - strange company, you might think, for a British Cabinet Minister. What has happened since I made that speech?
The Soviet Union, through its Cuban mercenaries, has com pleted its Marxist takeover of Angola ; Ethiopia has been turned into a Communist bastion in the Horn of Africa ; there are now perhaps 40,000 Cubans in that continent, a deadly threat to the whole of Southern Africa. And as the Soviet threat becomes stronger, so the Labour Govern ment have made Britain weaker. It has cut our forces time and again. We now have only 74 fighter planes to defend our country. We lost twice as many as that during one week of the Battle of Britain.
I am well aware that m o d e m Phantoms have many times the firepower of the Spitfire or Hurricane, but how does that help if you run out of Phantoms? There is a minimum level below which our defences cannot safely be allowed to fall. They have fallen below that level. And I give you this pledge : to bring them back to that minimum level will be the first charge on our national resources under the Con servative Government.
It will not be easy, but there are no short cuts to secur ity. There are only short cuts to defeat.
Conservatives too will see that our Armed Forces are properly paid. They do an indispensable job abroad and at home, not least in Northern Ireland.
I spent three memorable and moving days in Northern Ire land in June. The constancy and patience of the men and women of the Province who have endured so much pain through 10 years of terror is something that I shall never forget. I know that there are those who say "Leave them
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to solve their own problems and bring our boys back." To them I must reply: "If you wash your hands of Northern Ireland you wash them in blood." So long as Ulster wishes to belong to the United Kingdom she will do so. That is the policy of the Conservative Party and it will be the policy of the next Conservative Govern ment.
The next Conservative Government! I have spoken of what four years of Labour Government have done to Britain, materially and morally, at home and abroad. I hope that after this afternoon it will not be possible for anyone to say again that there is really not much difference between the parties. There is all the difference in the world and if it is the will of the country we will show the country and the world what the difference i s .
May I end on a personal note? Long ago I learned two lessons of political life - to have faith and to take nothing for granted. When we meet again the election will be over. I would not take the result for granted, but I have faith that our time is coming and I pray that when it comes we use it well, for the task of restoring the unity and good name of our nation is immense.
I look back at the great figures who led our party in the past and after more than three years I still feel a little astonished that it has fallen to me to stand in their place. Now, as the test draws near, I ask your help, and not only yours - I ask it of all men and women who look to us today, who share with us our longing for a new begin ning.
Of course, we in the Conservative Party want to win, but let us win for the right reason - not power for ourselves, but that this country of ours, which we love so much, will find dignity and greatness and peace again.
Three years ago I said that we must heal the wounds of a divided nation. I say it again today with even greater urgency. There is a cause that brings us all together and binds us all together. We must learn again to be one nation or one day we shall be no nation. That is our Con servative faith. It is my personal faith and vision. As we move towards Government and service may it be our strength and inspiration. Then not only will victory be ours, but we shall be worthy of it.
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The writer was born on April 1, 1947, in Durham,
North Carolina, the first child of Wiley and Elouise Hicks
who were attending the University of North Carolina at
Chapel Hill at the time. She grew up in Parkersburg, West
Virginia and graduated from Parkersburg High School in 1965.
The writer attended a number of undergraduate schools
while pursuing her Bachelor of Arts degree: Stephens College
(1965-66), Ohio University (1966-67), University of South
Carolina (1967), West Virginia University (1968), University
of Miami (1969). On March 1, 1969, she married Frank Bunetta
who was at that time the director of the "Jackie Gleason
Show".
During the nine years of their marriage the Bunettas
traveled extensively and shared in a number of business
ventures. The writer graduated from Stephens College in 1974.
In August, 1967, after completing a Master of Arts Degree in
Reading at West Virginia University, she accepted a teaching
assistantship at Louisiana State University in the Department
of Speech. Her marriage to Mr. Bunetta ended with his sudden
death in March, 1978.
The writer taught courses in public speaking at
Louisiana State University from 1976-1978 while completing
the course work for her doctoral program. Within the
456
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Department of Speech her areas of interest are rhetoric and
public address, oral interpretation of literature and tele
vision; outside the department her area is English
Constitutional History.
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Candidate: Teresa Hicks Bunetta
Major Field: Speech
T itle of Thesis: Margaret Thatcher, Britain>s Spokesman for a New Conservatism:
A Rhetorical Analysis of the Party Conference Speeches ÇL975-
1978)
A pproved:
Major Professor and Chairman
Dean of the Graduate School
EXAMINING COMMITTEE:
Date of Examination:
1979
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