Deduction in Sophistici Elenchi 6
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The Heraclitus Anecdote: De Partibus Animalium I 5.645A17-23
Ancient Philosophy 21 (2001) ©Mathesis Publications 1 The Heraclitus Anecdote: De Partibus Animalium i 5.645a17-23 Pavel Gregoric Chapter 5 of the first book of Aristotle’s De Partibus Animalium contains a short self-contained treatise (644b22-645a36) which has been characterised as a ‘protreptic to the study of animals’ (Peck in Aristotle 1937, 97). Such a charac- terisation of the treatise may be misleading, because Aristotle does not seem to have composed it in order to motivate his audience to go out in the field and study animals, but rather to kindle their interest in the scientific account of ani- mals which he is about to provide. It is reasonable to suppose that Aristotle’s audience, eager to learn something valuable and dignified, needed an explanation of why they should like to hear, amongst other animals, about sponges, snails, grubs, and other humble creatures which are displeasing even to look at, not to mention witnessing the dissections that might have accompanied Aristotle’s lec- tures on animals (cf. Bonitz 1870, 104a4-17; Lloyd 1978). Aristotle explains why such ignoble animals deserve a place in a scientific account of animals and he illustrates that with an anecdote about Heraclitus. So one must not be childishly repelled by the examination of the humbler animals. For in all things of nature there is some- thing wonderful. And just as Heraclitus is said to have spoken to the visitors who wanted to meet him and who stopped as they were approaching when they saw him warming himself by the oven (e‰don aÈtÚn yerÒmenon prÚw t“ fipn“)—he urged them to come in without fear (§k°leue går aÈtoÁw efisi°nai yarroËntaw), for there were gods there too (e‰nai går ka‹ §ntaËya yeoÊw)—so one must approach the inquiry about each animal without aversion, since in all of them there is something natural and beautiful. -
A New Testimony on the Platonist Gaius
A New Testimony on the Platonist Gaius Michele Trizio PART FROM a single Delphic inscription (FD III.4 103), the testimonia of the life and work of second-century AMiddle Platonist Gaius fall into two classes.1 The first includes first-hand observations of later philosophers up to Proclus: Porphyry, for instance, reports that Gaius was one of several authors read regularly by Plotinus’ entourage.2 Galen tells us that he followed the classes of two of Gaius’ pupils in Pergamum and Smyrna respectively.3 As to Proclus, he twice mentions Gaius, among other Platonists, in his commentaries on the Republic and the Timaeus.4 The second class of testimonia includes statements concerning Gaius’ scholarship on Plato in three important Greek MSS. The first of these, Paris.gr. 1962, is a ninth-century MS. of the so-called ‘philosophical collection’, which, among others entries, contains a pinax at f. 146v men- tioning ᾿Αλβίνου τῶν Γαίου σχολῶν ὑποτυπώσεων πλατωνικῶν δογµάτων. That is to say, Albinus’ edition of Gaius’ scholia on 1 On Gaius and the related bibliography see J. Whittaker, “Gaius,” in R. Goulet (ed.), Dictionnaire de philosophes antiques III (Paris 2000) 437–440. All testimonia on Gaius are collected and discussed with reference to previous literature in A. Gioè, Filosofi medioplatonici del II secolo d.c. (Naples 2002). 2 V.Plot. 14, ed. P. Henry and H.-R. Schwyzer, Plotini opera I (Leiden 1951) 19.10–14. 3 De propriorum animi 41, ed. W. de Boer (CMG V.4.1.1, Leipzig 1937); Libr.propr. 2.1, ed. V. Boudon-Millot (Paris 2007). -
Michael of Ephesus' Comments on Aristotle's De Memoria
NATIONAL AND KAPODISTRIAN UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS NATIONAL TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY OF ATHENS Michael of Ephesus’ comments on Aristotle’s De memoria Graduate Programme in the History and Philosophy of Science and Technology Daphne Argyri Advisor: Katerina Ierodiakonou Athens 2016 ΔΙΠΛΩΜΑΤΙΚΗ ΕΡΓΑΣΙΑ Ονοματεπώνυμο: Δάφνη Αργύρη Μεταπτυχιακό πρόγραμμα: Ιστορία και Φιλοσοφία των Επιστημών και της Τεχνολογίας (ΙΦΕΤ) Α.Μ.: 004/13 Υπεύθυνη καθηγήτρια: Κατερίνα Ιεροδιακόνου Αναγνώστες: Βασίλης Καρασμάνης Παύλος Καλλιγάς i Τα σχόλια του Μιχαήλ Εφέσιου στο Περί μνήμης του Αριστοτέλη Στην πραγματεία του Περί μνήμης και αναμνήσεως ο Αριστοτέλης παρουσιάζει τη μνήμη ως βασικό στοιχείο της γνωστικής διαδικασίας, πολύ συγγενές με την αντίληψη. Πρόκειται για μια παθητική κατάσταση (ἕξις/πάθος, 449b25), δηλαδή για μια αποθήκη της ψυχής γεμάτη με εικόνες του παρελθόντος, που σε αντίθεση και συνέχεια του Πλάτωνα διακρίνεται εμφατικά από την σαφώς ενεργητική διαδικασία της ανάμνησης. Η ανάμνηση συνίσταται στη δυνατότητα ανάκλησης στο παρόν, εκουσίως ή ακουσίως, των εικόνων του παρελθόντος και ανήκει, σαν συλλογισμός (οἷον συλλογισμός τις, 453a10), στο μέρος της ψυχής που συνδέεται με την λογική ικανότητα του ανθρώπου. Το υπόμνημα του Μιχαήλ Εφέσιου (12ος αι. μ.Χ.) στο παραπάνω έργο του Αριστοτέλη (Σχόλια εἰς τὸ Περὶ μνήμης καὶ ἀναμνήσεως, 1-41) είναι το μόνο υπόμνημα σε αυτό που σώζεται ως τις μέρες μας και αποτελεί πολύ σημαντική πηγή για την ιστορία των δύο αυτών εννοιών. Οι οξυδερκείς παρατηρήσεις και τα σχόλια του Μιχαήλ φαίνεται κατ΄αρχάς πως έχουν επηρεαστεί από τις διάφορες σχολές σκέψης με τις οποίες ήταν εξοικειωμένος, αλλά παράλληλα εκφράζουν ξεκάθαρα και τις προσωπικές του αντιλήψεις πάνω στο θέμα. Συγκεκριμένα, φανερώνεται μια συγκροτημένη θεώρηση της μνήμης και της ανάμνησης καθώς και του τρόπου με τον οποίο σχετίζονται και αλληλεπιδρούν στο πλαίσιο μιας συστηματικής γνωστικής θεωρίας. -
Historical Synopsis of the Aristotelian Commentary Tradition (In Less Than Sixty Minutes)
HISTORICAL SYNOPSIS OF THE ARISTOTELIAN COMMENTARY TRADITION (IN LESS THAN SIXTY MINUTES) Fred D. Miller, Jr. CHAPTER 1 PERIPATETIC SCHOLARS Aristotle of Stagira (384–322 BCE) Exoteric works: Protrepticus, On Philosophy, Eudemus, etc. Esoteric works: Categories, Physics, De Caelo, Metaphysics, De Anima, etc. The legend of Aristotle’s misappropriated works Andronicus of Rhodes: first edition of Aristotle’s works (40 BCE) Early Peripatetic commentators Boethus of Sidon (c. 75—c. 10 BCE) comm. on Categories Alexander of Aegae (1st century CE)comm. on Categories and De Caelo Adrastus of Aphrodisias (early 1st century) comm. on Categories Aspasius (c. 131) comm. on Nicomachean Ethics Emperor Marcus Aurelius establishes four chairs of philosophy in Athens: Platonic, Peripatetic, Stoic, Epicurean (c. 170) Alexander of Aphrodisias (late 2nd —early 3rd century) Extant commentaries on Prior Analytics, De Sensu, etc. Lost comm. on Physics, De Caelo, etc. Exemplar for all subsequent commentators. Comm. on Aristotle’s Metaphysics Only books 1—5 of Alexander’s comm. are genuine; books 6—14 are by ps.-Alexander . whodunit? Themistius (c. 317—c. 388) Paraphrases of Physics, De Anima, etc. Paraphrase of Metaphysics Λ (Hebrew translation) Last of the Peripatetics CHAPTER 2 NEOPLATONIC SCHOLARS Origins of Neoplatonism Ammonius Saccas (c. 175—242) forefather of Neoplatonism Plotinus (c. 205—260) the Enneads Reality explained in terms of hypostases: THE ONE—> THE INTELLECT—>WORLD SOUL—>PERCEPTIBLE WORLD Porphyry of Tyre (232–309) Life of Plotinus On the School of Plato and Aristotle Being One On the Difference Between Plato and Aristotle Isagoge (Introduction to Aristotle’s Categories) What is Neoplatonism? A broad intellectual movement based on the philosophy of Plotinus that sought to incorporate and reconcile the doctrines of Plato, Pythagoras, and Aristotle with each other and with the universal beliefs and practices of popular religion (e.g. -
Arabatzis.Ffinal Version
Michael of Ephesus and the philosophy of living things (In De partibus animalium, 22.25–23.9) GEORGE ARABATZIS Introduction As in other scientific disciplines, for biological knowledge the Byzantines depended largely on ancient Greek science, especially of the Hellenistic pe- riod. Under the appellation ‘biology’, we should understand those sciences which had to do with medicine, pharmacology, veterinary medicine, zool- ogy, and botany.1 As regards theories about living things (animals and plants), Byzantium carried on a tradition that synthesized elements from an- cient Greek philosophy and the Christian religion (especially the philosophy of the Church Fathers). The crucial point here is the introduction by Christianity of the theory of the historical creation of the world, from its initial elements to the formation of humans, who were seen as the crown of the universe. In a rural civilization like Byzantium, proximity to the world of plants and animals produced popular literary works that played with the idea of human primacy over all other living beings, primarily animals, often through prosopopoeia.2 Since Greco-Roman times, Aristotelian reflection on the conditions of knowledge of biological phenomena, in other words Aristotle’s biological epistemology, had fallen into oblivion;3 what re- mained from his contribution to biology was the collection of natural data and curiosities that offered, together with other sources, material for late ancient compilations. We have to wait for the eleventh–twelfth centuries in order to see, in the person of Michael of Ephesus, a commentator on Aristotle’s philosophy of biology, and this paper will focus on him. -
Al-Farabi's Short Commentary on Aristotle's Prior Analytics
Al-Farabi’s Short Commentary on Aristotle’s Prior Analytics Translated, with an Introduction and Notes, by Nicholas Rescher University of Pittsburgh Press AL-FARABI’S SHORT COMMENTARY ON ARISTOTLE’S PRIOR ANALYTICS AL-FARABI’S SHORT COMMENTARY ON ARISTOTLE’S PRIOR ANALYTICS Translated from the Original Arabic with Introduction and Notes BY NICHOLAS RESCHER Professor of Philosophy in the University of Pittsburgh UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH PRESS 1963 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 63-10581 Printed in Great Britain by Butler & ‘Tanner Ltd, Frome and London This book is dedicated, with gratitude and with love, to my mother and to the memory of my father. PREFACE This English version of al-Farabi’s “Short Commentary on Prior Analytics”, made from Mlle Mubahat Tirker’s recent edition of the Arabic text (Revue de la Faculté des Langues, d Histoire, et de Géographie de? Université d Ankara, vol. 16 [1958]), is the first appearanceof this treatise in a European language. It is hoped that this addition to the dozen or so Arabic logical texts now accessible to the non- Orientalist will contribute to a wider appreciation of the great mass of work constituting the Arabic contribution to logic, which remains so largely terra incognita. I wish to thank Mrs. Shukrieh Kassis and especially Mr. Seostoris Khalil for help with the translation. I am in- debted to Mr. Storrs McCall, Dr. J. Ackrill, and particu- larly to Professor D. M. Dunlop for reading my typescript and suggesting needed improvements. Although some strengths of this work owetheir existence to others, all of its weaknesses and errors must be laid at my own door. -
Plato and Aristotle on What Is Common to Soul and Body. Some Remarks on a Complicated Issue
Chapter 8 Plato and Aristotle On What Is Common to Soul and Body. Some Remarks on a Complicated Issue Marcelo D. Boeri Abstract Aristotelian scholars tend to reject the Cartesian dualism as applied to Aristotelian model of the soul, and favor the view that denies that the soul is radically opposed to body. This is so due the fact that Aristotle takes the living being to be a unified whole (composed by form and matter). I start by reminding that both Plato and Aristotle argue that by their very nature soul and body are different, but at the same time they maintain that there are things that are ‘common’ to soul and body. The issue is how it is possible that two entities so different in nature have something in common. I argue that the key to the problem lies in the fact that both Plato and Aristotle regard the soul and the body as capacities, and that – in so far as they are able to act and to be acted upon – such is the ‘commonality’ shared both by soul and body. Given that capacities are relational entities, both of them turn out to be very plastic notions that should not necessarily be understood as entirely foreign to each other. 8.1 Introduction Both Plato and Aristotle famously argue that soul and body are two different kinds of entities: the soul is immaterial and the body material; the former is able to set in motion the body, and the latter is motionless.1 If this is so, one might assume that by their very nature soul and body are two profoundly disparate entities. -
ARISTOTELIAN ETHICS in BYZANTIUM* York: George Braziller
Linos G. BENAKIS Vahanian, G. (1965b, December 8). Swallowed Vahanian, G. (1966b). Theology and ‘The End UDC 1/14:17 up by Godlessness. The ChristianCen- of the Age of Religion’. (J. B. Metz, Linos G. BENAKIS tury, LXXXII(49), 1505-1507. Ed.) Concilium: Theology in the Age Vahanian, G. (1966a). No other God. New of Renewal, XVI, 99-110. ARISTOTELIAN ETHICS IN BYZANTIUM* York: George Braziller. Abstract This paper argues that research in the primary sources must precede the investigation of Byzan- tine philosophy. Two points are to be considered, on the one hand, the gathering of texts, and, on the other hand, the study of texts in relation to their sources. Thus the external evidence as well as the internal evidence of texts should be examined. In this double regard, the manuscripts containing Aristotle’s Nicomachean Ethics are considered. Their authors are Michael of Ephesos, Eustratios of Nicaea, “Anonymus”, Heliodoros of Prussa, Georgios Pachymeres, Michael Psellos, John Italos, Nikephoros Blemmydes, George Gemistos Plethon. Keywords: Byzantine philosophy, Aristotle’s Byzantine Commentators, Michael of Ephesos, Eustratios of Nicaea, “Anonymus”, Heliodoros of Prussa, Georgios Pachymeres, Michael Psellos, John Italos, Nikephoros Blemmydes, George Gemistos Plethon. This paper is primarily technical in nature. b. The study of texts in relation to their It will argue that when one begins to examine a sources. Namely, the identification of less investigated area of the field of Byzantine sources – distinguishing between instan- Philosophy, research in the primary sources ces of mere borrowing and instances of a must still precede every interpretative act and more critical incorporation of such sour- critical approach. -
Political Philosophy in Michael Psellos: the Chronographia Read in Relation to His Philosophical Work
Political philosophy in Michael Psellos: the Chronographia read in relation to his philosophical work DOMINIC J. O’MEARA The political thought explicitly or implicitly present in Michael Psellos’ historical masterpiece, the Chronographia, has attracted the attention of modern readers and given rise to studies using diverse methods and reaching diverse results.1 In general, however, this has been done without taking much account of the large body of texts produced by Psellos in relation to his teaching activities as a philosopher, with one notable exception: the autobiographical section in the Chronographia (VI 36ff.) where Psellos presents his philosophical education and interests, a passage evidently con- nected with Psellos’ own philosophical work. The absence of research com- paring the political thought of the Chronographia with what might be found in Psellos’ philosophical works has the disadvantage of giving the impres- sion of a double personality in Psellos: the political thinker and actor of the Chronographia and the teacher in the philosophical works. There is also the danger that we may deprive ourselves of means allowing us better to under- stand passages in the Chronographia involving fairly technical concepts and theoretical constructs which find fuller expression in the philosophical works, with the result that we may fail to grasp, or even misinterpret, Psellos’ views in the Chronographia. One reason for this situation is the long-standing absence of critical edi- tions of Psellos’ philosophical works, a problem which is now slowly being resolved. A further reason may be that historians might be tempted to think sometimes (may Clio forgive my rudeness!) that they can adequately dis- cuss philosophers of the past without having a serious grasp of their phi- losophy. -
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-44089-9 — Sight, Touch, and Imagination in Byzantium Roland Betancourt Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-108-44089-9 — Sight, Touch, and Imagination in Byzantium Roland Betancourt Index More Information Index The family name emerged only in middle Byzantium. Late antique and early Byzantine persons are normally listed by first name; later on, by family name. Abgar, Alexios I Komnenos, absence, see presence Al-Kindī, Achilles Tatius, –, Alkmaeon of Croton, activity, see energeia Anderson, David, adsensus, see synkatathesis Andida, see Nicholas and Theodore of Andida Aelian, Annas, Julia, Aenesidemus, , Annunciation, –, Aeschines, anointing, – Aeschylus, sense organs, – Aetios of Amida, , Anthemios of Tralles, Aetios of Antioch, , , , , antilambano (grasp), –; see also antilepsis; aporroe, , – katalambano, kataleptikos influence on Nemesios, Photios, Michael Psellos and, sight and, – theory of vision, – antilepsis (apprehension), , , ; see also Agathias, , – antilambano air Photios, cognitive medium, – Porphyry, –, linked with hearing, – Aphthonios, –, –, linked with light, – Apollodorus, nerves and, – Apollonius of Tyana, – relation to pneuma, – aporroe (efflux), –, – walking stick, Aetios, aisthesis (sensation), , , Alexander of Aphrodisias, common sense and, applicable to exteriority, differentiated from sense organ, compared to prochysis, mediates phantasia and the body, evil eye, akatalēptikē, see katalambano, kataleptikos Michael Psellos, – akatalēptikē phantasia (non-graspable fantasy), Theophrastus, Akbari, Suzanne Conklin, , apotyposis, see typosis Alcinous, apples, – -
The Truth in Aristotle and Sophonias
THE TRUTH IN ARISTOTLE AND SOPHONIAS Alexantra Ntotsika DOI: 10.17846/CL.2017.10.1.36-42 Abstract: NTOTSIKA, Alexantra. The Truth in Aristotle and Sophonias. The purpose of the article is to discover the philosophical game between truth and falsehood, as it is presented in the Aristotelian treatise De Anima and in the Sophonias’ Commentary on Aristotle’s text, which is included in Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca (C.A.G.). In De Anima truth is related to the combinations of data, which are derived from sense perceptions (αἰσθήσεις), imagination (φαντασία, phantasia) and the intellect (νοῦς, nous). The intellect connects the initial data through logic and observes the variety of the combinations of reality. During that combinational process of logic, it is possible that falsehood can penetrate, so that the combinations of intellect do not comply with the existing combinations of reality. As a result, falsehood, according to Aristotle, originates from the non-proper synthesis and analysis of the meanings. On the contrary, Sophonias rests upon elements of the Platonic philosophy, claiming that the divine intellect coincides with God and truth. Key words: Aristotle, De Anima, Sophonias, Commentaria in Aristotle Graeca Abstrakt: NTOTSIKA, Alexantra. Pravda podľa Aristotela a Sophoniasa. Cieľom tohto článku je odhaliť filozofickú hru medzi pravdou a nepravdou, ako je táto prezentovaná v Aristo- telovom pojednaní De Anima a v Sophoniasovom komentári k Aristotelovmu textu, ktorý sa nachádza v rámci diela Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca (C.A.G.). Pravda je v spise De Anima chápaná vo vzťahu ku kombinácii dát, ktoré sú odvodené zo zmyslového vníma- nia (αἰσθήσεις), predstavivosti (φαντασία, phantasia) a intelektu (νοῦς, nous). -
Some Observations on Michael of Ephesus’ Comments on Nicomachean Ethics X
SOME OBSERVATIONS ON MICHAEL OF EPHESUS’ COMMENTS ON NICOMACHEAN ETHICS X Katerina Ierodiakonou A study of the Byzantine twelfth-century composite commentary on the Nicomachean Ethics cannot pass over Michael of Ephesus’ contribution to it. For it is not only that Michael is undoubtedly the writer of the comments on books V, IX and X,1 it has also been plausibly suggested that it was he who compiled this commentary, bringing together the comments of Aspasius, Eustratios and two anonymous commentators.2 He thus produced an invaluable tool for a better understanding of Aristotle’s ethical theories, a tool which proved to be of great help not only to the Byzantines, but also to the students of Aristotle in the medieval West, who extensively used its Latin translation made by Robert Grosseteste in the thirteenth century. Nevertheless, we know next to nothing about Michael’s life, and little attention has been given so far to the content of his comments on the Nicomachean Ethics. At least we now can say with confidence, thanks to Browning’s and Ebbesen’s research, that he lived not in the eleventh century, as Praechter had argued, but in the twelfth century, and more- over that he most probably, together with Eustratios, belonged to Anna Komnena’s circle of intellectuals.3 It still remains unsettled, however, whether Michael wrote his commentaries only while he was working under Anna, or whether he worked on Aristotle also before and after this period.4 On the other hand, we seem to be well informed about the remarkable breadth of his writings as an Aristotelian commenta- tor.