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Division of Labor and Society: the Social Rationalism of Mises and Destutt De Tracy Dorobăț, C
Division of Labor and Society: The Social Rationalism of Mises and Destutt de Tracy Dorobăț, C. E. Published version deposited in CURVE May 2016* Original citation & hyperlink: Dorobăț, C. E. (2016) Division of Labor and Society: The Social Rationalism of Mises and Destutt de Tracy. The Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics, volume 18 (4): 436- 455 http://www.nsti.org/procs/Nanotech2009v1/6/M72.404 Publisher statement: © 2009 NSTI http://nsti.org. Reprinted and revised, with permission, from the Nanotechnology 2009 [Proceedings of the Nanotech International Conference and Trade Show 2009], p. 534-537, 03-07 May 2009, Texas, USA. This article is available under a Creative Commons Attribution, Non-Commercial, No- Derivatives license (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/) *this replaces the post-print version which was deposited January 2016. CURVE is the Institutional Repository for Coventry University http://curve.coventry.ac.uk/open The VOL. 18 | NO. 4 | 436–455 QUARTERLY WINTER 2015 JOURNAL of AUSTRIAN ECONOMICS DIVISION OF LABOR AND SOCIETY: THE SOCIAL RATIONALISM OF MISES AND DESTUTT DE TRACY Carmen elena Dorobăţ ABSTRACT: Ludwig von Mises’s social rationalist views on society, first discussed in Salerno (1990), do not appear to have any precursors in the history of economic thought. The present paper highlights the contri- butions of a French philosopher, A.L.C. Destutt de Tracy, to the theory of social development as one precursor of Mises’s theory. I use extensive textual evidence to highlight the important similarities between the social theories presented in De Tracy’s Treatise on Political Economy and Mises’s Human Action. -
Bibliography
Bibliography Archival Insights into the Evolution of Economics (and Related Projects) Berlet, C. (2017). Hayek, Mises, and the Iron Rule of Unintended Consequences. In R. Leeson (Ed.), Hayek a Collaborative Biography Part IX: Te Divine Right of the ‘Free’ Market. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Farrant, A., & McPhail, E. (2017). Hayek, Tatcher, and the Muddle of the Middle. In R. Leeson (Ed.), Hayek: A Collaborative Biography Part IX the Divine Right of the Market. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Filip, B. (2018a). Hayek on Limited Democracy, Dictatorships and the ‘Free’ Market: An Interview in Argentina, 1977. In R. Leeson (Ed.), Hayek a Collaborative Biography Part XIII: ‘Fascism’ and Liberalism in the (Austrian) Classical Tradition. Basingstoke, England: Palgrave Macmillan. Filip, B. (2018b). Hayek and Popper on Piecemeal Engineering and Ordo- Liberalism. In R. Leeson (Ed.), Hayek a Collaborative Biography Part XIV: Orwell, Popper, Humboldt and Polanyi. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Friedman, M. F. (2017 [1991]). Say ‘No’ to Intolerance. In R. Leeson & C. Palm (Eds.), Milton Friedman on Freedom. Stanford, CA: Hoover Institution Press. © Te Editor(s) (if applicable) and Te Author(s) 2019 609 R. Leeson, Hayek: A Collaborative Biography, Archival Insights into the Evolution of Economics, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78069-6 610 Bibliography Glasner, D. (2018). Hayek, Gold, Defation and Nihilism. In R. Leeson (Ed.), Hayek a Collaborative Biography Part XIII: ‘Fascism’ and Liberalism in the (Austrian) Classical Tradition. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Goldschmidt, N., & Hesse, J.-O. (2013). Eucken, Hayek, and the Road to Serfdom. In R. Leeson (Ed.), Hayek: A Collaborative Biography Part I Infuences, from Mises to Bartley. -
Cantillon and the Rise of Anti-Mercantilism
CANTILLON AND THE RISE OF ANTI-MERCANTILISM MARK THORNTON* Resumen: En este trabajo se pretende demostrar que Cantillon formó parte tanto del pensamiento como del movimiento antimercantilista de su época, influyendo en gran medida en el cambio de opinión en contra del mercantilismo que se fue fraguando de 1720 a 1734. Clasificación JEL: B110, B31, N010. Abstract: This article places Cantillon at the center of anti-mercantilist thought and the anti-mercantilist movements in London and Paris between the time of the Bubbles of 1720 and his murder in 1734 and it places his ideas at the turning point between the eras of mercantilism and antimercantilism. JEL classification: B110, B31, N010. «It seems to me that there is a connection between physiocracy and anti-mercantilism, or at any rate between Boisguilbert (1646-1714) and Quesnay (1694-1774), though it is not easy to say just what this connection was.» Martin Wolfe1 «In itself Cantillon’s (168?-1734?) was a contribution of real significance, and it would be difficult to find a more incisive prophet of nineteenth-century liberalism.» Robert B. Ekelund, Jr. and Robert F. Hébert2 * Dr. Mark Thorntorn, Senior Fellow, Ludwig von Mises Institute, [email protected] 1 Martin Wolfe, «French Views on Wealth and Taxes from the Middle Ages to the Old Regime,» Journal of Economic History 26 (1966): 466-483. 2 Robert B. Ekelund, Jr. and Robert F. Hébert. A History of Economic Theory and Method (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1975): 44. Procesos de Mercado: Revista Europea de Economía Política Vol. VI, n.º 1, Primavera 2009, pp. -
Chapter 4 Freedom and Progress
Chapter 4 Freedom and Progress The best road to progress is freedom’s road. John F. Kennedy The only freedom which deserves the name, is that of pursuing our own good in our own way, so long as we do not attempt to deprive others of theirs, or impeded their efforts to obtain it. John Stuart Mill To cull the inestimable benefits assured by freedom of the press, it is necessary to put up with the inevitable evils springing therefrom. Alexis de Tocqueville Freedom is necessary to generate progress; people also value freedom as an important component of progress. This chapter will contend that both propositions are correct. Without liberty, there will be little or no progress; most people will consider an expansion in freedom as progress. Neither proposition would win universal acceptance. Some would argue that a totalitarian state can marshal the resources to generate economic growth. Many will contend that too much liberty induces libertine behavior and is destructive of society, peace, and the family. For better or worse, the record shows that freedom has increased throughout the world over the last few centuries and especially over the last few decades. There are of course many examples of non-free, totalitarian, ruthless government on the globe, but their number has decreased and now represents a smaller proportion of the world’s population. Perhaps this growth of freedom is partially responsible for the breakdown of the family and the rise in crime, described in the previous chapter. Dictators do tolerate less crime and are often very repressive of deviant sexual behavior, but, as the previous chapter reported, divorce and illegitimacy are more connected with improved income of women than with a permissive society. -
Economic Freedom” and Economic Growth: Questioning the Claim That Freer Markets Make Societies More Prosperous
Munich Personal RePEc Archive “Economic freedom” and economic growth: questioning the claim that freer markets make societies more prosperous Cohen, Joseph N City University of New York, Queens College 27 September 2011 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/33758/ MPRA Paper No. 33758, posted 27 Sep 2011 18:38 UTC “Economic Freedom” and Economic Growth: Questioning the Claim that Freer Markets Make Societies More Prosperous Joseph Nathan Cohen Department of Sociology City University of New York, Queens College 65-30 Kissena Blvd. Flushing, New York 11367 [email protected] Abstract A conventional reading of economic history implies that free market reforms rescued the world’s economies from stagnancy during the 1970s and 1980s. I reexamine a well-established econometric literature linking economic freedom to growth, and argue that their positive findings hinge on two problems: conceptual conflation and ahistoricity. When these criticisms are taken seriously, a very different view of the historical record emerges. There does not appear to be enduring relationship between economic liberalism and growth. Much of the observed relationship between these two variables involves a one-shot transition to freer markets around the Cold War’s end. Several concurrent changes took place in this historical context, and it is hasty to conclude that it was market liberalization alone that produced the economic turnaround of the 1990s and early-2000s. I also question market fundamentalists’ view that all forms of liberalization are helpful, arguing that the data show little to no benefit from reforms that did not attract foreign investment. Word Count: 6,698 (excl. -
Review of Murray N. Rothbard's an Austrian
Reason Papers 97 Murray N. Rothbard, An Austrian Perspective on the History of Economic Thought, Vol. i & ii (Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar Publ., Ltd., 1995), pp.576 & 544; Index; $99.95 each. Parth Shah, University of Michigan, Dearborn I have always enjoyed Professor Rothbard's talks at various Austrian conferences and seminars, especially the ones on the history of economic thought. That subject itself, I think, brought out all the qualities that made Professor Rothbard such a loving and towering figure in Austrian and libertarian circles; his incredible breadth of knowledge, diligent scholarship, disarming sense of humor, perspective coalescing of personal with social and intellectual history, genuine respect for a worthy adversary, and yes, his unwavering dedication to praxeology and liberty. Professor Rothbard's two volumes on the history of thought more than meet the expectations; they encapsulate all those unique qualities of his. It makes it all the more unfortunate that the volumes cover the period only up to about 1870. Taking his cue from his mentor Joseph Dorfman, Professor Rothbard eschews the "Few Great Men approach" (talking about the already anointed), and focuses on the "'lesser' figures... emphasizing the importance of their religious and social philosophies as well as their narrower strictly 'economic' views" (1, p.xii). With Thomas Kuhn's realistic appraisal of the path of progress in science in terms of paradigm shifts, Professor Rothbard dismisses the Whig theory of history and works with no presumption that "later thought is better than earlier" (1, p.x). The acceptance of the zig-zag path of the progress of the discipline promises us "far more human drama than is usually offered in histories of economic thought." (1, p.xiii). -
The Philosophy of Free Trade and Its Applicability in East Asia
ENCUENTROS ISSN 1692-5858. No. 1. Junio de 2011 • P. 69-82 Is Free Trade a Culture-Bound Ideal? The Philosophy of Free Trade and Its Applicability in East Asia ¿Está ligada la cultura al pensamiento de libre comercio?: su filosofía y aplicabilidad en el Este de Asia Tae Jin Park [email protected] West Virgina State University ABSTRACT Proponents of free trade, especially theorists known as “neo-liberals,” preach free trade as a global ethic and emphasize four great benefits from it: 1) reciprocal economic growth; 2) individual freedom; 3) political democracy; 4) international peace. This review article will examine the validity of these assumptions in East Asia. Although many East Asian states are great beneficiaries of the liberal international trade system that has developed since the end of World War II, their political and economic developments generally do not conform to Western expectations because their cultural values are still “Confucian” and their political economy relied heavily on state leadership. The philosophy of free trade is largely incompatible with East Asian historical experiences. The credibility of the free trade doctrine in East Asia comes from the power and influence of the U.S. rather than from the usefulness of the free trade doctrine. Key words: Free trade, neo-liberalism, East Asia, Confucianism, capitalism, democracy. RESUMEN Los defensores del libre comercio, especialmente los teóricos se conocen como “neo-liberales,” predicar el libre comercio como una ética global y hacer hincapié en cuatro grandes beneficios: 1) crecimiento económico recíproco, 2) la libertad individual, 3) la democracia política, y 4) la paz internacional. -
U.S. POLICY in the AMERICAS and the ROLE of FREE TRADE by Otto J
❏ U.S. POLICY IN THE AMERICAS AND THE ROLE OF FREE TRADE By Otto J. Reich, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs, U.S. Department of State Freer trade has long been a centerpiece of U.S. policy in the The United States knows that our destiny is tied to the Americas, not only to boost economic growth but also to well-being of our neighbors. We understand that we strengthen the ties that unite the region's 34 democracies, says cannot be safe at home if our neighborhood is not safe. Otto Reich, the United States' top diplomat for the region. We appreciate that our prosperity grows as our neighbors “There is a fundamental and mutually supporting dynamic prosper. We believe that healthy relations between the between political and economic freedom,” he says. Having United States and the other countries of the Western recently obtained a grant of trade promotion authority (TPA) Hemisphere are to our mutual benefit, and this from Congress, Bush Administration officials are poised to perspective informs our policy toward the region. pursue the FTAA talks with renewed vigor as the United States and Brazil prepare to assume joint leadership for the While we in the United States believe that trade is the final phase of the negotiations. Ambassador Reich most beneficial element of our economic relationship acknowledges legitimate concerns — in developed and with the world, we are increasing our foreign aid and its developing countries alike — over the potential disruptions efficacy. For 2002, the U.S. Agency for International of open trade, but says “without change, there is only Development (USAID) foreign aid program for Latin stagnation.” America and the Caribbean amounted to $828 million. -
Money Talks a Realist Constructivist Account of the Motives of 21St Century Plutocrats
Graduate School Master of Science in Global Studies Major: Political Science Course: SIMV07 Term: Spring 2017 Supervisor: Alexander von Hagen-Jamar Money Talks A Realist Constructivist Account of the Motives of 21st Century Plutocrats Author: Pauliina Parviainen Abstract Plutocracy is a subject that has not traditionally attracted the interest of scholars in the disciplines of International Relations and Political Science. This is unfortunate, as the number and importance of affluent private individuals in global affairs has steadily increased in recent decades. Since most existing academic research on contemporary plutocrats focuses on philanthropists and other ‘benefactors’, this research examines what drives the behaviour of the so-called ‘malefactors’ – in this case, enormously wealthy citizens from the Persian Gulf who fund Islamist extremism and the Koch brothers who fight against climate change mitigation efforts and U.S. government regulations. The research is guided by a realist constructivist hypothesis according to which plutocrats use their material assets to advance ideological causes that in the long run further increase their economic wealth. Qualitative content analysis was performed on select texts that dealt with these actors’ presumable and stated motives. The analysis of the Koch brothers suggested that the logic behind their political adventures closely followed this hypothesis. However, the case of Gulf plutocrats only partially confirmed the hypothesis, as ideological and identity-related reasons prevailed over material considerations in these actors’ motives. Keywords: First Image, Koch, Plutocrat, Realist Constructivism, Terrorism Financing Words: 19 952 Contents: 1. Introduction 1 1.1 Research problem and research question 2 1.2 Structure of the thesis 4 2. -
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
Mere Libertarianism: Blending Hayek and Rothbard
Mere Libertarianism: Blending Hayek and Rothbard Daniel B. Klein Santa Clara University The continued progress of a social movement may depend on the movement’s being recognized as a movement. Being able to provide a clear, versatile, and durable definition of the movement or philosophy, quite apart from its justifications, may help to get it space and sympathy in public discourse. 1 Some of the most basic furniture of modern libertarianism comes from the great figures Friedrich Hayek and Murray Rothbard. Like their mentor Ludwig von Mises, Hayek and Rothbard favored sweeping reductions in the size and intrusiveness of government; both favored legal rules based principally on private property, consent, and contract. In view of the huge range of opinions about desirable reform, Hayek and Rothbard must be regarded as ideological siblings. Yet Hayek and Rothbard each developed his own ideas about liberty and his own vision for a libertarian movement. In as much as there are incompatibilities between Hayek and Rothbard, those seeking resolution must choose between them, search for a viable blending, or look to other alternatives. A blending appears to be both viable and desirable. In fact, libertarian thought and policy analysis in the United States appears to be inclined toward a blending of Hayek and Rothbard. At the center of any libertarianism are ideas about liberty. Differences between libertarianisms usually come down to differences between definitions of liberty or between claims made for liberty. Here, in exploring these matters, I work closely with the writings of Hayek and Rothbard. I realize that many excellent libertarian philosophers have weighed in on these matters and already said many of the things I say here. -
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