Singapore: Review of Major Policy Statements
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The Rule of Law and Urban Development
The Rule of Law and Urban Development The transformation of Singapore from a struggling, poor country into one of the most affluent nations in the world—within a single generation—has often been touted as an “economic miracle”. The vision and pragmatism shown by its leaders has been key, as has its STUDIES URBAN SYSTEMS notable political stability. What has been less celebrated, however, while being no less critical to Singapore’s urban development, is the country’s application of the rule of law. The rule of law has been fundamental to Singapore’s success. The Rule of Law and Urban Development gives an overview of the role played by the rule of law in Singapore’s urban development over the past 54 years since independence. It covers the key principles that characterise Singapore’s application of the rule of law, and reveals deep insights from several of the country’s eminent urban pioneers, leaders and experts. It also looks at what ongoing and future The Rule of Law and Urban Development The Rule of Law developments may mean for the rule of law in Singapore. The Rule of Law “ Singapore is a nation which is based wholly on the Rule of Law. It is clear and practical laws and the effective observance and enforcement and Urban Development of these laws which provide the foundation for our economic and social development. It is the certainty which an environment based on the Rule of Law generates which gives our people, as well as many MNCs and other foreign investors, the confidence to invest in our physical, industrial as well as social infrastructure. -
Institutionalized Leadership: Resilient Hegemonic Party Autocracy in Singapore
Institutionalized Leadership: Resilient Hegemonic Party Autocracy in Singapore By Netina Tan PhD Candidate Political Science Department University of British Columbia Paper prepared for presentation at CPSA Conference, 28 May 2009 Ottawa, Ontario Work- in-progress, please do not cite without author’s permission. All comments welcomed, please contact author at [email protected] Abstract In the age of democracy, the resilience of Singapore’s hegemonic party autocracy is puzzling. The People’s Action Party (PAP) has defied the “third wave”, withstood economic crises and ruled uninterrupted for more than five decades. Will the PAP remain a deviant case and survive the passing of its founding leader, Lee Kuan Yew? Building on an emerging scholarship on electoral authoritarianism and the concept of institutionalization, this paper argues that the resilience of hegemonic party autocracy depends more on institutions than coercion, charisma or ideological commitment. Institutionalized parties in electoral autocracies have a greater chance of survival, just like those in electoral democracies. With an institutionalized leadership succession system to ensure self-renewal and elite cohesion, this paper contends that PAP will continue to rule Singapore in the post-Lee era. 2 “All parties must institutionalize to a certain extent in order to survive” Angelo Panebianco (1988, 54) Introduction In the age of democracy, the resilience of Singapore’s hegemonic party regime1 is puzzling (Haas 1999). A small island with less than 4.6 million population, Singapore is the wealthiest non-oil producing country in the world that is not a democracy.2 Despite its affluence and ideal socio- economic prerequisites for democracy, the country has been under the rule of one party, the People’s Action Party (PAP) for the last five decades. -
Lee Kuan Yew Continue to flow As Life Returns to Normal at a Market at Toa Payoh Lorong 8 on Wednesday, Three Days After the State Funeral Service
TODAYONLINE.COM WE SET YOU THINKING SUNDAY, 5 APRIL 2015 SPECIAL EDITION MCI (P) 088/09/2014 The tributes to the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew continue to flow as life returns to normal at a market at Toa Payoh Lorong 8 on Wednesday, three days after the State Funeral Service. PHOTO: WEE TECK HIAN REMEMBERING MR LEE KUAN YEW SPECIAL ISSUE 2 REMEMBERING LEE KUAN YEW Tribute cards for the late Mr Lee Kuan Yew by the PCF Sparkletots Preschool (Bukit Gombak Branch) teachers and students displayed at the Chua Chu Kang tribute centre. PHOTO: KOH MUI FONG COMMENTARY Where does Singapore go from here? died a few hours earlier, he said: “I am for some, more bearable. Servicemen the funeral of a loved one can tell you, CARL SKADIAN grieved beyond words at the passing of and other volunteers went about their the hardest part comes next, when the DEPUTY EDITOR Mr Lee Kuan Yew. I know that we all duties quietly, eiciently, even as oi- frenzy of activity that has kept the mind feel the same way.” cials worked to revise plans that had busy is over. I think the Prime Minister expected to be adjusted after their irst contact Alone, without the necessary and his past week, things have been, many Singaporeans to mourn the loss, with a grieving nation. fortifying distractions of a period of T how shall we say … diferent but even he must have been surprised Last Sunday, about 100,000 people mourning in the company of others, in Singapore. by just how many did. -
Chairman´S Statement of the 12Th ASEAN Summit
Instituto de Relaciones Internacionales (IRI) - Anuario 2007 Departamento de Asia y Pacífico Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Chairperson’s Statement of the 12th ASEAN Summit H.E. the President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo. “ONE CARING AND SHARING COMMUNITY” Cebu, Philippines,13 January 2007 We, the Heads of State and/or Government of ASEAN Member Countries, had a very productive 12th ASEAN Summit Meeting, on 13 January 2007 in Cebu, Philippines. We exchanged views on regional and international developments, focusing on how we may deepen ASEAN integration to better foster the region’s sustainable development, stability, security and prosperity for the benefit of all our peoples. We resolved to uphold the centrality of ASEAN and to enhance its standing as an effective driving force for regional initiatives and collective responses to the challenges and opportunities facing our region, countries and peoples. We stressed that the ASEAN community we are building shall be a community of peoples caring for and sharing their human, natural and cultural resources and strengths for their common good and mutual benefit. Cebu Declaration on the Blueprint of the ASEAN Charter We recognized that ASEAN must manage the key challenges of regional integration, globalization, economic growth and new technologies. In doing so, we acknowledged that ASEAN must remain cohesive with strong institutions and responsive policies for regional community building. To help realize this vision, we signed the Cebu Declaration on the Blueprint of the ASEAN Charter to endorse the Report of the Eminent Persons Group (EPG) on the ASEAN Charter as one of the basis of the drafting of the ASEAN Charter together with our views and directives given at the 11th and 12th ASEAN Summit. -
East Asia Summit Documents Series, 2005-2014
East Asia Summit Documents Series 2005 Summit Documents Series Asia - 2014 East East Asia Summit Documents Series 2005-2014 www.asean.org ASEAN one vision @ASEAN one identity one community East Asia Summit (EAS) Documents Series 2005-2014 ASEAN Secretariat Jakarta The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was established on 8 August 1967. The Member States of the Association are Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Myanmar, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Viet Nam. The ASEAN Secretariat is based in Jakarta, Indonesia. For inquiries, contact: The ASEAN Secretariat Public Outreach and Civil Society Division 70A Jalan Sisingamangaraja Jakarta 12110 Indonesia Phone : (62 21) 724-3372, 726-2991 Fax : (62 21) 739-8234, 724-3504 E-mail : [email protected] Catalogue-in-Publication Data East Asia Summit (EAS) Documents Series 2005-2014 Jakarta: ASEAN Secretariat, May 2015 327.59 1. A SEAN – East Asia 2. Declaration – Statement ISBN 978-602-0980-18-8 General information on ASEAN appears online at the ASEAN Website: www.asean.org The text of this publication may be freely quoted or reprinted, provided proper acknowledgement is given and a copy containing the reprinted material is sent to Public Outreach and Civil Society Division of the ASEAN Secretariat, Jakarta Copyright Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) 2015. All rights reserved 2 (DVW$VLD6XPPLW'RFXPHQWV6HULHV East Asia Summit Documents Series 2005-2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS (Summit and Ministerial Levels Documents) 2005 Summit Chairman’s Statement of the First East Asia Summit, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, 14 December 2005 .................................................................................... 9 Kuala Lumpur Declaration on the East Asia Summit, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, 14 December 2005 ................................................................................... -
Parliament Sitting Date: 17 Aug 1999 ISSUES RAISED by PRESIDENT
Parliament Sitting Date: 17 Aug 1999 ISSUES RAISED BY PRESIDENT ONG TENG CHEONG AT HIS PRESS CONFERENCE ON 16TH JULY 1999 (Parliamentary Q&As) Mr Jeyaretnam: May I ask the Prime Minister a question or two? I understood him to say that the Cabinet would have been happier if the President had decided to seek re-election. But the Cabinet was concerned whether he was medically capable. But the President had said in his statement that his doctors had given him a clean bill, that his cancer was in complete remission and the President clearly indicated that his health would not stand in the way of his becoming President. May I ask the Prime Minister to explain to this House on what basis or information did the Cabinet conclude that he would not be capable of discharging his duties? Mr Goh Chok Tong: Mr Speaker, Sir, yes, the President had told the public at his press conference regarding his present health situation. But the Cabinet had two medical reports, one from the President's doctor in the United States, Dr Saul Rosenberg, and the other from his physician in Singapore. We studied the reports and it was quite clear from the reports that if you should focus or project the President's health condition into the future, there was a very strong likelihood that he would not be able to perform his duties normally. In a sense, it is like looking at a glass of water, whether it is one-third full or two-thirds empty. The Cabinet had to take the advice of the doctor and take a very careful view of what the President's future condition would be like. -
Institute O F Southeast Asian Studies
ISEAS Annual Report 2000–01 ISEAS Annual Report Recycled paper Annual Report 2000–01 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies Institute of Southeast Asian Studies 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Pasir Panjang Road Singapore 119614 Telephone: 7780955 Facsimile: 7781735 ISEAS Home Page: http://www.iseas.edu.sg THE INSTITUTE OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES WAS ESTABLISHED AS AN AUTONOMOUS ORGANIZATION IN 1968. IT IS A REGIONAL RESEARCH CENTRE FOR SCHOLARS AND OTHER SPECIALISTS CONCERNED WITH MODERN SOUTHEAST ASIA, PARTICULARLY THE MANY-FACETED ISSUES AND CHALLENGES OF STABILITY AND SECURITY, ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT, AND POLITICAL, SOCIAL AND CULTURAL CHANGE CONTENTS 1EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 4MISSION STATEMENT 5ORGANIZATIONAL CHART 6ORGANIZATIONAL STRUCTURE 10 RESEARCH PROGRAMMES AND ACTIVITIES 26 PUBLICATIONS UNIT 30 LIBRARY 37 CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION AND COMPUTER UNIT 39 APPENDICES ICOMMITTEES OF THE BOARD OF TRUSTEES II RESEARCH STAFF III NON-RESEARCH PROFESSIONAL STAFF IV STAFF RESEARCH AND PUBLICATIONS VVISITING RESEARCHERS AND AFFILIATES VI FELLOWSHIP AND SCHOLARSHIP RECIPIENTS VII LIST OF PUBLIC LECTURES, CONFERENCES, AND SEMINARS VIII LIST OF ISEAS’ NEW PUBLICATIONS, 2000–01 IX DONATIONS, GRANTS, CONTRIBUTIONS, AND REGISTRATION FEES RECEIVED AUDITORS’ REPORT (SEPARATE SUPPLEMENT) EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ISEAS was established in 1968 as a regional research institute to promote scholarship, research, analysis, and dialogue on the region’s multi-faceted issues, challenges and problems of stability and security, economic development, and political, social and cultural changes. To this end, the Institute’s multi-disciplinary activities encompass research and publications; public lectures, conferences, seminars and workshops; and training and briefings. The core geographical focus of the Institute remains that of Southeast Asia and ASEAN. Within Southeast Asia, the focus has shifted increasingly to Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand. -
III. AEMI and ASEAN Energy Poverty
III. AEMI and ASEAN Energy Poverty Adoracion Navarro,1 Maxensius Tri Sambodo2 and Jessie L. Todoc (lead)3 Abstract Based on available statistics, between 127 and 130 million people in South-East Asia lack access to electricity. At least 228 million still rely on traditional biomass for cooking, and lack access to clean and modern cooking facilities, with dire consequences for their quality of life and human development. Discussions for an integrated Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) energy market cannot overlook this energy poverty situation in the region. In fact, the overall goal of AEMI to achieve balanced and equitable economic growth and development for all countries in the region cannot be realized while people continue to suffer from energy poverty. This chapter maps the energy poverty situation in the region, and reviews the links between energy access and economic and human development. It also draws a connection between AEMI and the eradication of energy poverty or attaining universal energy access, in terms of benefits and strategies, particularly with regard to mapping investment requirements and taking inventory of financing options. The chapter concludes with some recommendations for near-term actions. A. Introduction The International Energy Agency (IEA) defines energy poverty as a lack of access to modern energy services, i.e., access to electricity and clean cooking facilities. Reddy and Reddy (1994) as cited in Masud and others (2007), said that energy poverty could be defined as “the absence of sufficient choice in assessing adequate, affordable, reliable, high-quality, safe and environmentally benign energy services to support economic and human development”. -
Ho Yean Theng Jill V Public Prosecutor [2003]
Ho Yean Theng Jill v Public Prosecutor [2003] SGHC 280 Case Number : MA 70/2003, Cr M 15/2003 Decision Date : 14 November 2003 Tribunal/Court : High Court Coram : Yong Pung How CJ Counsel Name(s) : K S Rajah SC (Harry Elias Partnership) and Peter Ong Lip Cheng (Ong Lip Cheng and Rajendran) for applicant/appellant; Christopher Ong Siu Jin (Deputy Public Prosecutor) for respondent Parties : Ho Yean Theng Jill — Public Prosecutor Criminal Procedure and Sentencing – Charge – Joinder of similar offences – Whether series of connected acts should be tried as separate offences or one composite offence – Section 170 Criminal Procedure Code (Cap 68, 1985 Rev Ed) – Section 71 Penal Code (Cap 224, 1985 Rev Ed) Criminal Procedure and Sentencing – Compounding of offences – Maid abuse by de facto employer – Whether court should grant consent for compounding of offence – Section 199 Criminal Procedure Code (Cap 68, 1985 Rev Ed) Criminal Procedure and Sentencing – Sentencing – Principles – Voluntarily causing hurt – Maid abuse by de facto employer – Whether sentence manifestly excessive – Section 323 Penal Code (Cap 24, 1985 Rev Ed) 1 The appellant was convicted in the Magistrate’s Court on five charges of voluntarily causing hurt under s 323 of the Penal Code and was sentenced to a total of four months’ imprisonment. She appealed against both conviction and sentence. After hearing counsel’s arguments, I dismissed the appeal against both conviction and sentence. I now give my reasons. Preliminary issue 2 In the petition of appeal filed on 21 April 2003, the appellant essentially challenged the magistrate’s findings of fact. Thereafter, the appellant filed a criminal motion for leave to file a supplementary petition of appeal on 10 September 2003. -
Bibliography
BIBLIOGRAPHY Acharya A. [1999], Realism, Institutionalism and the Asian Economic Crisis , “Contemporary Southeast Asia”, vol. 21, no. 1. Acharya A. [2002], Regionalism in the Emerging World Order: Sovereignty, Autonomy, Identity , in: New Regionalisms in the Global Political Economy , eds S. Breslin, C. W. Hughes, N. Phillips, B. Rosamond, Routledge, London and New York. Acharya A. [2004], Democratization and the Prospects for Participatory Regionalism in Southeast Asia , in: Asian Regional Governance. Crisis and Change , eds K. Jayasuriya, RoutledgeCurzon, London and New York. Acharya A. [2009], The Strong in the World of the Weak: Southeast Asia in Asia’s Regional Architecture , in: Asia’s New Multilateralism. Cooperation, Competition, and the Search for Community , eds M. J. Green, B. Gill, Columbia University Press, New York. ACMECS [2010], ACMECS Plan of Action 2010–2012 , Adopted by the Leaders of the ACMECS Countries at the 4th ACMECS Summit, Phnom Penh, Cambodia, 17 November. ACMECS [2012], Objectives , http://www.acmecs.org ACMECS [2013], Vientiane Declaration of the Fifth Ayeyawady-Chao Phraya- Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy Summit , Vientiane, Lao People’s Democratic Republic, 13 March. ACMECS [2015], Ayeyawaddy-Chao Phraya-Mekong Economic Cooperation Strategy Plan of Action 2016–2018 , Adopted by the ACMECS Leaders at the 6th ACMECS Summit, Nay Pyi Taw, Myanmar, 23 June. ADB [2010a], Institutions for Regional Integration. Toward an Asian Economic Community , Asian Development Bank, Metro Manila, Philippines. © The Author(s) -
Japan-China Relations in East Asia: Rivals Or Partners? CHAPTER 6
CHAPTER 6 Japan-China Relations in East Asia: Rivals or Partners? IIDA Masafumi Introduction Japan-China relations stand at a turning point. Antagonistic political relations with relatively stable economic relations between the two countries during the Koizumi administration have been improving and moving in the direction of establishing “mutually beneficial relations based on common strategic interests” since Koizumi’s successor Prime Minister Shinzo Abe paid a visit to Beijing and met Chinese President Hu Jintao in October 2006. Whether the improving relations between Tokyo and Beijing will continue to gather momentum for consolidation of their strategic relationship of mutual benefit or return to the path of deterioration is one of the significant factors affecting not only Japan’s security but the stability of East Asia. Chinese diplomacy towards Japan in the latest decade appears hostile and thorny from a bilateral point of view. However, observed from an East Asian regional perspective, China’s approach to Japan in the same period paints a different picture. As a matter of fact, the Chinese government made effort to maintain cooperative relations with Japan in East Asian multilateral frameworks while taking a tough stance on bilateral connections with Tokyo during Koizumi’s term of office. In this respect, multilateral structures for East Asian regional cooperation function as a stabilizer for a conflict- prone Japanese-Sino relationship. The purpose of this paper is to explore how the Chinese government considers its Japan policy in the context of its regional policy in East Asia. The future of a strategic relationship of mutual benefit between the two countries depends significantly on whether or not China’s East Asian policy will continue to play a role in stabilizing its bilateral relations with Japan. -
Class and Politics in Malaysian and Singaporean Nation Building
CLASS AND POLITICS IN MALAYSIAN AND SINGAPOREAN NATION BUILDING Muhamad Nadzri Mohamed Noor, M.A. Political Science College of Business, Government and Law Flinders University Submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2017 Page Left Deliberately Blank. Abstract This study endeavours to deliver an alternative account of the study of nation-building by examining the subject matter eclectically from diverse standpoints, predominantly that of class in Southeast Asia which is profoundly dominated by ‘cultural’ perspectives. Two states in the region, Malaysia and Singapore, have been selected to comprehend and appreciate the nature of nation-building in these territories. The nation-building processes in both of the countries have not only revolved around the national question pertaining to the dynamic relations between the states and the cultural contents of the racial or ethnic communities in Malaysia and Singapore; it is also surrounded, as this thesis contends, by the question of class - particularly the relations between the new capitalist states’ elites (the rulers) and their masses (the ruled). More distinctively this thesis perceives nation-building as a project by political elites for a variety of purposes, including elite entrenchment, class (re)production and regime perpetuation. The project has more to do with ‘class-(re)building’ and ‘subject- building’ rather than ‘nation-building’. Although this thesis does not eliminate the significance of culture in the nation-building process in both countries; it is explicated that cultures were and are heavily employed to suit the ruling class’s purpose. Hence, the cultural dimension shall be used eclectically with other perspectives.