Dr. MUTHULAKSHMI REDDI: SOCIAL REFORM and WOMEN's

Dr. MUTHULAKSHMI REDDI: SOCIAL REFORM AND WOMEN’S UPLIFTMENT-A STUDY

Thesis submitted to

BHARATHIDASAN UNIVERSITY, TIRUCHIRAPPALLI

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the award of the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY

Submitted by

G. GOWRI, MA.,

Guide & Supervisor

Dr. N. RAJENDRAN

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY BHARATHIDASAN UNIVERSITY TIRUCHIRAPPALLI -620024 JUNE-2011 Dr. N.RAJENDRAN, MA., MPhil, PhD., Professor & Head DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY BHARATHIDASAN UNIVERSITY TIRUCHIRAPPALLI -620024

CERTIFICATE

This is to certify that the Ph.D. thesis entitled

“Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddi: Social Reform and Women’s Upliftment

–A Study” is a Bona Fide record of the research work carried out by

G. GOWRI under my guidance and supervision for the award of the

Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History in the Department of History,

Bharathidasan University, Tiruchirappalli during the period 2006-2011

and that the thesis has not previously formed the basis for the award of

any Degree, Diploma, Associateship, Fellowship or other similar title anywhere and this thesis is an original and independent work of the candidate.

(Dr. N. RAJENDRAN)

Supervisor

DECLARATION

I hereby declare that the thesis entitled “Dr.Muthulakshmi Reddi:

Social Reform and Women’s Upliftment –A Study” submitted to the

Bharathidasan University, Tiruchirappalli for the award of the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy in History is a record of original and independent research work done by the undersigned, during the period 2006-2011, under the supervision and guidance of Dr. N. Rajendran, Professor &

Head, Department of History, Bharathidasan University, Tiruchirappalli and that it has not previously formed the basis for the award of any

Degree, Diploma, Associateship, Fellowship or other similar titles.

(G. GOWRI)

CONTENTS

Page No.

CHAPTERS

Preface

Introduction 1

I Early Life 12

II Women’s Movement 29

III Social Reform 58

IV Political Life 92

V Crusade Against Social Evils 127

VI Health and Medical Services 151

Conclusion 180

Bibliography 190

Appendix 214 PREFACE

The present thesis entitled, “Dr.Muthulakshmi Reddi: Social Reform and Women’s Upliftment –A Study” is the result of the research work carried out by me for the award of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History, under the scholarly guidance and supervision of Dr. N. Rajendran, Professor&Head, Department of History, Bharathidasan University, Tiruchirappalli. I am greatly indebted to my supervisor, Dr. N. Rajendran for his valuable guidance, suggestions, criticism, advice and encouragement that enabled me to complete this research project.

I express my thanks to the Vice-Chancellor and Registrar, for permitting me to do Ph.D. in the Department of History. My thanks are due to the teaching faculty of the Department of History, Bharathidasan University for their constant support in the course of my work.

The theme of this thesis required extensive research in archives and this would not have been possible without the generous financial assistance from the Bharathidasan University and the Indian Council of Historical Research. I would like to thank them.

I am thankful to the librarian and staff members of Tamil Nadu State Archives of Historical Research Centre, Bharathidasan University Library, Madras Institute of Development Studies, Theosophical Society, Adyar Cancer Institute and Avvai Home for providing me the necessary records and documents.

I am glad to offer my sincere thanks to Dr. J.Gayathri, Assistant Professor, Department of Management Studies, Bharathidasan University, Tiruchirappalli and Dr. J. Sathya, Assistant Professor, Department of Economics, Sri Sarada Arts and Science College for Women, Salem, Ms. M.Nageswari, Assistant Professor, Department of History, Seethalakshmi Ramasami College, Tiruchirappalli, Dr.Swaminathan, Assistant Professor, Department of History, Thiruvalluvar Government Arts College, Rasipuram and C.RamaLakshmi, Research Scholar, Department of English, Bharathidasan University, Tiruchirappalli.

I would like to thank my friends, Mrs. Bhararthi Loganathan, S. Ravichandran, for helping me to complete this work.

I place on record my sincere thanks to Professor Mohan Gnana Oliyu for improving the quality of the presentation through his proof-reading and quality- enhancing interventions.

I whole heartedly thank my Co-Research Scholars, students and my father, K. Govindasamy, mother, G. Poornam, sister, G. Ganga and brother, G.Chandrasekar for their constant encouragement in completing my work.

(G. GOWRI)

Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddi (1886 – 1968) 1

INTRODUCTION

‘We must think positively about how the position of

women in their own societies and in international

affairs could not only be improved but their large

potential contribution be better utilized for the benefit of all.’1

- Kurt Waldheim, Secretary General, United Nations, 1975.

Dr. Muthulakshmi was chosen as the topic for research by the

Scholar because she represents a fascinating facet of the Women’s

Movement in Tamil Nadu. She represents the Women’s Movement in its

formative stage in Tamil Nadu. She was particularly interested in

transforming Woman into a Political Subject and hence she foregrounded

the importance of Women Education to facilitate her entry into the

political process of the day.

A keep into the history of the human race reveals that there were

distinct stages of rise and fall in the status of women affecting their role

in all matters.2 Child Marriage, Sati, Polygamy, Prohibition against

Widow’s Remarriage, Lack of Franchise, Purdha and a host of other

abominable rites and ceremonies plagued the society for ages and led to

1 Sharma and B.D. Bhatt, Women’s Education and Social Development (Delhi: Kanishka Publishing House, 1992) p.1. 2 Yosoda Bhatt, Beyond the Threshold: Indian Women on the Move (New Delhi: B.R. Publishing Corporation, 1995) p.38. 2 the reduction of women to the position Subordinate Citizens. The women sank to the bottom of degradation and slavery under male domination, ruled as they were, by their husbands, elders and in laws with an iron hand. Due to denial of education, vocation, social, economic and political rights, women were wholly pushed into seclusion inside the four walls of the house. The great pioneer, Raja Ram Mohan Roy, for the first time, came out in 1818 against the savage customs of Sati and Polygamy

by highlighting the degeneration of Indian Society which was responsible

for the pitiable plight of women and pleaded for their property rights. His

mobilization of Hindu Reformist Opinion against Sati led to the

enactment of a Law in 1829, which banned this inhuman custom and

subsequently led to the Widow Remarriage Act of 1856. Attempts at

more reforms continued.3 As early as 1903, Women Social Reformers

started their campaign against Child Marriage and tried to fix the

minimum age limit at 12 years for girls and 18 for boys. In 1909, these

were raised to 16 and 25 respectively. There was vigorous agitation all

over India against raising the age limits for marriage. But the British

Government was hesitant and the evil of Early Marriage persisted all over

the country, which was responsible to a great extent for the high rate of

death among girls. For instance, a cruel tragedy took place in Madras in

1926 due to Child Marriage. The age of the girl was 13 years and that of

3 M.S. Gill, Great Women Of the World (New Delhi: Sarup & Sons, 2004) p.27. 3 the husband was 25 years. The wife met with a premature death4 because

she was not old enough to go through the experience of consummation.

The impact of Higher Education prompted women to realize the

importance of improving their privileges and status. The status of women

in any country depends upon their ability to earn their position in the

society. The first condition for acquiring this ability is the attainment of

education and knowledge adequate for establishing their status, whether

at home or society as a whole.5The Nineteenth Century witnessed tremendous changes in the social outlook. The Reformist realized the need for improving the women’s status and consequently the importance of women’s education as an essential instrument to bring about such improvements.6 Madras was one of the progressive provinces which was the home of the great Reddi, a well – known and successful Medical

Practitioner, a pioneer and fighter for the cause of women and children.

She was widely respected as a devoted social worker. Under her leadership, the women of the Province, who were advanced in education, took an active part in public life.7 Another woman of the Madras

Presidency was Sister Subbalakshmi Ammal, born in Thanjavur. She was studious in her childhood. She got married when she was eleven years old. She was known for her forward thinking and enlightened outlook and

4 R.K. Tandon, State of Women in India (New Delhi: Indian Publishers Distributors, 1998) pp.156- 157. 5 Nitin Dosi, Towards Empowerment of Women (New Delhi: Cyber Tech Publications 2007) p. 184. 6Nirmala Jeyaraj, ed., Women and Society (Madurai: Lady Doak College, 2001) p. 362. 7Ashine Roy, Development of Women (New Delhi: Rajat Publications, 2003) pp.205-206. 4 unfortunately she became a Child Widow. Widow’s conditions were very pitiable at that time .Then her parents decided to send her to school. Their community reacted so violently that Subramania Iyyer, Subalakshmi’s father, decided to move to Madras where he taught his daughter English at home and then sent her to a Convent School. She completed her

Matriculation and enrolled herself in the Presidency College, Madras. As the first Hindu widow in Madras to study for B.A, she was threatened with excommunication, harassed in streets and ostracized in the class

room. She completed her degree in 1911.8Afterwards she worked as a

teacher9 and became a Social Reformer for Widows Emancipation. It was

against this background of social changes, Muthulakshmi was born to a

Brahmin father and Devadasi mother in 1886. She was the First Woman

Medical Graduate from the Madras Presidency. She also became the first

Woman Member in the Legislative Council in British India. She became

the first woman ever to become the Deputy President of a Legislative

Council world over. As a Legislator, she effectively campaigned for and

initiated legislation to abolish the Devadasi System and Child Marriage.

She also took up a range of welfare issues that favoured women. This

included the medical inspection in Girl’s Schools, exemption of poor girls

from the payment of school fee, maternity and child welfare, and medical

aid to women. As a political activist, she lobbied for reservation of seats

for women in various governance structures such as municipalities,

8Geraldine Forbes, Women in Modern India (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000) pp.57-58. 9 Hancock Mary, “Home Science and the Nationalization of Domesticity in Colonial India” Modern Asian Studies Vol.35.No.4. October( 2001)p.883. 5 district and local boards, and the police force. Protesting against the arrest

of Gandhi in 1930, Muthulakshmi Reddi resigned from the Madras

Legislature but continued her political and public activities within the

Women’s Movement and also in the National Movement.10 Her devotion

to Gandhi and his ideals became clear with this incident. Following the

footsteps of Gandhi was more important to her than occupying

governmental positions.

Review of Literature

Research works on Muthulakshmi Reddi are not abundant and most of the books are of general nature. However, following are some of the works connected with the present study.

My Experience as a Legislator by Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddi provides a detailed sketch of how she became a Legislator and also about the legislations introduced due to her initiative in the Legislative

Assembly.

P. Subramanian’s Social History of the Tamils, 1707 – 1947, narrates the growth of Devadasi System in Tamil Nadu and the condition, especially of women, in the Madras Presidency.

10 S. Anandhi, The Manifesto and the Modern Self Reading the Autobiography of Muthulakshmi Reddi (Chennai: Madras Institute of Development Studies, 2008) pp.5-6. 6

Tusan Michelle Elizabeth, in her article, “Writing Stri Dharma:

International Politics, and Women’s Press Advocacy in Late Colonial

India”, Women’s History Review, Volume 12, 4 November 2003, wrote

about Muthulaksmi Reddi’s contributions in the field of political and

social system.

Aparna Basu and Bharathi Ray in their work, Women’s Struggle: A

History of All India Women’s Conference, 1927 – 1947, focused on the

efforts of All India Women’s Conference in the fields of education, social legislation and social reforms. It had also dealt with the involvement of

All India Women’s Conference in the United Nations Organization, its

affiliated agencies and other International Bodies.

Sushila Nayar and Kamala Mankekar in, Women Pioneers In

India’s Renaissance, have explained Muthulakshmi Reddi’s early life and

her political participation.

Rajkumar Purthi’s, Women’s Movement and Freedom Struggle, has traced the origin of All India Women’s Conference and its contribution to society.

S. Ramsharma’s, Education of Women and Freedom Movement, has dealt with the All India Women’s Conference and their efforts regarding Women’s Education and also it has emphasized the kind of 7 education to be given to women. It has further explained the resolutions passed covering all levels of education like primary, secondary and collegiate to promote women’s Status by the All India Women’s

Conference.

Ghanashyam Shah’s, Social Movement in India: A Review of

Literature, has dealt with various Women’s movements in India and their activities. It also deals with the work of All India Women’s Conference for women’s rights and their emancipation.

Radhakrishna Sharma’s, Nationalism, Social Reform and Indian

Women, provides detailed information about social evils, social reform movements and origin of women’s organizations and their contribution to the Women’s Enfranchisement.

Saskia C. Kersen in, Nithyasumangali: Devadasi Tradition in

South India, traces the sociological aspects of the phenomenon of the

Devadasi system on the basis of Tamil Literature and also speaks about

different kinds of Devadasis in the Indian society.

Muthulakshmi Reddi’s, Autobiography, explains her family background, early life and also her entire activities in the emancipation of society.

8

Muthulakshmi Reddi’s, Margaret Cousins and Her work in India, covers women’s organizations, contribution and their campaign for enfranchisement by letters and memorandum to the Government.

Muthulakshmi Reddi’s, A Story of Dedicated Life, gives a detailed sketch about Dr.Sundra Reddi’s childhood, early career, how he became a doctor, and how he married Muthulakshmi Reddi.

Muthulakshmi Reddi’s, Why should Abolish Devadasi system, explains the origin of Devadasi system and the causes which turned the system into a channel for prostitution.

Geraldine Forbes’s, Women in Modern India, covers

Muthulakshmi Reddi’s contribution to the Female Franchise.

N.L. Gupta in, Indian Women explains Muthulakshmi Reddi’s interest in the emancipation of women, and education of children and also her contact with other organizations in the Madras Presidency.

Leela Kasturi and Vina Mazumdar’s, Women and Nationalism, covers the social reform ideology and the efforts of the Women’s Indian

Association, the first organization in Madras, and the Self Respect

Movement led by E.V.Ramaswamy Periyar. The Association’s ideas on social reform found concrete expression in the activities of Muthulakshmi 9

Reddi in the Legislature of the Madras Presidency during the period

1926-1930.

Jana Matson Everett’s, Women and Social Change in India, provides information about the origin of Women’s Movement and its contribution.

M. Sundraraj’s Prostitution in Madras Presidency explains the steps taken by the Government during Pre Independence and Post

Independence Era for eradicating Devadasi System from India.

Anandhi’s working paper entitled, The Manifesto and the Modern

Self: Reading the Autobiography of Muthulakshmi Reddi, explores the possibilities and constraints of the autobiographical writing of

Muthulakshmi Reddi, a middle class Feminist from the Colonial Tamil

Nadu.

S.K. Pandit’s, Women in Society, covers various women’s organizations and their contribution to women’s emancipation and

contains detailed information regarding Muthulakshmi Reddi’s efforts to

eradicate Devadasi System and suppression of immoral traffic.

10

Objectives

This study has following the objectives:

 Understand the social problems faced by women in the first half of

the Twentieth Century.

 Estimate the role of Muthulakshmi as a social reformer.

 Evaluate the services of Muthulakshmi Reddi as a member of the

legislature.

 Assess the role of Muthulakshmi Reddi as a medical practitioner.

 Explain Muthulakshmi Reddi’s contribution to the upliftment of

women and children.

 Study Muthulakshmi Reddi’s achievements as the President of

Women’s Indian Association.

Methodology

The present study adopts the grouping of facts gleaned from primary, secondary and tertiary kinds of information, in a chronological order. Accordingly, events are narrated in a logical order. Analysis and

Interpretation with traditional historical method is the mode of research exposition. The sources for this study were mainly collected from the

Jawaharlal Nehru Memorial Library, New Delhi, Tamil Nadu State

Archives, Chennai, Avvai Home, Adayar, Chennai, Adayar Cancer

Institute, Chennai, Madras Institute of Development Studies, Chennai,

Periyar Library and Rational Research Institute, Chennai, Roja Muthaiah

Library and Research Center, Chennai, Madras University Library, 11

Chennai, Theosophical Society Library and Research Centre, Chennai,

Connemara Public Library, Chennai, Saraswathi Mahal Library,

Thanjavur, Ganalaya Library, Pudukottai, Mutulakshmi Reddi Memorial

Library, Pudukottai, District Central Library, Tiruchirappalli,

St.Joseph’s College Library, Holy Cross College Library and

Bharathidasan University Library, Tiruchirappalli.

• The First Chapter deals with Muthulakshmi Reddi’s family

background and early career.

• The Second Chapter explains Women’s Movement.

• The Third Chapter analyses her contribution to the Welfare of

Women and Children.

• The Fourth Chapter deals with her political life.

• The Fifth Chapter explains social reforms and her struggle against

social evils.

• The Sixth Chapter deals with her medical service to the society.

• Besides, the thesis begins with an Introduction and ends with a

Conclusion. 12

CHAPTER I

EARLY LIFE

The emergence of reform movements in the Nineteenth Century marks the beginning of a New Era in the Indian History. Western

Education and Industrial Revolution brought about a new awakening in the midst of Indian Intellectuals. The enlightened and educated Indians developed the consciousness about the Glory of Indian Culture and realized that the existing social evils such as Purdha System,

Untouchability, Ban on Widow Remarriage, Infanticide, and Devadasi

System and a host of other evil practices were leading to human degradation. Under such circumstances, various social and religious reformers rose to meet the challenge of the times. Raja Ram Mohan Roy, regarded as the Father of Indian Renaissance, is the forerunner of all reformers in the galaxy of such social reformers and Dr.Muthulakshmi

Reddi is considered the first Woman social reformer in South India.

Muthulakshmi was born in 1886 in the Princely State of

Pudukkottai.1 Her father, Narayanaswamy Iyer, first married a Brahmin girl who died very early. Hence he married again on Chandrammal, born in Isai Vellalar Caste, a caste in which women were dedicated to service

1Geraldine Forbes, Women in Modern India (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000) p.103. 13 in Hindu Temples. Chandrammal gave birth to eight children but four of them died at an early age. Among those who survived Muthulakshmi was the eldest. She had a younger brother and two sisters.2

Narayanaswamy served as the Principal of the Maharajah’s

College, Pudukkottai. He was impressed by his daughter’s thirst for

knowledge even when she was a child of four years and he was keen to

educate her.3When she was eleven years old, her father retired prematurely owing to some difference between him and the Diwan of the state. Her family suffered financial hardship4and therefore,

Muthulakshmi’s mother wanted to stop her from school. Due to her kind teacher, Balaiah, she was allowed to continue her school education up to her 13th year and she successfully passed the Lower Secondary Public

Examination. After attaining puberty, she was stopped from attending

school as was the custom in those days. Her father employed a private

tutor on a payment of Rs.2 per month for one year to teach fourth form

subjects at home.5

Subsequently, her father himself gave her tuition for one or two

hours a day, to clear Fifth Form and Sixth Form and thereby a strong

foundation was laid for her higher education. In 1902, she appeared for

2 Interview with Dhayananda Chandra Sekaran 10, July, 2007. 3 Available at http//:www.sanmargroup.com. 4K.R. Nagendra Singh, Encyclopedia of Women Biography (New Delhi: A.P.H.Publishing House, 2001) p.125. 5 S .Muthulakshmi Reddi, Autobiography (Madras: M.L.J.Press, 1968) p.3. 14 the Matriculation Examination. In those days, out of hundred students who appeared for the Matriculation Examination, only about ten passed.

She was one among them. No other girl studied English in those days.

Her success in the examination was a great surprise to the people of

Pudukkottai. Her father received congratulations from a number of officials and non – officials. He was overjoyed at her success. She received an appointment order in the local girls’ school which was only an Elementary School.6 But she wanted to go for her higher studies in

St.Joseph’s College, Trichy or Palomcottah Women’s College, Tinneveli.

There were no hostels for girls in those days.7Therefore her father had no choice but to apply for admission in the local men’s College. This was only a Second Grade College. She learnt under qualified teachers. The

Durbar Records in Pudukkottai have material on the above details. In the application for admission to Fine Arts Course which was written by her in

English on February 4th 1904, Muthulakshmi recorded that she was

“eager to commence the collegiate course”. Till that time, no girl had

been admitted in the college. Narayanasamy Iyer encouraged the desire of

the girl with his limited sources.8 When she applied to the college, it

created quite a flutter. The main objection was that she was a woman and

another one was her caste. The Principal thought that her admission

would demoralize the boys9 and suggested putting her in a separate room

6 Ibid 7 Muthu Kannappar, Dr.Muthulakshmi Reddi (Chennai: Gangai Pudaga Nilayam, 2002) p.21. 8 Gopala Krishna Gandhi, Gazetteer of India, Pudukottai District Madras, 1983, p.693. 9 Hindu 24, October, 2005. 15 with a separate lecturer. A gentleman in a letter to the Principal said that even this expenditure was unnecessary since he felt that furthering the education of a girl of that caste did not appear to him to help the cause of female education in the State. Some parents threatened to withdraw their

boys if she was admitted. The Maharajah of Pudukkottai, being a sensible

person, brushed aside the objection, and gave her admission.10 Thus the

Maharajah’s enlightenment opened a new chapter in the history of

Women’s Education in South India. It is amazing that a Prince came

down from his pedestal, listened to the grievances of a humble girl and

threw open the gates of a college facilitating her admission. She was the

first girl student to be admitted to the Maharajah’s College for men from

where she passed her Intermediate in 1907.11

When she studied in Maharaja’s College, Sathyamurthi, the famous politician and orator, was her classmate. In those days, she could not take part in games along with boys. She was given a small stair case room in the college. She completed her studies with the help of State

Scholarship.12

When Muthulakshmi passed the Intermediate Examination in 1907,

her father suggested that she could become a school teacher but she had

10 C.S. Lakshmi, The Face Behind the Mask (Delhi: Shakti Books, 1986) pp.16-17. 11 S.P.Sen,ed., National Dictionary of Biography (Calcutta: Institute of Historical Studies, 1974) p.522. 12 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Autobiography op.cit. p.4. 16 higher aspirations. When one of her father’s former students suggested studying medicine, her father gave the proposal serious consideration even though she had always been a sickly child, helped by traditional medicine and herbal remedies. Her mother’s bout with Typhoid provided the personal motivation. More over, she wanted to leave home so that she could be free from her mother’s obsession with marriage. She entered the

Madras Medical College in 1907.13 There were no hostels in those days for girl students. Further, her sisters and brother also came with

Muthulakshmi for their studies. Hence they secured a rental house in

Purasawalkam where many of her father’s students and friends lived.

P.S.Krishnaswamy Iyer’s home was next to Muthulakshmi’s and

whenever Muthulakshmi’s father went to her native place for his business

and other purpose, Iyer and his wife looked after them.14

In her first year, she had difficulty in passing M.B.C.M. Course as it was not easy for students. Moreover, in those days, no Christian or

European lady student passed the M.B.C.M. Examination in the first attempt in the Madras Medical College. This depressed Muthulakshmi, and so she attended classes regularly and studied her lessons well. In the second year, she passed in all subjects and then she was promoted to the third year. In the third and fourth years, she was equally successful in all

13Geraldine Forbes, Women in Modern India op.cit.p.104. 14 K.V. Kalaimani, Dr.Muthulakshmi Reddi’s Thought to Improve Our Life (Chennai: Shanthi Puthaga Nilayam, 2001) p.26. 17 her subjects, particularly surgery, obtaining high marks. When the results were announced in the class, one of the Professors of Muthulakshmi,

Major Niblock, found out that a lady student got cent percent in surgery, and jumped out from his seat and shouted with joy. “A lady student

Muthulakshmi has obtained cent percent”. The whole class applauded her

achievements. In those days, even European Professors entertained the

impression that women students were not as good as men students. A

Senior Professor and Surgeon, Col. Gifford in the Government Women and Children’s Hospital, did not allow women students to sit in his class.

Only his assistant, a Junior Professor, would lecture to them. It so happened that when prizes and medals were thrown open to both boys and girls, she was advised by Col. Gifford to appear for one such examination and he was so much impressed with her answers that he permitted all women students to attend his class from that day.15 Thanks to Muthulakshmi’s outstanding performance, other women students gained the benefit of Col. Gifford’s lectures. Finally, she passed out with honors from the College in 1912.16She had offers of appointment from

several hospitals, including the Government Victoria Hospital in Madras,

now named Kasturibha Gandhi Memorial Hospital and from hospitals in

Ludhiana, Punjab and Calicut. She, however, felt that she should have

practical training under Senior Surgeons and Physicians though she was

15S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Autobiography op.cit.pp12-13. 16S. Anandhi, The Manifesto and the Modern Self Reading the Autobiography of Dr.Muthulakshmi Reddi (Chennai: Madras Institute of Development Studies, 2008) p.5. 18 very proficient in theory. Therefore, she asked Col. Gifford to give her a place in the Government Hospital for Women and Children in Egmore.

Hence he appointed her as a House Surgeon, saying that there had been no women medical officers before in that hospital.17After finishing her

House Surgeonship, she returned to her native place. She felt that she was

bound to serve in her native state but the Anglo-Indian Lady Apothecary

and the Chief Medical Officer created trouble for her at Pudukkottai out

of jealousy. Therefore, she returned to Madras in 1914 and set up a clinic

which became popular and she commanded a good practice.18From her

early days as a solitary girl sitting on a segregated bench in the

Maharajah’s College at Pudukkottai, she had realized that the struggle for

Gender Equality was only possible if women were educated enough to

perceive that they shared common problems. Therefore, it was natural

that Muthulakshmi became an early member of the Women’s Indian

Association. The Organization, founded in 1917, consisted of core Irish

Suffragists and elite Indian Women of several castes and religions. Some

of the most noteworthy included Annie Besant, Margret Cousins,

Dorothy Jinarajadasa, Malathy Patwarthan, Parvathy Ammal Chandra

Sekaran, Mangalammal Sadasiva Iyer, Ammu Swaminathan, Hira Bai

Tata ,Rahamat Unisha Begam and Begam Yakub Hasan of Arcot.19 She began working at the Government Hospital, treating women, children,

17 Thirunavukkarasu, Dravida Iyakka Vergal (Chennai: Nakeeran Publications, 1999) p.230. 18Vasumathi Ramaswamy, Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddi (Chennai: Star Publications, 1987) p.174. 19 D. Long Roger and Stanley Wolpert, Charisma and Commitment in South Asian History (New Delhi: Orient Long Man, 2004) p.349. 19 urban and poor. In 1913, she became the Residential Doctor for

Subalakshmi Ammal’s Brahmin Hostel for Widows. Muthulakshmi was

associated with many Women’s Associations in her early days such as the

Women’s Indian Association and the Muslim Women’s Association. She

was also a member of non-sectarian organizations like the Madras Seva

Sadan, the Madras Vigilance Society and the Indian Ladies Samaj.20

While Muthulakshmi was studying for medicine, her parents

arranged for her marriage. But she did not give acceptance because she

believed married life would affect her service to the people. She did not

want to become a mother so soon with all the responsibilities of married

life.21She was herself full of zeal to dedicate her whole life to the service of women and children in her own State where medical aid was a crying need. Therefore, she felt that marriage would be a bar to such a life of service.22

Magazines and news papers carried articles about Muthulakshmi’s awards and honors and this publicity brought offers of marriage from young men. Dr.Sundra Reddi was one among them.23 He was born in

1873 in the village of Agaram, South Arcot District. When he was young,

he was adopted by his maternal uncle, Subarayalu Reddiar who was the

20Stanly Wolpert, ed., Encyclopedia of India Vol.III (New York Thomson Corporation, 2006) p.409. 21 Thirunavukkarasu, Dravida Iyakka Vergal op.cit. p.231. 22S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, A Story of Dedicated Life (Madras: Shakti Karyalayam, 1949) p.21. 23 Geraldine Forbes, Women in Modern India loc.cit. p.104. 20

Chief Minister of Madras Presidency.24 Sundra Reddi faced many

difficulties when he studied for MBCM. After finishing his studies, he

joined as a Surgeon in the King George Hospital, Visagapattinam. He

conveyed his wishes to Dr. Muthulakshmi’s parents to get married to her.

After verifying Dr.Sundra Reddi’s character and conduct,

Dr.Muthulakshmi’s father gave his consent for the marriage.25

Muthulakshmi Reddi stipulated certain conditions for marriage. The conditions were equal respect for each other and to allow her to work independently.26

After getting married, Dr. Reddi served at the Pudukkottai

Government Hospital as Chief Medical Officer, and Muthulakshmi Reddi

also joined him. There they worked together for three years. Then Dr.

Sundra Reddi joined the Madras Medical College as an Assistant

Professor.27

Muthulakshmi Reddi stayed at Madras where she had already

established her practice. Women Doctors were so few in those days even

in the City of Madras. Hence her service was very much in demand and

she built up a good practice amongst women and children. She had two

sons. In 1914, her first child was born after a long and difficult labour. It

24S. Muthulakshmi Reddi , A Story of a Dedicated Life op.cit.p.7. 25 Ungal Noolagam May-June,2006.p.4. 26Albaris, “Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddi” South Indian History Congress Proceedings 29th Annual Session G.Sethuraman. ed., January 30,31th & February 1, 2009. 27Available at www.Sanmargroup.com. 21 was the famous Dr. A. Lakshmanaswami Mudaliar who delivered her first child.28 His name was Ram Mohan who became the Director of

Planning Commission. Her second, son Krishnamurti was born in

1919.29 He became the Chairman of the Adayar Cancer Institute and

Avvai Home at Chennai.30

She received an offer of Scholarship from the Government of India for post graduate study on the diseases of women and children in England in 1925. On her way back, she attended the Paris International Congress of Women as an Indian Delegate. In the midst of her professional and family responsibilities, she found time for social work with women and children. She also found time to publish many books in English and the vernacular on the care of pregnant women, child birth and feeding of infants.31 Dr. Muthulakshmi’s sister took her B.A. Degree in the Queen

Mary’s College, and her M.A from the Presidency College, Madras. She

was appointed as a first Indian Principal of the same college.32 She was the first woman to attain such a position in India. She also had the fortune and privilege to work in the League of Nations.33 But her other sister was

28Available at rajappa-musings.blogspot.com. 29S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Autobiography pp.19-20. 30 Interview with Dr. Shantha 10.07.2009. 31 International Women’s Year Celebration Committee, Some Illustrious Women of India (Madras: Asian Book Company, 1975) pp.57-58. 32S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Autobiography op.cit. p.1. 33Albaris, “Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddi” South Indian History Congress Proceedings 29th Annual Session G. Sethuraman.ed., January 30,31th & February 1, 2009. 22 not so studious. Her brother, Ramaiah, was an advocate in the Madras

High Court and he was a popular social worker for the uplift of Harijarns.

Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddi was influenced both by Indians and

Foreigners. Among Indians, Swami Vivekananda and Mahatma Gandhi, and among Foreigners, Swedish Missionaries, Josephine Butter, Margaret

Cousins and Annie Besant, were the chief sources of influence. She was also a close friend of Standfard, a Theosophist from South Africa.

Muthulakshmi Reddi came under the influence of Gandhi and participated in the National Movement. She also fought for the rights of women with other leaders.34 Muthulaksmi Reddi had contact with

national leaders. She met Subramania Bharathi at Dr.Nanchunda Rao’s

residence in Madras in 1908. Subramania Bharathi at that time was the

Editor of a news paper called, India. He requested Muthulakshmi Reddi to write essays on women’s rights.35 Muthulakshmi Reddi was a freedom

fighter and a patriot. She was one of the women leaders of the Pre-

Independence Era who stood for the cause of liberating India from the

clutches of the British Regime.36 In December 1933, when Gandhi visited

Madras, the Women’s Indian Association organized a meeting which was

attended by all leading women social workers and middle class women.

They gave their gold bangles, rings and other valuables as their

34 Raja Mohamad, Pudukkottai Mavatta Varalaru (Chennai: Director of Musem, 2004) p.175. 35Albaris, “Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddi” South Indian History Congress Proceedings 29th Annual Session G. Sethuraman. ed., January 30,31th & February 1, 2009. 36 Hindu 15, August, 2009. 23 contribution to the Freedom Struggle. Gandhiji addressed the gathering, and his speech was translated into Tamil by Muthlakshmi Reddi.37 She

went as a Woman Delegate to the Third Round Table Conference at

London, with Gandhi and attended the First International Conference of

Chicago in 1934.38

The Women’s Indian Association was started on 8th May 1917 at

Adayar, Madras, by Dorothy Jinarajadasa, with the assistance of Dr.

Annie Besant, who was chosen its First President and remained so till her

death.39 After Annie Besant’s death, Muthulakshmi Reddi became the

President of the Women’s Indian Association.40 Muthulakshmi Reddi, during her tenure as President of the All India Women’s Indian

Association, never missed an opportunity to honor eminent personalities who visited Madras City. She accorded reception to Hellen Keller,

Vijayalakshmi Pandit, the then President of the UN General Assembly,

Rajendra Prasad, Dr.Radha Krishnan, Jawaharlal Nehru , the former

British Prime Minister Lord Atlee and Lady Atlee, and many others.41

As the President of the Women’s Indian Association, she did commendable work for the nation.42

37 G.O. N.O. 87, Public Department 01, March, 1933. 38 Hindu 24, October,2005. 39 Radhakrishna Sharma, Nationalism Social Reform and Indian Women (New Delhi: Janaki Prakashan, 1981) p.107. 40 Women’s Indian Association Report 1928-1934. 41Interview with Sarojini Varadappan 01, September, 2008. 42 Women’s Indian Association Report 1967. 24

The aim of All India Women’s Conference was to promote education among women and to deal with questions affecting the welfare

of women and children.43 The All India Women’s Conference was not

formed with any political purpose. It concentrated on issues such as early

marriage, polygamy, purdha, dowry, and widow remarriage and property

rights for women and prepared the ground for suitable legislation. Some

leaders of the All India Women’s Conference took the initiative in

Women’s Franchise Movement as early as 1917. Though from the

beginning the All India Women’s Conference proclaimed that it would

keep away from politics and work only for the social progress of women,

the circumstances of Colonial India inevitably guided it towards politics

for it was the British Government whom they tried to impress and move

to gain rights for Indian Women.44

In 1929, the All India Women’s Conference demanded that their

representatives should be called to the Round Table Conference in

London and suggested the names of Sarojini Naidu, Muthulakshmi Reddi

and Rameshwari Nehru as Delegates. But the British Government

rejected their demands. But the Government relented later and the All

India Women’s Conference was asked to send three women

representatives to place their views before the Parliament. The three

43 Ram, Women and Social Change (New Delhi: Commonwealth Publishers, 2004) p.25. 44 Kanak Mukherjee, Women’s Emancipation Movement in India (New Delhi: National Book Centre, 1989) pp.51-52. 25 representatives, Begum Hamid Ali, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur and

Muthulakshmi Reddi, went to London and placed their views before the

Select Committee. They also contacted the British Women’s

Organization and International Alliance of Women.45On her return from

abroad, she was welcomed by the Women’s Indian Association. Every

one was anxious to hear her personal account of what was done by our

representatives, of whom she was, one before the Joint Select Committee

in London and also her impressions of America where she represented

Indian Women at International Congress of Women at Chicago.

Muthulaksmi Reddi gave an interesting account of her various

experiences about her visit. She had traveled half round the world. It

was most encouraging to hear of the keen and earnest interest that both

England and America had for their sisters in India.46

The Fifth Conference of the All India Women’s Conference was held at Lahore in 1931 under the Presidentship of Muthulakshmi Reddi.

This Conference emphasized provision for more schools, hostels and adult education centers for Women in the Presidency. It also decided to

observe the First Day of March as ‘Women’s Day’ and the holding of

meetings in almost all the constituencies on that day. To explain and

popularize the work of the Conference was another noteworthy

innovation. Vigorous and well – timed propaganda was carried on with a

45 Ibid. p.52. 46 Women’s Indian Association Report 1928-34. 26 view to safeguarding the Sarda Act.47 Muthulakshi Reddi was selected by the Government as one of the members of the Hartog Committee to

review the condition of women’s education in the country.48

Muthulakshmi Reddi was the Editor of Stri - Dharma, an official organ of the Women’s Indian Association from 1931.49 After taking over the Editorship during 1930s, Reddi placed her own stamp on Stri-Dharma by using it as a Political Forum.50 Protesting over the arrest of Gandhi during Non Co-Operation Movement, Reddi resigned her post in the

Council on 8th May and directed her energy towards serving as a

Propagandist for the Nationalist Cause. Muthulakshmi Reddi, owing to reasons of health, resigned from the Secretaryship of Women’s Indian

Association and Editorship of Stri-Dharma in 1933.51

Muthulakshmi was deeply religious and she observed all the Hindu

Festivals scrupulously but she was not an Orthodox Hindu. Her mind was philosophical. She thought that all religions were connected with Brahmo

Samaj and did not believe in any cult but believed in the equality of all

religions .She regarded Service to Humanity as service to God.

47 Rajkumar, etal., Women’s Movement and Freedom Struggle (Jaipur: Pointers Publishers, 2003) p.10. 48P.N. Premalatha, Nationalism and Women’s Movement in South India1917-1947 (New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2003) p.176. 49 Susila Nayar and Kamalamankekar, Women Pioneer in India’s Renaissance (New Delhi; National Book Trust, 2003) p.376. 50 Michelle Elezabeth Tusan, Women’s History Review “Writing of Stri-Dharma. International Feminism, National Politics and Women’s Press Advocacy in the Late Colonial India”, Vol-12. November,4, (2003) p.630. 51 Stri-Dharma Vol.XVI October 1933. 27

She did not believe in the Caste System. None of her people had any faith in it. Her parents had entered into an inter-caste marriage, and

so had Muthulakshmi Reddi and her brother and sisters. She believed in the dictum of Avvai, the well known woman bard of Tamil Nadu that there were only two castes those possessing high character and those with no characters. 52

Muthulakshmi Reddi was one of the women pioneers in her

profession in South India. She married a Doctor. She sacrificed a

lucrative medical practice for the sake of service to women and children.

She was meticulous in studying texts on Social Reform Legislation. It

annoyed her that women in public life did not read news papers

sufficiently to be up to date on topical subjects. She rarely used to go to

cinema or seek any entertainment.53Muthulakshmi Reddi inspired many

men and women in India and outside. She was also a source of inspiration

to Sarojini Vardappan and the famous film actor, Gemini Ganesan. When

Sarojini Varadappan spoke about the memories of Muthulakshmi Reddi,

she said, “It is a great privilege for me to have known this great lady from

my father’s time; he was former Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu,

Bhatavatchalam. She was neighbor of our home in Purasawalkam in

52K.R. Nagendra Singh, Encyclopedia of Women Biography (New Delhi: A.P.H.Publishing House, 2001) p.128. 53E. Margaret Cousins, Indian Womanhood Today (Allahabad: Kitabistan, 1941) p.160. 28

Chennai. She was also our family doctor. She expected sincerity, discipline, efficiency and perfection. At the same time she used to encourage young workers like me. Many times she used to pat me on my back and say you spoke very well”.54

Actor Gemini Ganesan had described his experience with

Muthulakshmi Reddi who was paternal aunt to him. He was put in Rama

Krishna Mission by Muthulakshmi Reddi for his studies.55

Muthulakshmi was a very courageous and fearless woman. She

never feared any Party or Government. She was a very confident woman

and faced boldly many challenges from her childhood to her last breath.

54 Interview with Sarojini Vardappan 01, September, 2008. 55 Available at www.dhool.com 29

CHAPTER II

WOMEN’S MOVEMENT

Women’s Movement in India emerged with the noble purpose of achieving equal rights for women in the field of political participation on the same lines as men. Indian women amply proved in the past and continue to do so in the present as well that given the right conditions,

they are not only able to exercise their right to vote in a responsible and

mature manner but also, given political power, they are equally capable

of wielding it judiciously and with courage and conviction. Indian women

have proved that they could seize all kinds of opportunities and long

before women could rise to high offices in countries like France, United

States of America or England.1

The demand for suffrage was put forward in 1848 in France where

women were denied franchise on the grounds that they were dependent on men and men represented their dependents as well as themselves.

Further, emphasis was laid on sexual division of labour where politics was defined as a masculine activity and women’s proper business as caring for her house, husband and children. Women, within the family, were supposed to express themselves indirectly through their husbands,

1S.Ram, Encyclopedia of Women and Social Change Vol.II. (New Delhi: Commonwealth Publications, 2003) p.149. 30 brothers and fathers. Women’s Suffrage Movement challenged these notions. They demanded the right to vote on the grounds that women also could claim the privilege of citizenship. They claimed that women’s individuality was as fundamental as that of men. The vote was claimed as a right within the concept of free and independent individuals. One person could not be included in the franchise of another. It was also assumed that the right to vote would end sex prejudice and speed up the passage of social welfare legislation. This was based on the assumption that female citizens, by virtue of their sex, would act as a cohesive force to bring about social change.2

During the Vedic Period, women in India were more independent and allowed to participate in social and economic and political activities3 and only later on towards the end of the early Vedic Period, their position began to decline. This situation continued for centuries and further deteriorated in the Medieval Period. As a result of the poor status of women, Social Reformers started a powerful Movement to improve their position.4 Nineteenth Century India saw the rise of Elite who took advantage of opportunities presented by the British Rule to acquire education, land and jobs in Government Service and the professions.

These Elite formed associations concerned with cultural, social, economic

2 P. Salgonkar Semma, Women Political Power and State (New Delhi: Abhijit Publications, 2006) p.69. 3 Mohapatra, Elite Women of India (New Delhi:APH Publishing House,2002)p.56. 4 M.R. Biju, Women’s Empowerment (New Delhi: Mital Publications, 2006) p.2. 31 and political issues.5 Women’s Movement in India began as a part of the

broad Social Reform Movement in the Nineteenth Century. The Goals of

Women’s Movement were improving the performance of traditional

female roles and6 acquiring new roles on par with western women.

The campaign for political representation formed an important part

of Indian Women’s Movement. From the beginning, the Indian Women’s

Movement carried on the Campaign for Suffrage as a means of achieving

Social Reform. Women Leaders believed that the enfranchisement of

women would mean additional support for social reform legislation.

There were two phases in the Campaign for Suffrage.7

Women’s Suffrage refers to the right of women to vote and to hold public offices. The Women’s Suffrage Movement included all the organized activities of reformers to change laws that kept women from voting or add laws and constitutional amendments to guarantee women the right to vote.8The first phase lasted from 1917 -1928. The issues were

Female Enfranchisement and Eligibility for Entry to the Legislature and

5Joyce Lebra, etal., Women and Work in India (New Delhi: Promilla & Co Publishers, 1984) p.214. 6 Mohammad Yasin and Nanda Dasgupta, Indian Political Protests and Movements (New Delhi: Anmol Publications, 2003) pp.100-101. 7 Sampa Guha, Political Participation of Women in a Changing Society (New Delhi: Inter – India Publications, 1996) p.83. 8 Available at http://womenhistory.about.com 32 in the second phase from 1928-1937, the issues were concerned with enlarging Female Representation in the Legislature.9

The first phase of Suffrage Campaign was started with the help of

Margaret Cousins, a well known Suffragette who had worked in co- operation with British Suffragists. She was even imprisoned in Britain for her activities. In the beginning, James and Margaret worked with

Dr.Annie Besant. They established the Theosophical Society in Adayar.10

The two Council Acts of 1892 and 1909 made no mention of

Female Franchise, and there was no need to do so since the combination of property and literacy qualifications worked effectively to keep women out of electoral rolls.11 In 1917, Secretary of State for India, Edwin

Montague, announced the British Government’s intention of including

more Indians in the governing process. To learn more about Indian and

European Opinion, Montague and Lord Chelmsford, the Viceroy, planned

a tour of India to listen to the views of individuals and groups.

When a news paper in Madras announced their visit to India to

survey the political scene with a view to introducing constitutional

reforms which would lead to expansion of self government, Dr. James

9 Sampa Ghuha, Political Participation of Women in Changing Society loc.cit. p.83. 10S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Margaret Cousins and Her Work in India (Madras: Avvai Home, 1956) p.86. 11Janaki Nair, Women and Law in Colonial India (Bangalore: National Law School of Indian University, 1996) pp.129-130. 33

Cousins, a Theosophist and colleague of Annie Besant, who read the news item, half jokingly asked his wife, Margaret Cousins; “what about votes for women”?12 This led to the establishment of the Women’s Indian

Association in 1917 by Annie Besant, Margaret Cousins13 and Dorothy

Jinarajadasa, all three Irish Women who had been suffragists in their own country. Margaret Cousins, one of the Founders of the Irish Suffrage

Movement, courted imprisonment for espousing the cause of Women

Suffrage. They were joined by Malathi Patwardhan, Ammu

Swaminathan, Dorothy and Ambujammal. Started at the height of the

Home Rule Movement, the Women’s Indian Association took up the cause of franchise for women.14

The Women’s Indian Association was, therefore, in a sense, the first all India Women’s Association with the clear objective of getting the right to vote for women. Conscious of their political rights and influenced by western democratic values, these women worked actively to generate political awareness among Indian Women. Margaret Cousins put out feelers in several directions and she wrote to the great social reformer,

Maharishi Karve, the Founder of the first Women’s University in India in

12 Aparana Basu, “Women’s Struggle for the Vote: 1917-1937” Indian Historical Review Vol.XXXV, January( 2008)p.128. 13 Mary Fainsod Katzenstein, “Towards Equality ?Cause and Consequences of the Political Prominence of Women in India” Asian Survey Vol.18, May(1978)p.476. 14 Aparana Basu, “Indian Women’s Movement” Human Rights, Gender and Environment (New Delhi: University of Delhi) n.d. 34

Poona, about organizing a deputation to meet the Secretary of State and

the Viceroy.15

Margaret Cousins, as the Secretary of Women’s Indian

Association, gained approval for becoming Senate Member of the Indian

Women’s University16in 1917 when Edwin Montague was the Secretary

of State for India.17 He announced the intention of the British

Government to include more Indians in the working of the Government18.

Lord Chelmsford wanted to collect the opinion of Indians and Europeans.

Hence various women’s movements applied for an appointment to

discuss the issues of women. But they were informed that only

deputations concerning political subjects would be allowed. Hence

Margaret Cousins, Member of the Women’s Indian Association, added

some political issues to be discussed by the Deputation. The Deputation

consisted of fourteen women and it was led by Sarojini.19 They submitted a Memorandum demanding maternity welfare, equal franchise, education and social welfare.20 But Montague did not concede their demands.

15 Ibid 16Jana Matson Everett, Women and Social Change in India (New Delhi: Heritage Publishers, 1979) p.105. 17 Mohapatra, Elite Women of India op.cit. p.66. 18 Helen Rappaport, Encyclopedia of Women Social Reformers Vol.I (Colifornia: ABC Clio, 2001) p148. 19 Rajkumar, ed., Sarojini Naidu (Jaipur: Pointer Publishers, 2000) p.133. 20M. Suguna, Women’s Movement (New Delhi: Discovery Publishing House, 2009) p.32. 35

Therefore, agitations and propaganda were organized in different

provinces to popularize the Memorandum.21The Memorandum states:

“Our interest’s as one- half of the people, are directly affected by the demand in the united scheme that the members of the council should be elected directly by the people on as broad a franchise as possible. We pray that when such a franchise being drawn up, women may be worded in such terms that will not disqualify of our sex, but allow our women the opportunities of representation as our men”.22 The representation further adds; “In agreeing with the demand of the above mentioned memorandum that a full measure of the Local Self Government should be

immediately granted, we requested that it shall include in the

representation of our women, a policy that has been admitted successfully

for the past twenty years in the Local Self Government elsewhere in the

British Empire”.23

Then Montague asked, ‘Do you think that men of India will allow such a thing or will they oppose it?’24 Sarojni Naidu answered that so far

21Kanak Mukherjee, Women’s Emancipation Movement in India (New Delhi: National Book Centre, 1989) p.48. 22 J.Susie Tharu and K. Lalitha, Women Writing in India:The Twentieth Century( New York: Feminist Press,1993)p.85. 23 Mastan Vali, Women and Politics (New Delhi: Anmol Publications Pvt.Ltd, 2002) p.49. 24 Virender Grover and Ranjana Arora,ed.,Sarojini Naidu: A Biography of Her Vision Ideas (New Delhi:Deep &Deep Publications,1998)p.61. 36 from objecting to the right being granted to women, they would support them.25

The Congress supported the demand for Women’s Suffrage and passed a Resolution supporting voting rights for women. When the

Franchise Committee visited Bombay, a Petition, signed by eight hundred women, was presented and a similar request was made by the Women

Graduates Union of Bombay as well as the Indian Association, a branch of the Home Rule League and other Women’s Associations.26

The Government of India Act of 1919 did not contain anything about voting rights for women. The British Government appointed a

Committee called the Southborough Committee to examine the question of franchise.27 The Committee visited India and it was at Bombay that a

requisition, signed by 800 educated women of the Presidency, was

submitted to the Committee, demanding that women as a sex should not

be excluded from the Franchise Scheme. Several other requisitions

expressing Indian Women’s claim to be included in the Franchise Scheme

were also sent by the members of the All India Women’s Association,

Graduates Association of Bombay, women’s branches of the Home Rule

League, Bharat Stri Mandal and other women’s societies. The Committee

25 Hasi Banerjee, Sarojini Naidu the Traditional Feminist (Calcutta: KP Bagchi&Company, 1998) p.63. 26 Rajkumar, et.al., Sarojini Naidu loc.cit. p.133. 27 Geraldine Forbes, Women in Modern India op.cit.p.95. 37 itself reported early in 1919 that it had received numerous petitions from women of the educated classes, urging some form of Female Suffrage.28

Without considering all aspects of the question, the Committee rejected the demand for Female Franchise. The women as a class were totally excluded from franchise. In its opinion, women were subjected to many social evils and disabilities and therefore, it considered the grant of

Female Franchise as a premature political experiment.29

The Committee thus observed:-

“In some provinces, the municipal franchise includes women, but the evidence placed before us showed that it is sparingly exercised, except perhaps in Bombay City. We are satisfied that the social condition of

India make it premature to extend the franchise to Indian women at this juncture, when so large a proportion of male electors require education in the use of responsible vote. Further, until the custom of seclusion of women, followed by many classes and communities, is relaxed, female suffrage would hardly be a reality”.30

28Radhakrishna Sharma, Nationalism Social Reform and Indian Women (Delhi: Janaki Prakashan, 1981) p.81. 29 Ibid 30P.N. Premalatha, Nationalism and Women’s Movement in South India,1917-1947 (New Delhi: Gyan publishing House, 2001) pp.48-49.

38

The members of the Women’s Indian Association were furious that

the Southborough Committee had ignored their petitions. Mrs. Cousins

wrote to Mr. Montague:

“In the interview acceded to Sarojini Naidu and other members of

the deputation, you questioned whether Indian political institutions would

support the women’s request for enfranchisement. Already we have

informed you of the Resolutions supporting this passed by various

Provincial District conferences and ratified by an overwhelming majority”.31

But it was a peculiar argument because it wanted that all

disabilities of women should be withdrawn permanently. It was a strange

piece of logic because far from righting a wrong, it invoked the assistance

of one wrong to perpetuate another. The Report expressed Montague’s

desire for broad franchise but it also contained a warning against any such

inordinate and sudden extension of franchise as it might lead to a

breakdown of the machinery through sheer weight of numbers.32

The only Indian member in the Southborough Committee,

Sankaran Nair, did not agree with the proposal of the Committee and

31 Aparana Basu, “Women’s Struggle for the Vote: 1917-1937” Indian Historical Review Vol.XXXV, January(2008)p.134. 32 Radhakrishna Sharma, Nationalism and Social Reform and Indian Women loc.cit.p.81. 39 recorded his dissent. Hogg and other members were also sympathetic but their views could not prevail. The decision of the Southborough

Committee led to widespread discontent and resentment. Several meetings were organized and resolutions were passed and cablegrams and

telegrams were sent to England.33 Protest was vocal and voluminous, serious and stiff.

In the largely attended meeting of the Women of Bombay, held on the 12th July, 1919, the following Resolution was passed unanimously and

sent to England for sympathetic consideration and support.

“Public meetings of women of Bombay protested against the

recommendations of the Southborough Committee and the Government

of India for disqualifying women for franchise in reform scheme on the

grounds that, social conditions in India make it premature and

impracticable to grant Female Franchise .

This meeting begged to draw attention to the facts that women in

the Bombay Presidency and other parts of the country already exercised

franchise intelligently in municipal and other elections. It urged that there

was no reason to consider it premature and impractical for qualified

women to exercise vote and requested that their sex should not disqualify

33 V.Rajalakshmi, Political Behavior of Women in Tamil Nadu (New Delhi: Inter-India Publications, 1985) pp.40-41. 40 them. It earnestly urged the Government of India and the British

Parliament to reconsider the question of sex disqualification”34.

In 1919, a Special Delegation, comprising Sarojini Naidu, Annie

Besant, Hirabhai Tata and Mitan Tata journeyed to London to give

evidence before the Joint Parliamentary Committee35 on the Government

of India Bill. Active lobbying by alliances of British and Indian women’s

groups succeeded in extracting an ambiguous response on the removal of

sex disqualification by the Joint Select Committee. It suggested that once

Legislative Councils were elected in each Province, it was up to the men

of this Council to decide whether women should be given the franchise.36

As a result, the Parliament granted the right to decide the voting

rights of women to each Provincial Council by a Council Resolution.

Since the power was then shifted to the Provincial Legislatures, the

Women’s Indian Association put pressure on the Members of the Madras

Legislative Council to sponsor resolutions for the same purpose. As a

result, Madras took the lead and M. Krishna Nair moved a Resolution for

Enfranchisement of Women. He stated that “some women are more

capable of forming sound judgments than some men. In obeying laws,

certainly women are more law-abiding than men. Statistics proved that

34 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Margaret Cousins and Her Work in India op.cit. pp.15-16. 35Radha Kumar, The History of Doing (New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1993) p.56. 36 Janaki Nair, Women and Law in Colonial India op.cit. pp.131-132. 41 for five men criminals, there is only one woman criminal. In real, on many public questions, women take more interest than men. So no special political training is essential”.37

M.S.Srinivasa Iyengar agreed with the counter argument of

Krishnan Nayar and added that “It is by the vote that political education

can spread among our women and unless women take active part in

shaping the destinies of the province, I do not think there will be any

great amelioration”. 38

After this Resolution was moved in the Madras Legislative

Council, women held meetings all over the Presidency and sent deputation to meet the Law Member and the Minister for Development to get the Resolution passed. As a result, many voted for the Resolution and it was declared carried. Madras was the first legislature in the British

India to pass a Women’s Suffrage Resolution in 1921 by a considerable majority.39 It granted voting rights on the same terms as men. Bombay followed close to Madras. Thus the first effort of the Women’s Indian

Association was successful in Madras after four years of struggle.40

37 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings, Vol.I, Part-III, 1921. 38 V. Rajalakshmi, Political Behavior of Women in Tamil Nadu ( New Delhi: Inter-India Publications, 1985) p.43. 39Ramanathan, “The Role of Women in Madras Legislative Council- 1921-1981” Madras Legislature Diamond Jubilee Celebration 1997, Madras. 40P.N. Premalatha, Nationalism and Women’s Movement in South India, 1917-1947 op.cit. P.50. 42

This, however, was only half the battle. Though the Resolution had given the right of electing members to the Legislative Council, it did not enfranchise women to stand as candidates for legislatures. This right was reserved to the British Parliament. An agitation was soon organized for the removal of this disqualification. Women asserted their right to enter the legislatures at many largely attended public meetings, and also through deputations and representations to the Government. After 1921, women were determined to gain admission to the Legislature either by election or nomination.41

Women were more particular in getting the right to enter the legislatures. Margaret Cousins moved heaven and earth to secure the

entry of women into the legislatures. A large meeting was held at the

Senate House of the Madras University under the joint auspices of the

Women’s Associations of the Province in February, 1924. It was decided

to send deputation of ladies to wait upon the Governor of Madras and place before him the views of women for their eligibility to enter the

Provincial and Imperial Legislatures.42 A number of meetings were

convened by the leading women of Madras. A Deputation of women

under Mangalambigai met the Governor of Madras, and asked him to

41 Ibid 42 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Margaret Cousins and Her Work in India op.cit. P.54. 43 amend the rules to make women eligible for entry into the Provincial

Legislatures.43

As a result, the Report of the Enquiry Committee on Franchise

Reforms recommended empowering the Legislative Assembly and

Provincial Councils to legislate in this regard.44 This recommendation bore fruit in the Madras Presidency. Once again Krishnan Nair moved a

Resolution in 1926 in the Madras Legislative Council in favour of admitting women into the Legislative Council by nomination and by election and it was passed unanimously.45

The outcome of the first phase of the campaign for female political

representation was that both the British Government and the Indian

political elite accepted the principles of Female Franchise and their representation in legislature. The Congress formally supported Women’s

Franchise in 1918 and elected Sarojini Naidu as the Congress President in

1925. Indian Liberals also supported the women’s campaign for representation in the Legislature and their demand for constitutional reforms.46

43 Radhakrishna Sharma, Nationalism Social Reform and Indian Women op.cit. p.86. 44 Stri – Dharma October, 1925. 45 Stri- Dharma August, 1926, p.145. 46Jana Matson Everett, Women and Social Change in India op.cit. p.112. 44

Simon Commission was appointed to examine the working of

Montague-Chelmsford Reform Scheme. The Commission studied the

situation in the country and it was impressed by the strength of the

Women’s Movement in India. Its view was that India could not reach the

position to which it aspired until its women played their due part as

educated citizens.47 The Auxiliary Committee on Education48 also was of the view that the counsel and active work of women were essential both in administration and public affairs. Hence the Commission proposed extension of franchise and appointment a New Committee under an experienced Chairman49. Regarding qualifications for women voters, the

Commission desired to see a substantial increase in the existing ratio of

women to men voters and therefore it proposed to enlarge the existing

qualifications. Even the wife, over 25 years of age, of a man, who had a

property qualification at the time of death, was also qualified. In addition,

the educational qualification should apply to women over 21 as well as to

men.50Every woman, able to read or write in any language, was to be

given the right to vote.

While considering and making proposals for the extension of

Female Franchise, the Commission said, “The beginning of a movement

among certain Indian women, however, comparatively few in number

47 Indian Statutory Commission Report Vol.I, Government of India, 1930, p.53. 48 G.O.N.O.796, Department of Education 1,May,1930. 49Radhakrishna Sharma, Nationalism Social Reform and Indian Women op.cit. p.90. 50 Indian Statutory Commission Report Vol. II, Government of India,1930,p.93. 45 they may yet be, to grapple with problems which specially affect homes

and health and children, is one of the most encouraging signs of Indian

progress and we believe that this movement would be strengthened by

increasing the influence of women at the elections”.51

As soon as Lord Irwin announced the first Round Table

Conference to discuss the Dominion Status, the Women’s Indian

Association submitted the names of Sarojini Naidu, Dr.Muthulakshmi

Reddi and Rameshwari Nehru to be included in the Conference.52 The

Indian National Congress decided not to send any delegate from the

Congress because Lord Irwin, while announcing the formation of the

Conference, declared that Dominion Status for India would be taken for

discussion but not for implementation. The Women’s Indian Association

also withdrew their candidates. The Round Table Conference began in

1930 and in these meetings, Indian women were represented but they

were not those who were selected by the Women’s Indian Association.

Begum Shah Nawaz and Mrs. Subbarayan were the two women who

participated in the Conference and they were selected by the British. In

this meeting, they were willing to accept Special Reservations as an

interim measure.53 The three major women’s associations, the Women’s

Indian Association, National Council for Women of India and the All

51 Ibid. pp.93-94. 52 S. Muthulakshi Reddi, Margaret Cousins and Her work in India op.cit. p.79. 53 Generaldine Forbes, Women in Modern India op.cit. p.107.

46

India Women’s Conference prepared a Joint Memorandum54 for

submission to the Franchise Committee of the first Round Table

Conference.

Equal Right for Women, no disability to be attached to any citizen

by reasons of his or her religion, caste, creed or sex in regard to public

employment, office of power or honour, and in the exercise of any trade

or calling, adult suffrage, women to fight elections on equal terms with

men, in mixed general electorates, no reservation of seats for women as

such, nor special nomination or co-option of women55 were some of the

demands submitted to the Franchise Committee.

A Joint Memorandum was submitted in favour of Universal Adult

Suffrage and Joint Electorate. They opposed the reservation of seats for

women. Shah Nawaz was in favour of Universal Adult Suffrage but Mrs.

Subbarayan continued her support for reserved seats.56 The Conference ended in failure. Gandhiji also participated in the same on behalf of the

Congress. The All India Women’s Conference organized a women’s meeting in Bombay under the Chairmanship of Sarojini Naidu. Drafting

54 Rajkumar, etal., Women’s Movement and Freedom Struggle (Jaipur: Pointers Publishers, 2000) p. 15. 55 Stri-Dharma 1934. 56 Khawar Mumtaz, “Women’s Representation,Effectiveness and Leadership in South Asia Fifth South Asia Regional Ministerial Conference Islamabad, Pakistan, May,2-5,2005.

47

Committee of eight women, with Hansa Metha, Taraben Preamchand,

Margaret Cousins, Faiz Tyabji, Hilla Fardooniji, Shareefa Hamid Ali,

Malini Sukhtankar and Rani Lakshmibai Rajwade, was formed to prepare a Memorandum to be submitted to the Franchise Committee. 57

At the close of the Round Table Conference, a White Paper was presented to the both Houses of the British Parliament, which included a recommendation of increased franchise for women.58 A Franchise

Committee was constituted with Lord Lothian as the Chairman. During

its tour of India in 1932, the Lothian Committee received a delegation

from the All India Association with a Memorandum. They also elected

some women to give evidence before the Committee in various provinces

on the policy enunciated in the Memorandum. In addition, a Declaration was issued to the Press and it was sent to the Government of India and

England reiterating their firm belief in the principles given in the Joint

Memorandum.59

There was difference of opinion among women regarding Special

Representation. In Madras, on behalf of the Women Graduates Union,

Lakshmi Ammal and L.Devasahayam advocated Reservation of Seats for

57 Aparana Basu, “Women’s Struggle for the Vote: 1917-1937 Indian Historical Review Vol.XXXV, January (2008) p.137. 58 Indian Ladies Magazine November- December-1934. 59 P.N. Premalatha, Nationalism and Women’s Movement in South India, 1917-1947 op.cit .P.60. 48 women in the legislature.60 Radhabai Subbarayan, the only woman in the

Committee as well as the Government of Madras, entertained the same

opinion. Alamelu Mangalathayarmmal, a member of the Madras

Legislative Council, in her individual capacity and Lakshmi Menon on

behalf of the All India Women’s Conference, were the important persons

who opposed the Reservation of Seats for Women.61

Disapproving the Government’s stand, Muthulakshmi Reddi refused to give evidence before the Committee, and charged that the

Committee was not a true representative of all the people of India.

In every Province, women, including some in strict purdah, came forward as witnesses either representing organizations or individually asking for an extension of the franchise while there was no expression of opinion to the contrary from women themselves.62 Regarding Reservation of Seats in the legislatures, leading women’s organizations were opposed to the granting of any special facilities and wished women to be returned by “open door competition”. On the other hand, large number of witnesses, both women and men, who gave evidence individually or as representatives of associations, felt strongly that although women should be free to contest the elections on the same platform as men, some

60 Indian Franchise Committee Report 1932, Vol.II, pp.13-14. 61 Stri – Dharma 1932. 62 Indian Franchise Committee Report 1932, Vol. I, p.80. 49 minimum representation should be secured for the first ten years.63 The

Government of Madras suggested that eight seats could be reserved for

women in the Provincial Legislative Council as a special interest groups,

but no reservation for women in the Upper Chamber.64 The Madras

Provincial Franchise Committee was of the opinion that since Madras was far ahead of other provinces in the ratio of men to women by increasing the number of women voters by enfranchising women merely because they were wives or widows of men voters. Majority of them were in favour of low educational qualification for women aged, twenty one and over, in addition to the ordinary property qualification.65 Education was rare in those days even among men and to insist on education qualification among women would amount to denial of franchise66.

The Prime Minister also, in his instructions to the Franchise

Committee, said that special importance should be given to the question

of securing a more adequate enfranchisement of women than under the

existing system.67

After analyzing the questionnaire, the Franchise Committee

realized that it was necessary to expand Women’s Franchise, to compel

candidates to consider their interest and opinions, to awaken political

63 Ibid. p.86. 64 Indian Franchise Committee Report 1932, Vol.II, pp.19-20. 65 Ibid.p.27. 66 India 11, Februry, 1932. 67 Indian Franchise Committee Report 1932, Vol. I, p.79. 50 interest among women and to make their vote an effective lever,

particularly in providing reforms of special concern to women and children. The proportion the Committee aimed at was 1:4. It also wanted that from two to five per cent of the seats in the Provincial Council should be reserved for women for the first ten years. The Committee considered it essential that during the formative period of the constitution, there should be in the legislatures quite a number of women sufficient to express their views and make their influence felt.68 Taking into

consideration all these points, apart from the wife or widowhood

qualification, the Committee proposed mere literacy as a qualification for

vote. Unlike education, literacy means mere ability to read and write a

letter in any language, and so any woman who had the will, could acquire

it. Again it would increase the number of women voters year by year as

opportunities for education improved. Regarding enfranchisement

through husband’s qualification, the Commission argued that it was not

necessary that a woman should be under the influence of her husband

because her name was on the electoral roll for one reason rather than for

another. More over, this qualification was approved of in a Memorandum

signed by a large number of women from Bengal and individual

witnesses.69

68 Indian Franchise Committee Report 1932, Vol.II, p.82. 69 Ibid. p.84. 51

This Franchise Proposal increased the men’s electorate four and a

half times and women’s no less than twenty- one times.70 Even then the voting strength of women as compared to that of men would be 1:4 in many provinces and in Bihar and Orissa, as low as 1:9. Though women’s organizations were very firm on Adult Franchise, the British Government did not want to treat women on equal terms with men. They wanted to perpetuate the Dependency Status. In 1933, the Joint Parliament

Committee’s Report, known as the White Paper, incorporating the recommendations of the Lothian Committee, was published. Until then only property owners could exercise the vote and now that right was extended to their spouses also.71

One of the reasons given for enfranchising the wives and widows of husbands who possessed the prescribed property qualifications was that the enfranchisement of married women is the recognition of the family unit as the basis of national life and of the equal partnership of men and women in that unit. This statement was criticized by newspapers in those days. Women were not only economically dependent upon their male relations but also made to depend upon them for their citizenship rights.72 Women, through their several organizations, totally rejected it as

unworthy of their inherent fundamental rights as the citizens of the

70 Ibid. p.85. 71 Stri-Dharma June,1933. 72 Ibid 52 country. It should be borne in mind that all the women’s organization of some standing and status had repeatedly urged Uniform Adult Suffrage to eliminate all inequalities and discrimination.

Meanwhile, the Karachi Congress held in 193173, passed a

Resolution in favour of Franchise for Women. This principle was later

included in the New Constitution. But it was a hard task to bring the

existing laws into conformity with it though women had been lobbying within the Portals of Parliament.74

The Alternative Memorandum

Since the demands of women were totally rejected, in March 1933, representatives of three women’s organizations met once again at

Bombay and prepared an Alternative Proposal for legislative intervention.

It would enfranchise a large number of women on equal terms and offer them opportunities for service in the legislatures without communal basis or through separate electorates. The results of these deliberations were declared in June 1933.

Three representatives, namely, Raj Kumari Amrit Kaur,

Muthulakshmi Reddi and Hamid Ali were elected on behalf of the three

73 Torkel Brekke, “The Concept of Religion and the Debate on the Rights of Women in the Constitutional Debates of India” Nordic Journal of Religion and Society (2009) p.73. 74 Devaki Jain, Indian Women (New Delhi: Publications Division, Ministry and Information and Broadcasting, Government of India, 1975) p.32. 53 leading women’s organizations to give evidence before the Joint Select

Committee in London, which was once again considering a New

Constitution in 1933.75 They made it clear that their organizations had

throughout stood for Adult Franchise which was the only logical and

desirable method of fairly enfranchising the whole population. Until then,

the Alternative Proposal described as the second best, should be

considered. Apart from the mere literacy tests and the same property

qualifications as men, the Alternative Proposal suggested Adult Franchise

in urban areas, Joint Electorates, Direct Election, and the Reservation of

Seats on the communal basis. They urged that there should be a clear pronouncement to the effect that there should be equal rights and obligations of all citizens without any bar on account of sex. The British

Press made the following comment that “representatives of Indian women’s organizations have stated their case in commendable manner and we have been struck with their courage and vigour as well as the lucidity with which they have criticized and condemned the British proposals and focused on their own. The Indian women are firm and resolute and they speak soberly and distinctly”. Muthulakshi Reddi said to the Press categorically that “we have come to tell you what we want and not hear from the committee or even friendly English people what they want.”76 They made it clear that they were against communal and

75 Women’s Indian Association Report 1917-1967. 76P.N. Premalatha, Nationalism and Women’s Movement in South India, 1917-1947 op.cit. Pp.64-65. 54 separate electorates as also against reservation of seats. In August 1932, in the Communal Award, the British Government applied communal principles to Women Franchise and representation to 2.5 percent of the seats were reserved for women in the Provincial Legislatures. In

September 1932, the Poona Pact was announced and it granted reserved

seats to the Depressed Classes within the Hindu Constituency.77 The women’s organizations opposed communal electorates and they thought that the only way to solve all these problems was Adult Suffrage.78

The voting strength of women to men increased to 1:10 by the

White Paper of 1933. It was the final blow to the Universal Franchise.

The All Indian Women’s Conference, the Women’s Indian Association and the National Council of Women in India prepared a Memorandum after long discussion. It demanded Adult Suffrage and objected to the

Separate Electorates and Reservation of Seats. The British women like

Eleanor Rathbone advised the Indian women to take back the demand for

Universal Franchise and to accept reserved seats.79

According to Muthulakshmi Reddi, woman is the producer of race

and the mother of all creation. Not only does she originate the child but

also she has great deal to do with its training. Her influence in the family

77 E. Margaret Cousins, Indian Womanhood Today op.cit. p.40. 78Swadesamitran 23, October, 1933. 79 Lan Christopher Fletcher, etal., Women Suffrage in British Empire Citizenship, Nation and Race (London: Routledge, 2000) p.229. 55 and in the home has always been great. She is the mistress and queen of the home.80 Moreover, women were ideal administrators of the municipality. At the same time, she voiced her feelings against separate electoral rolls of women on the grounds that ‘we do not want to form a separate caste’. She said that for ‘men and women rise and fall together’.

Moreover, in a situation where a majority of educated women were not qualified to vote, Separate Electorates would enfranchise conservative women not prepared to move with the world. She also questioned men of the Depressed and Backward Classes and Minorities. Her Adi-Dravida brothers and Mohammedans stressed more upon other grievances than the education of their girls. Indeed, the “backward of Hindu women” was much worse.81

Muthulakshmi Reddi knew that Adult Suffrage was opposed by the

British from the beginning and therefore, she based her demand for Adult

Suffrage not on political expediency but on morality. She also found that

the Reserved Seats were on equally unattractive scheme for bringing

women into the political arena. She also opined that the appointment of a

single woman in a high position did not produce any good result for the

cause of women. 82

80S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Autobiography (Madras: M.L.J.Press, 1968) p.95. 81E. Mary John, “Alternate Maternities? Reservations and Women’s Movement in the 20th Century India” Economic and Political Weekly Vol.35.oct-21-Nov-3, p.3824. 82 Generaldine Forbes, Women in Modern India op.cit.p.111. 56

The Joint Select Committee Report also retained the wives and widows as voters and the practice of nomination which was also definitely opposed by all leading organizations all over India.83 Though

women were disappointed over the Report, they were undeterred. On the

one hand, they worked for Adult Franchise and on the other, they worked

hard either to send women to legislatures or any person who would

support their cause, irrespective of the political party and who would

promise to work for the improvement of women.84 .

After examining the Committee Reports, the Government of India

Act 1935 was passed. It was the product of a long discussion and ultimately of compromise between ideologies. The Simon Commission

Report of 1930, Round Table Conferences held in London between 1930-

1932, White Paper Proposals for Indian Constitutional Reforms in 1933, and the Joint Select Committee Report of 1934, all served as the basis for determining a New Constitution.85

The Indian Constitution guarantees political equality through the

institution of Adult Franchise. Article 15 in the Constitution prohibits

discrimination on the grounds of sex. Indian Women obtained franchise

very early when compared to certain countries of the world. Women

83 Stri-Dharma December, 1934. 84 Ibid 85 Bela Rani Sharma, Women’s Rights and World Development (New Delhi: Sarup& Sons, 1998) p.302. 57 realized franchise in Japan only in 1949, France in 1945 and Switzerland in 1971.86

Women’s Movement demanded franchise on terms of equality. The

fact that Women’s Movement was supported by liberals and

conservatives did not necessarily mean that the legislators believed in the

Gender Equality. The Women’s Organizations played a significant role to

maintain unity among the Hindu and Muslim Women87and it was this

united front of women that compelled the Legislators to support the cause of Women.

Women’s Organizations such as Women’s Indian Association, All

India Women’s Conference, and the National Council of Women in

India88 played an important role in this struggle though they faced much opposition from the society. They joined the National Movement and displayed their capacity to struggle and achieve political freedom as well as equal status with men. They stood behind the Government for Social

Legislation. This awakened the women folk to continue their struggle even after independence. Gender Equality was at least recognized by the

Constitution of Free India, which guarantees their voting rights and right to stand for election.

86Premalatha Pujari and Vijay Kumar Kushik. Women Power in India Vol. III, Delhi 1994, p.13. 87 Jyotirmy Mandal, Women and Reservation in India (New Delhi: Kalpaz Publications, 2003) p.228. 88 Janna Liddle and Rama Joshi, Daughters of Independence (New Delhi :Kali for Women,1986)p.21. 58

CHAPTER III

SOCIAL REFORM

The impact of higher education among women made them realize

how education was important to improve their rights. Madras was one of

the progressive Provinces of India and the home of the great

Muthulakshmi Reddi. She was widely respected as a devoted social

worker. Under her able leadership, the women of this State, who were

advanced in education, took a very active part in public life.1

In our society, many young girls and women faced serious

problems such as neglect and ill-treatment in their homes and they

migrated to the city and wandered about aimlessly as they were unable

get admission into any Home for abandoned women. A good number of

them were misguided by others.2 Therefore, Reception Homes for these girls had to be established as an attachment to Vigilance Homes or the

Women’s Welfare Department where, through investigation of each case, they could be restored to their relations or admitted to a place of safety in any institution.3

1 R.K. Dutta, Women and Professional Development in India (New Delhi :Reference Press,2003)pp.83-84. 2 The Madras Administration Report 1953. 3 Ibid 59

The Madras Seva Sadan

The Women’s Indian Association created the Women’s Home of

Service in 1923 at Madras, with the aim of promoting Adult Education

among Women and making them self reliant and self supporting by

enabling them to earn an honorable livelihood. Muthulakshmi Reddi was one of the Founders of the Home and she took great interest in the development of the Home. The Home gave scholarship to students from the funds collected from the public and members of Women’s Indian

Association. The students were taught lessons in Vernacular and English.

The courses were based on vocations such as lace making, embroidery, weaving and spinning.4 In 1928, when a demand for an Industries Home

was put before the Council, Muthulakshmi Reddi informed the Council

that an Industrial Home already existed for women at Mylapore. It not

only gave shelter to widows and destitute women but also gave them

training. Women from various castes and creeds were admitted to this

Home.5

Madras Children Aid Society

The establishment of the Madras Children Aid Society was an

important step taken by the Women’s Indian Association towards Child

Welfare in the Madras Presidency. Under the guidance of Dr.Annie

4 R.K. Rao, Women in Education (New Delhi: Kalpaz Publications, 2000) p.64. 5S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, My Experience as a Legislator (Madras: Current Thought Press, 1930) p.81. 60

Besant, Muthulakshmi Reddi did much for the improvement of Juvenile

Offenders who were taken to the Madras Children Aid Society by the

police. It was a Training School where they were reformed so that they

might become useful and good citizens. It was financed by the

Government.6 Muthulakshmi Reddi was associated for many years with

the institution and paid attention to its development. She continuously

fought with the Government for rescuing children from undesirable

surroundings.7 Also this institution became a model for the whole of

India. It concentrated on matters like children’s diet, health, and discipline.8

The Children’s Act

• The Madras Children Act was passed in 1920, and the main objectives

of the Act are:

• To prohibit imprisonment of juvenile offenders under sixteen years

• To provide for the reception of youthful offenders less than twelve

years of age and those of 12 and 16 in junior certified schools

• To empower courts to commit a juvenile offender to the custody of his

parent, guardian or any adult relative and to place him under the

supervision of persons named by court, and

6 G.O.N.O.1389, Law Education Department 26, June, 1928. 7 Madras Legislative Council Debates Vol.VI, 1953. 8 Women’s Indian Association Report 1928-1929. 61

• To provide for children who are likely to drift into crime being sent to

certified schools or committed to suitable custody.

This Act made provision for a Voluntary Association called “The

Children Aid Society” which would discharge the duties outlined above.

It would establish and manage a place of safety for juveniles and appoint

Probation Officers with necessary staff for assisting courts in dealing with juveniles, find institutions in which they could be placed, and obtain employment for them after release and guide them with advice and assistance.9

Amendment of the Madras Children Act IV of 1920

It is rececognized by all civilized nations that the first and primary duty of a State is to secure for every child the right to be bodily, mentally and socially sound. Hence the measures adopted towards that end were both preventive and remedial, and efforts were directed towards providing hospitals, asylums, rescue homes, blind and deaf schools, thus segregating the individual after they had become physical and moral wrecks and a menace to society.10

It is the State that has to bear the whole burden and the responsibility. From the experience of other advanced countries, we learn

9 Stri-Dharma February, 1926. 10 Stri-Dharma 1929. 62 that our labour and money could be more profitably utilized by preventing or reducing the above mentioned serious consequences arising from parental neglect or the association of young with undesirable elements or living in improper or immoral surroundings.11

The Madras Children’s Act did not contain any provision for the

prevention and punishment of offences against children. Under our

present Act, only the vagrant and youthful offenders were tried and sent

to the Children’s Aid Society, Madras. A few cases of children rescued

from brothels on information supplied to the police by social workers and

well-intended neighbors, were sent there.12

Muthulakshmi Reddi’s Bill was intended to amend the Madras

Children’s Act so as to bring it on line with the Acts of other Indian

Provinces and the English Act. Further, there was a clause in her Bill to prevent the training of girl children by devadasis for a life of concubinage or prostitution.13

Remand Home for Delinquents

The Children Act passed in the Madras Legislative Council in 1920 made provision for the treatment of young delinquents by establishing

11 G.O.N.O. 607, Education Department 03, April, 1930. 12 Stri-Dharma 1929. 13 G.O.N.O. 607, Education Department 03, April, 1930. 63

Reformatory Schools. But their operation provided meagre and insufficient facilities. However, the main drawback of the Act was that it operated only in the Madras City and its Suburbs. There was no provision

to safeguard the Juvenile Offenders in the Districts and they were treated

as adult criminals.14 The Women’s Indian Association pressed for an amendment of the Children’s Act 1920 for creating Separate Remand

Homes for Children during the pendency of their cases and Separate

Children’s Court with Women Magistrates. The All India Women’s

Conference at Madras passed a Resolution in favor of amending the Act in the case of girls too as there was no Act to look after the girls committing crimes. The Women’s Indian Association went on Deputation to the member in charge of the Department, and urged that it should be made applicable to girls as well. Muthulakshmi Reddi, as the Deputy

President of the Madras Legislative Council, fought for these provisions inside the Council and the members of the Women’s Indian Association, outside the Council.15

The growing awareness among women in regard to their low position in the male dominated Patriarchal Society at different levels, motivated them to fight. This marked the emergence of a rudimentary

Women’s Movement in India. And the role played by the Tagore Family went a long way in the formation of women’s organizations. Credit goes

14 S.K. Pandit, Women in Society (New Delhi: Rajwat Pulication, 1998) p.228. 15 G.O.N.O.479, Law Legislative Department 16, October, 1929. 64 to Swarna Kumari Devi, sister of Rabindranath Tagore, for organizing the

Shakthi Samithi, in 1882.Subsequently it became a Craft Center for

Widows. The year 1882 also saw the founding of another organization for women, Arya Mahila Samaj, credit for which goes to Pandita Ramabai.

She also established the Seva Sadan for the purpose of providing employment and education for women.16 With the inspiration of these institutions, Women’s Indian Association established a few institutions for helping the destitute and helpless women in the Madras Presidency.

Home for Widows

Sister Subbalakshmi Ammal, herself a child widow, took up the cause of Hindu Widows and established a Widows’ Home at Madras.

This step provoked opposition from the orthodox people. As an

Educationist, Sister Subbalakshmi devoted her whole life17 for the educational attainment of Hindu Widows and introduced them to a new life. In the beginning, the orthodox Hindus were reluctant to send their widowed daughters outside their house because of the fear of social criticism.18But Sister Subbalakshmi’s successful career itself showed

them that a widow’s life need not be an end of fruitful activities.

Muthulakshmi Reddi pleaded with the Government to take up the

building of a Hostel for Widows. She was instrumental in getting

16 Anup Taneja Gandhi, Women and the National Movement-1920-1947 (New Delhi: HAR- ANAND Publication, 2005) p.34. 17 Hindu 15, October, 2007. 18 Aparana Basu and Bharathi Ray, Women Struggle: History of All India Women’s Conference, 1917-1947 (New Delhi: Monohar Publishing House, 1990) p.189. 65 scholarship for all students.19 The Seva Sadan opened a branch at Madras

and trained the widows as teachers and midwives. Muthulakshmi Reddi

appealed to the Government on several occasions for liberal grants to the

Home.20 She not only helped in getting financial assistance but also sent

girls to the Widows’ Home. These girls came from the Devadasi

Community.21 In 1912, the Sarda Ashram was started by Sister

Subbalaksmi and it provided a Home for 35 Child Widows. Another institution was started by her in 1926. It was called Sarda Vidyalaya .It was a boarding school for girls. In 1936, the Sarda Union and the Sarda

Vidyalaya merged with the Ramakrishna Mission.22

The Avvai Home

Right from her adolescence, Muthulakshmi Reddi was fond of

babies and children. Even in her teens, she enjoyed caring for babies and

looking after the children in her neighborhood. The International

Women’s Conference in Paris inspired her to work for the welfare of

abandoned children and women. One fine day, three teenage girls came

from Namakkal to see Muthulakshmi Reddi and they all belonged to

Devadasi Community. Due to Muthulakshmi Reddi’s Devadasi Abolition

Bill, they hoped to be freed from the evil custom. They sought asylum

19 Anantha Sita Raman, Journal of Third World Studies “Gender As a Cross Cultural Category and Indian Feminism” Fall, 2001. 20 N.L.Gupta, Indian Women ( New Delhi: Mohit Publications, 2001) p.46. 21 Arvind Sharma and Katherine Young, Feminism and Religion (Albany: New York Press, 1999) p.61. 22 Hindu 15, October, 2007. 66 and an opportunity for education and moral life.Hence Muthulakshmi

Reddi started the Avvai Home in Mylopore in 1930 to help such helpless women. 23

In 1936, Muthulakshmi Reddi leased a piece of land in Adayar

Village from the Arunachaleswar Temple, Tiruvannamalai, for a

permanent building for the AVVAI HOME.24 The Home was the first

Non – Christian institution in the Madras Presidency though it was initially intended for the protection of liberated girls of the Devadasi

Community.25

In 1940, when the Japanese invaded Burma, hundreds of Tamil children and women lost their families on the “Black Road” and were stranded. Muthulakshmi received news from the British camp authorities at Imphal and readily accepted the children and women. The Avvai Home soon became more than an orphanage. It was transformed into an

Universal Refugee Camp for all helpless children and women.26 Avvai

Home provided not only asylum but also vocational training. It had a

Senior Basic School for Women. Muthulakshmi Reddi was the Director.27

There was an industrial section run by the Avvai Home, and they gave

23 Avvai Home Pavala Vizha Malar 1931-2006. 24 Available at http//www.hindunet.com/thehindu/mag/2007/09/09. 25 Avvai Home Pavala Vizha Malar 1931-2006. 26Available at http;//avvaihome.org/historyhtp. 27 G.O.2456, Educational Department 23, November,1960. 67 admission to girls who had passed Third Form. These students were trained as dress makers.28

In 1945, Mandakini Dattatreya Despande married Dr.

Krishnamurti, son of Muthulakshmi Reddi and she took over the administration of the Avvai Home. Her interest in the field of women’s education led to the starting of the Avvai Basic School which became a

Primary School in 1950 with the assistance of the Government. In 1952,

Teacher Training School was established under the aegis of the National

Council of Teachers’ Education, Research and Training which awarded a

Diploma in Teachers Education.29

Sree Sarda Niketan

Sree Sarda Niketan was a residential institution for girls. It was

located in Guntur. It provided higher education, under both literary and

vocational streams. The Local Government sanctioned grants to this

institution but grants were not regularly released. When Muthulakshmi

Reddi heard this news, she asked the Minister for Education and Local

Government to sanction enough grants regularly.30

28 G.O.1025, Education Department 18, May,1959. 29 Interview with Rajalakshmi 15, September,2008. 30S. Muthlakshmi Reddi, My Experience As a Legislator op.cit.p.71. 68

Indian Ladies Samaj

The Indian Ladies Samaj was established by Lady Sadasiva Iyer

who was inspired by Muthulakshmi Reddi. The main aim of this

institution was to protect minor girls from undesirable associations and

guardianship and to educate and train them for an independent and

honorable profession.31

These institutions played a key role in the development of a

Government Welfare Department. The All India Women’s Association gave a Memorandum to the Government for the above mentioned purpose. All these institutions followed their own regulations for admission for helpless women. Since majority of women were illiterate, they did not know how to do any work for their survival. Institutions like the Seva Sadan, which later became a High School and Sarda Vidyalaya

Training School for Teachers, refused admission for uneducated women.32

Institutions established by the Government Welfare Department were the only hope for the helpless and neglected women, with no education and no kind of industrial training. Even the Government

Widows’ Homes took only educated young widows, while the

31 Shyama Kripalani, Women: Conflict for Basic Rights Vol.I, (Jaipur: RBSA Publishers, 2005) p.271. 32S. Muthulakshi ReddiPapers Speeches and Writings Vol.II, Part-II. Pp.116-154. 69

Ramakrishnana Mission took only young intelligent boys who were fit for admission into the First Form. The Stri Sadana Central Rescue Home and the Training Home of the Madras Vigilance Association were intended mainly for those rescued from the house of ill fame or from immoral surroundings. The scope of the Madras Children’s Aid Society was

equally limited as it worked out the provisions of the Madras Children’s

Act. They admitted girls and boys of certain age limit. The Avvai Home

helped a large number of girls and women. But this institution was over

crowded with the rapidly increasing number of helpless women. Hence

the All India Women’s Association and other interested groups urged the

Government to establish a Women Welfare Department.33

This Welfare Department was established in 1947.The aims and

objectives of the Department were to promote, with special reference to

villages, the welfare of families in all aspects through educational,

preventive and protective services, with a view to gradually raising the

standard of living consistent with their conditions. The Department also

worked for the community welfare relating to the families, to show close

connection between the two and to assist each member and to contribute

to the general well-being of each family. 34

33 Ibid 34 Madras Information Report 1953. 70

Exemption from Elementary School Fees

Muthulakshmi’s name is also associated with the Scheme of

Exemption from School Fees for Poor Girls. A Resolution in this regard was moved by Rao Sahib Guruswamy on behalf of Muthulakshmi Reddi.

When she spoke on the Resolution, she emphasized that parents should give more importance to the education of girls. From the findings of the

Educational Officer’s Report, it is seen that the Government introduced

Free and Compulsory Elementary Education for poor girls in the Madras

Presidency.35 She also requested the Government to sanction fees

remission for II and III form pupils because it helped all parents to send

their children to school. The Resolution was accepted by the

Government.36

Moreover, she spoke about the above Resolution in Australia,

America, England and Wales where the educated women showed wonderful records of social and hygienic work. They reduced the incidence of tuberculosis and other diseases with the help their educational qualification. They also ran maternity and child welfare centers. In India, we needed a number of educated women to carry the above mentioned work. If there were enough number of educated women

35 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings Vol.XXXVIII, 1927. 36 Vasumathi 14, June, 1929. 71 in the country, all these social and philanthropic organizations could be managed more meaningfully by women37.

It was against this background that Muthulakshmi Reddi asked the

Government whether they had any programme to increase the spread of women education because when compared with the boys’ literacy rate, the girls’ rate was very low in 1928.For example, for every nine boys,

only one girl received Primary Education. In the case of University

Education, only one girl for every nine boys studied in a college.38

The Report of the Director of Public Instruction pointed out that a number of schools were opened by the Government for girls but they were not utilized fully because these schools were mostly aided by

Christian Missionaries. Hindu and Muslim women did not wish to study in these schools. All these schools had residential facilities, but Hindu and Muslim parents did not allow their children to stay in hostels. Hence

Muthulakshmi Reddi requested the Government to take possible measures to increase women’s education. Muthulakshmi Reddi, as a

Legislator, paid attention to eradicate illiteracy among women.39

37 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings Vol.XXXVIII, 1927. 38 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings Part-I Vol.XLVIII, 1929. 39 Ibid 72

Muthulakshmi Reddi served as a Member of the Hartog

Committee. It was an Auxiliary Committee of the Simon Commission.

This Committee studied the growth of Indian Education. She visited all

over India.40 Then the Committee submitted a Report to the British

Government41 and recommended that schools and colleges be established separately for the benefit of Muslims42. Moreover, the Committee stated that facilities for Women’s Education were inadequate and that the

Government should establish Women’s Educational Institutions.43 Based

on her experience, Muthulakshmi Reddi urged the Government to

introduce Compulsory Elementary Education for all girls in this country.

She not only fought for mental education of the girls but also for physical

education. She suggested that the Government should establish

playgrounds in the girls’ schools.44 Muthulakshmi Reddi took whatever

steps necessary to improve girls’ education. She strongly believed that

missionaries had done more work for Women’s Education in this country

than Government itself. The women population of this country owed a

deep debt of gratitude to the several missionary agencies for their

valuable contribution to the educational upliftment of Indian women.

There were several other religious bodies such as the Brahma Samaj, the

Ramakrishna Mission and the Arya Samaj which did good work in the

40 Madras Legislative Council Debates Vol.V, 1953, p.506. 41 G.O. N.O.796, Education Department 01,May, 1930. 42 Swadesanitharan 20, March, 1929. 43 Indian Ladies MagazineVol.II, May, 1929. 44 G.O.N.O. 1478, Education Department 13,July, 1929. 73 field of education.45 Even sixty years after India became a Republic,

Compulsory School Education for all women has not become a reality.

The number of women and children are so large and the indifference towards their education is so deep that the Government is not able to make much headway. Only nowadays we see more and more educated parents and it means that in course of time we will see more children in schools and colleges.

Muthulakshmi Reddi also advocated that children must be taught

Indian languages and tradition before learning western sciences. While arguing in the Legislature for an improved curriculum in Government

Schools, she asserted that “I feel sir, that ancient moral story as demonstrated in the life of Harichandra who sacrificed everything of this world for truth, the lives of Damayanthi and Nala, of Savitri and Satyavan must be taught to our boys and girls. First of all, our boys and girls must be made to assimilate whatever there in our literature and religion which is easy to grasp and learn, and then may add the scientific knowledge of west”.46

Muthulakshmi Reddi was a prominent member of the Women’s

Indian Association. She complained that our educational system did not

45 Available at http://www.sabrang.com. 46 A. Stanley Wolpert, Charisma and Commitment in South Asian History (New Delhi: Orient Long Man, 2004) p.338. 74 include moral and religious instruction in the school and college syllabus.

She demanded that ancient moral values should be included in the curriculum of the students.47

Muthulakshmi Reddi and members of the Women’s India

Association argued that their entry was only on extension of their domestic roles and that there was no inherent contradiction in their demand for space in the public sphere. While justifying a demand for women’s entry into municipalities,

She pointed out to the importance of women serving on municipalities; “I contend that the functions of a municipality are in large measure the functions of a house. A healthy family and a happy family will depend upon the supply of pure water, good provision, a well lighted and well ventilated house and a good drainage system. But what are the duties of a woman in a house? Her duty is to keep the house tidy and clean, to provide proper food for her husband, to look after the children

and to see that they get adequate medical relief and proper education. I

ask the Hon. Members whether these are not the duties of

municipalities?”48

47 Leela Kusturi and Vina Muzumdar, Women and Indian Nationalism (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1994) p.95. 48 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings 1929, p.1041. 75

Muthulakshmi Reddi repeatedly opposed any measure that singled out women as a separate group. When an official member suggested a separate electorate for women, she protested. “We do not want to form a separate caste and thereby create a sex barrier, because in actuality men

and women have to co- operate in every detail of life, whether in the

education of our children or in social reconstruction or in any change of our customary law or usages. Unless men and women co-operate, there cannot be any progress either for the individual or for the nation.”49 While pushing for space for women in decision making bodies, she described the nation as composed of millions of homes, with millions of parents and children. As it is necessary to have the mother and father cooperating to provide for the needs of the individual home, it is equally important to have the fathers and mothers of the nation co-operating, to provide the needs and well-being of the millions of homes that make up the nation”.50

In the Legislative Council, Muthulakshmi Reddi argued to

convince the legislators and society at large that it was in the interest of

society to educate women. While demanding secondary schools for girls

in mofussils, she recommended that “unless we have a sufficient number

of girls who have had secondary education, we will not have enough

women teachers for elementary schools. Again we want them to be

49 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings Vol. LI, 1930, P.330. 50 Stri-Dharma March-1933. 76 trained as nurses, as health visitors and as midwives”.51She even recommended professions for women that would keep them away from competition with men for more lucrative positions in society.

Muthulakshmi Reddi expected Primary Education to turn out good and efficient wives. Work outside the home was suggested only for a few who would train destitute women and widows to earn their livelihood. The average woman was expected to accept her role of wife and mother. “The education which we give our girls” Reddi argued in 1930, “should be such as to render them efficient house holders, and as intelligent mothers and good citizens.”52 It naturally followed that the nature of education given to boys and girls should be different in keeping with the concept that they have different roles to perform in society. Muthulakshmi Reddi asked for the establishment of a University for Girls to make women really practical and efficient wives.”53 It is surprising that Muthulakshmi

Reddi pleaded for a Women’s University even seventy years ago and it shows her vision and imagination. Mother Teresa University at

Kodaikkanal is a symbol of her dreams and vision. It remains to be seen whether this University fulfills all the aspirations of women. She was dissatisfied with the courses offered in the Queen Mary’s College,

Madras, where the courses of study for girls were the same as for the boys. What the girls needed was a Diploma in Domestic Science. They

51 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings Vol. LIII, March, 1930, P.547. 52 Ibid 53 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings Vol.XLIII, 1929, p.496. 77 were given a Geography Course and what was the use of these courses?

No doubt they gained knowledge but what they needed more was

Knowledge of Hygiene, Physiology and Domestic Science.54 During the

Tenth Session of the All India Women’s Conference held in the National

High School in Madras in 1935, a large number of ladies of different communities participated and Margaret Cousins presided over the session where Muthulakshmi Reddi moved a Resolution. In that Conference, she appealed to the public of Madras to liberally contribute towards the construction of a suitable building for the school. During the same

Conference, she condemned the aggressive attack by Italy on the

Abyssinian People and appealed to all nations to support and strengthen the League in its efforts to terminate the War. Muthulakshmi Reddi expressed her views on the Sarda Act. For getting support from different parts of the nation55, Muthulakshmi Reddi, as a Member of the

Legislative Council, wanted to know who was the Superintendent of the

Madras Children Aid Society’s Home for Boys and Girls. During that

time, Kumari K.Durai Swami was the Paid Secretary of the Madras

Children Aid Society from 1942 to 1953. The Government issued an

order that certified schools for Reception Homes for boys and girls run by

the Madras Aid Society, should be Provincialised and that the Society

should have no control in future over the staff or funds of those

54 Ibid 55 Rajkumar, etal., Women’s Movement and Freedom Struggle (Jaipur: Pointers Publishers, 2000) p.118. 78 institutions. The Government also sanctioned certain staff for those institutions. The management of the institution was taken over by the

Chief Inspector of Certified Schools and Vigilance Service from

1953.The services of Kumari Durai Swami were terminated by the

Government because of her mismanagement.56

Muthulakshmi Reddi was interested in the Uplift of Harijans. Her services were rendered as the Joint Secretary of the Harijan Seva Sangh in bettering the conditions of the Depressed and Backward Classes in various parts of the Madras Presidency. She had close contact with them and advised them in matters of education and social advancement.57

She represented the Women’s Indian Association in the Education

Week Celebration Committee for the year 1937.As a Member of Central

Advisory Committee for Women’s Education in Madras, she involved herself in the various issues connected with education .She paid special attention to Mass Literacy, especially among women folk.58She evinced interest not only in the field of education but also welfare measures concerning those affected by floods in the Madras Presidency in

1937.She provided all possible help to save women and children from

56 G.O.N.O.1138, Home Department 24, April, 1954. 57 Women’s Indian Association Report 1936-1938. 58 Ibid 79 the flood. She gave shelter and food for the homeless people. She also provided proper sanitation facilities for them.59

An All India Social Service Workers Conference was held at

Madras and it paid special attention to child welfare and maternity

welfare .Mrs. Cousins spoke about educational development and also establishment of industrial centers and schools for girls.60 Muthulakshmi

Reddi appealed to the educated women of India to turn their attention

towards social and public welfare work for the advancement of the

country. Our children and mothers died in large numbers due to sickness

and disease. Millions of our men and women were carried away by

epidemics. Every year we could come across crowds of beggars, old and

young and sick clothed in rags, stretching out their deformed and diseased

hands for a few paise. Brothels in one city contained as many as 2000

young girls and children ranging from the age 9 to 13.61India needed thousands of its devoted women and missionary workers to reform its society. The Women’s Indian Association passed a Resolution regarding the entry of the Depressed Class into the Hindu Temples. This Resolution was seconded by Muthulakshmi Reddi. She maintained that while in

Northern India, famous temples were open to all, entry to the Depressed

Classes was denied only in South India.62 In this regard, a public meeting

59 Ibid 60 Stri-Dharma January, 1923. 61 Stri-Dharma January, 1930. 62 Stri-Dharma November, 1932. 80 was held under the auspices of the Women’s Indian Association at

Madras to save Gandhiji who observed fasting until death to remove

Untouchability in society. Muthulakshmi Reddi presided over the

meeting. She spoke about Untouchability and said that every Hindu must

hang his or her head down in shame for practising Untouchability.63 It is

an inhuman and unnatural custom that denies entry to places of worship

to certain sections of the Hindus. If the temples were opened to these

classes, then it would be perfectly easy for them to claim other amenities.

Muthulakshmi Reddi said that if the right to enter temples was conceded,

all other problems could be easily solved. This was the first step towards

getting equality for them.64 Muthulakshmi Reddi delivered a lecture

about the uplift of Harijans in Vengadakiri Town at Nellore in 1932. She

advised them to send their children to school to keep their homes clean and to give up drinking. Without looking to others for every thing, the enlightened should exert themselves and help the unenlightened in this great reform.If responsible and intelligent citizens demanded their rights and privileges, giving up their inferiority complex, surely their redemption was very near indeed. No power on earth could withstand their righteous demand for justice and equality.65

63 Stri-Dharma October, 1932. 64 Ibid 65 Stri-Dharma December, 1932. 81

Women Police

Muthulakshmi Reddi wrote an article on Women Police in civic service in the Calcutta Gazetteer in 1930. There were in the Statute Book a number of laws for the protection of women and children like Sarda

Act, and Act for the closure of brothels and prevention of immoral traffic.

She felt that if the help and cooperation of women was secured for working these Acts in a humane spirit, these acts could be easily implemented. For this purpose, the employment of Women as Police

Staff was suggested.66 She was a little in advance of her age. Polices

Stations with Women Constables were unthinkable in her days. Only

recently All Women Police Stations have come into existence.

She recommended that Women should be employed in Police

Force to deal with Juvenile Offenders and Women Prisoners. She would

go even farther and state that only Women Police would help the poor,

the helpless and the friendless women, and the women accused of sexual exploitation.67

During the Budget Discussion in 1929-1930, Muthulakshmi Reddi condemned the Government for reducing the scholarship amount for the

AdiDravida Girls. When compared to the Scholarship amount for the

Non- Brahmin Students, the AdiDravida Scholarship was inadequate.

66 Native News Paper Report Part-II, March-June, 1931. 67 Stri-Dharma June, 1931. 82

Hence she requested the Government to take necessary steps to increase the number of these scholarships. Moreover, she said that there were a large number of educated women, but for the post of primary school teachers, there were not sufficient candidates. Due to this problem, co- education was not popular among students. Only if women teachers took charge of both boys and girls up to a certain level, there could be real development of education.68The question of providing quarters for

women teachers must engage the attention of the Government because it

was a very serious problem in every province. When town girls would

like go to a village, they faced difficulty in finding houses for themselves.

Owing to caste system in the villages, the Christian teachers could not get houses easily. The Government should give allowances for them or the authorities build quarters for these women teachers near the schools.69

Girls Protection Bill

A Girls Protection Bill was introduced by Ragubir Singh for the safety and protection of minor girls from evil practice in the society.

Regarding this Bill, Muthulakshmi Reddi expressed her views; “This bill should be amended not only to include cases of selling of minor girls in marriage to old men for money and other consideration, but should also include cases where parents and guardians allowed their daughters to become prostitutes for profit and the punishment in the later case should

68 Stri-Dharma March, 1929. 69 Madras Legislative Council Debates Vol.XLVII, pp.255-256. 83 be deterrent. It should also include cases in which girls were trained purposely for prostitution as it happened in certain communities in South

India. The age limit should be 16 for purposes of marriage.70

“That minor girls found living in the company of individual prostitutes and the children of the prostitutes should be taken away from their custody to a home intended for such girls and maintained by the government or private philanthropic bodies and no class, caste or community can claim any exemption from the operation of this clause by reason of any long standing custom or usage”.71

“If any person, who either as the guardian or being parent of a girl under eighteen years of age having such girls in his or her charge or under his or her influence causes, encourages or abets the operation of prostitution of that girl or makes her living in a manner which involves illegal or promiscuous inter course with any man or men other than her lawfully wedded husband shall be punishable with imprisonment for a term over three years or a fine of Rs 1000 or both.72

Muthulakshmi Reddi, as a Member of Women’s Indian

Association, received a number of petitions from women’s associations in

70 Women’s Indian Association Report 1928-1934, p.11. 71 Ibid 72 Stri-Dharma June, 1932. 84 different parts of the Presidency on the Government’s Policy regarding

women’s representation in municipalities and local boards because the

Government cancelled Women’s Reservation in the Local Bodies.

Muthulakshmi Reddi condemned the Government’s Policy towards women as retrograde. She pointed out that the Madras Province was the first in British India to give the right of nomination to the Legislative

Council and the Senate, Syndicate and other administrative bodies and hence she opposed Government’s attitude.73

The Women’s Indian Association, Madras, moved towards the formation of All India Women’s Conference in 1927.74 The main aim of the Conference was to promote education among women and to deal generally with the welfare of women and children.75 Its first Conference was organized at Poona in 1927 by Margaret Cousins, with a help of a small group of women in the Madras Presidency. Since its inception, the

All India Women’s Conference was recognized as the Voice of the

Forward Movement of Indian Women and helped to develop friendship and understanding among women of widely different groups.76

73 G.O.N.O.1972, Local Self Government Department 09, June, 1932. 74P.Jagadeesan, Marriage and Social Legislation in TamilnaduChennai:Elachiappan Publications,1990)p.99. 75 Ram, Women and Social Change (New Delhi: Common Wealth Publishers, 2004) p.25. 76Rajkumar, et.al., Indian Women: Present Status and Future Prospects (Jaipur: Mangal Deep Publications, 2003) p.268. 85

The Fifth Conference of All India Women’s Conference was held at Lahore in 1931 under the Presidentship of Muthulakshmi Reddi. This

Conference emphasized more schools, hostels and Adult Education

Centers in the Presidency. It also decided to observe the First Day of

March as ‘Women’s Day’ and the holding of meetings in almost all the constituencies on that day. To explain and popularize the work of the

Conference was another noteworthy innovation. Vigorous and well – timed propaganda was carried on with a view to safeguarding the Sarda

Act.77

Muthulakshmi Reddi’s contribution was much in the First All-

Asian Conference at Lahore in 1931.This was the first Conference in

which seven Asian countries and seven Non-Asian countries participated.

She attended the session as an Indian Representative.78 During this

Conference, Muthulakshmi Reddi spoke on Gender Equality. She asserted that “when we were born equal ,when even the term of pregnancy for both sexes is equal, when all the laws of nature apply to

both men and women, is it any wonder that we cannot countenance the

distinctions and inequalities that the Man- Made laws have created. Man

has made a number of unjust and unequal laws. Take for instance,

marriage. A deserted wife cannot be remarried, a child widow cannot be

77 Rajkumar, etal., Women’s Movement and Freedom Struggle (Jaipur: Pointers Publishers, 2003) p.10. 78 Radhakrishna Sharma, Nationalism Social Reform and Indian Women op.cit. p.130. 86 remarried and a persecuted wife cannot leave her husband. Marriage in her case is considered a sacrament but is it a sacrament in the case of men

also? No. We find that man can marry many wives as he likes, can

commit adultery, afford to be cruel to his wife, keep escorts and do what

ever he pleases”.79

Then there are the laws of guardianship of children. In the case of

separation, the children are placed under the father while the poor mother,

the producer of those lives, who went through the hardship of pregnancy

and the pangs of labour in bringing them into the world, sees with despair

her offspring being deprived of her loving care and entrusted to the

custody of another wife who is bitterly jealous of the little love that the

father bears towards those innocent victims. That is why women bear any

amount of torture and hardship rather than seek separation from a

drunkard, cruel or a diseased husband.80

At the same Conference, Muthulakshmi Reddi called upon women

to follow traditional values like non-violence, selflessness and love to

guide their efforts in the development process. In her statement,

Muthulakshmi Reddi referred both to the values traditionally associated

with women and to the value of communal unity. However, in her earlier

79All-Asian Conference Report 1931, p.155. 80 Ibid 87 speeches in All India Women’s Conferences, women’s distinctive qualities were referred to as of paramount importance.81 .

Muthulakshmi Reddi informed the All-India Women’s Conference

regarding the three million laborers in India and that the trade unions

were not properly organized with the result that the wages of labourers

were low and the housing conditions were unsatisfactory. In case of

illness, there were no provisions like the National Health Insurance

implemented in England. Very few mills provided crèches and other

facilities for the children of working mothers. Expectant mothers were

compelled to work up to the eight month of pregnancy and the Factory

Act remained more or less a dead letter. She recommended that there

should be more social workers to prevent the labourers from being

exploited and to ensure a strict observance of the Factory Act.82

According to Muthulakshmi Reddi, English women were intelligent and they possessed much freedom, and they were advanced in education and also interested in politics and social work .But in our country, the birth of a girl child was not welcome simply because the advent of a girl in a family meant much expense and other responsibilities. The parents always thought of the difficulties of getting a

81S.R. Sharma, and B.D.Bhatt, Women Education and Social Development (New Delhi:Kaniska Publishing House,1992)pp.299-300. 82 All-Asian Conference Report 1931. 88 bride groom and the expenses connected with the marriage which was the

end of life of a woman, whereas in European countries, girls could get

much education like boys and earned their livelihood and they were not

necessarily dependent on others as Hindu women. The western women

did not confine themselves to their home duties but they had a wide

outlook on life. English women took a prominent part in all health and

child welfare movements.83

The All India Women’s Conference emerged as the most important organization in India. Its leaders campaigned against early marriage, polygamy, purdha and dowry and pleaded for widow remarriage and property rights for women. Its activities, since Independence, led to the enactment of many social legislation with reference to women such as

Suppression of Immoral Traffic in Women and Children Act, the Special

Marriage Act, 1952, and Hindu Marriage and Divorce Act, 1956.84

Muthulakshmi Reddi came to know about the condition of women and children in the Andhaman Jail. The atmosphere of the Andhaman was depressing for their health and moral growth. She felt that it was the sacred duty of the Government as guardian of the people to improve conditions in the jail. In this connection, she brought to the notice of the

83 Stri-Dharma October, 1926, p.179. 84Anjini Kant, Women and Law (New Delhi: A.P.H. Publishing House, 2003) p.15. 89

House the Declaration of Geneva on the Rights of Children passed at the

International Congress on Child Welfare.85

Muthulakshmi Reddi demanded detailed information from the

Minister for Women’s Welfare about the admission of girls into

Women’s Home of Service in Madras. The Minister informed Dr.Reddi

that after investigation, and full satisfaction on the basis of investigation,

the Welfare Department’s Officer did give admission to girls.86 Again

Muthulakshmi Reddi enquired from the same about the number of

admissions during the year 1952. Moreover, she asked the Minister if

there were any other Women’s Home like Women’s Home of Service.

The Minister replied that the Home of Service received 283 applications

for the year 1952 and told her further that the Sevika Ashram at

Gandhigram was similar to the Women’s Home of Service. This

institution received subsidies from the Government.87

Muthulakshmi Reddi paid more attention towards Child Care. She

asked the Law Minister about the care provided to destitute children. She

wanted to know under which age group the boys were discharged by the

Children Aid Society. She also wanted to know whether there was any

provision to keep the boys until they got trained for employment. The

85 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings VoL.XXXIII, 1926-1927, 1927. 86 Madras Legislative Council Debates Vol.VI, 1953. 87 Ibid 90

Minister answered that the discharge of the boys depended on the detention awarded by the court. Then there was a Boys Club which was managed by the Madras Children Aid Society, later taken over by the

Government, which accommodated the maximum number of destitute boys who were either ex -pupils of certified schools or released on probation by the courts.88

Due to the Muthuakshmi Reddi’s contact with Soundaram, she began to work with many of Gandhi’s disciples and one among them was

Ramachandran, an educator. Soundaram and Ramachandran fell in love and married with Gandhi's blessings. The marriage was revolutionary for

two reasons: one, it was widow re-marriage, and two, it was marriage

between the highest and lowest of castes spread across a linguistic divide.

Soundaram and Ramachandran started a Rural Medical Health Center

called Gandhigram Rural Medical Center near Dindugal.89 They served poor people like Muthulakshmi Reddi’s Avvai Rural Health Center in those days.

It was in 1953, that the Central Social Welfare Board was set up by the Government of India,90 under the Chair of Durgabai Deshmukh. She requested Muthulakshmi Reddi to take the Chair of the State Social

88 Madras Legislative Council Debates Vol .V, 1953.

89 Available at http://www.goodnewsindia.com 90 Sadhna Arya, Women, Gender Equality and the State (New Delhi: Deep& Deep Publications, 2000) p.74. 91

Welfare Board. Due to her interest in social activities, she accepted the

offer. As the Chairman of State Social Welfare Board, Muthulakshmi

Reddi organized welfare activities throughout the Madras Presidency

from 1954-1957.91 Muthulakshmi Reddi believed in the importance of education for women. She emphasized that people should give more importance to educational development than food. She tried to encourage girls from Backward Communities to take to Higher Education.

Education should be organized in such a manner as to promote their physical and mental growth.

91 International Women’s Years Celebration Committee, Some Illustrious Women of India ( Madras :Asian Book Company,1975) p.59. 92

CHAPTER IV

POLITICAL LIFE

Till the beginning of the Nineteenth Century, no woman was given the right to become a Member of the Legislative Council.1 In 1921, the

Madras Legislative Council passed a Resolution, with the help of

Women’s Indian Association, regarding Voting Rights for Women in all

Provinces. The Government of India went a step further and granted for women representation in the Legislative Council.2 In this connection, the

Madras Council threw open its membership to women for the first time.

Kamaladevi was persuaded by Margaret Cousins to contest the election to

the Madras Legislative Council. Kamaladevi hesitated as she did not

belong to any party and she had no time to canvass. Hence she lost

narrowly to 515 votes to her opponent. 3

Then Women’s Indian Association asked the Government to provide representation for women by nomination. Hence the Government of India nominated women candidates to the Madras Legislative Council.

Therefore, Women’s Indian Association sent a list of leading women

1 Padmini Sen Gupta, The Story of Women of India (NewDelhi: Indian Book Company, 1974) p.192. 2S.Vats Shakunthala Mudgal, Modernization and its Impact on Indian Women (Faridabad:Om Publication,1999)p.17. 3 Shakunthala Narashimhan, Kamala Devi Chattopadhyay (New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1999) p.36. 93 social workers, including the name of Muthulakshmi Reddi4. During that

time, Muthulakshmi Reddi had gone to Paris as a delegate from India to

attend an International Conference.5 After her return to India, she was

nominated as a Member of the Madras Legislative Council. She was not

prepared to accept the nomination because she felt that her medical

profession would be affected by the nomination. But the Women’s Indian

Association compelled her to accept the membership.6

The election for the post of the President of the Council took place on 14th December 1926. C.V.S. Narasimha Raju was unanimously elected

as the President to the Council. Muthulakshmi Reddi’s name for the

Deputy President was put forward by P.T .Rajan of the Justice Party, and it received the unanimous support of the whole House.7 She was elected as a Deputy President of the Madras Legislative Council in 1927.8 On that day, the Madras Legislative Council presented a new picture of a solemn assemblage of Men of Status, Princes and Scholars, presided over by a shy, small figure of a frail lady; sinking deep into the soft cushioned seat of the Speaker’s Chair, presented a strange spectacle. It was unheard of in the world and unprecedented in history. Women MPs, Women

Ministers, Women Governors and Women Warriors the world has seen

4 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, My Experience As a Legislator (Madras: Current Thought Press, 1930) pp.3-4. 5 Stri-Dharma December, 1926, p.17. 6 G. Gowri “Dr.Muthulakshmi Reddi As A Legislator” South Indian History Congress Proceedings 30th Annual Session G. Sethuraman. ed., February 6th -8th, 2010.p.140. 7 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings Vol.XXXIII-1926-1927, p.65. 8 Fortnightly Report January, 1927. 94 but not a Woman Deputy President of a deliberative assembly. History, therefore, was made when the Madras Legislature made Muthulakshmi

Reddi its Deputy President. The conferment of this unique honor on her

constituted a Kohinoor on the dazzling diadem of Indian Womanhood.9

Reddi’s Inaugural Speech made her pro feminist stance clear to her male colleagues.

“I am the only lady member in this assembly, even though one half

of the populations are women.You know, sir, that our position in

our society is still backward and we have many grievances one of

which is that only two out of every hundred are able to read and

write. So you will side with me in all my attempts to ameliorate

their condition realizing that no country or nation will prosper

without the active support and cooperation of its women”. 10

On the same day, she spoke about Grants for the Girls’ Education and improvement of the hospitals for women and children in the Madras

Presidency.11 She continuously fought for women and children in the

Legislative Council. Her major work in the Madras Legislative Council

was the Abolition of the Devadasi System in the Presidency.

9 Women’s Indian Association Report 1964. 10Michelle Elizabeth Tusan, Women’s History Review “Writing of Stri-Dharma. International Feminism, National Politics and Women’s Press Advocacy in the Late Colonial India”, Vol-12. November,4 (2003) p.630. 11 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Autobiography (Madras: M.L.J.Press, 1968) p.49. 95

The Devadasi System

Devadasi means the Temple Dancer and Songstress.The term,

Devadasi, was used frequently in the controversy concerning the tradition of dedicating women to temples as religious objects.12 It is a well known

fact the davadasis were recruited from various castes among the Hindus

having different names in different districts13 like Jogoti, Basavi, Jogta or

Jogappa.The system was started for religious purpose, and they were considered as the wives of the deities. 14 The Devadasis were experts in

Fine Arts. They performed in front of the idol.15 When a girl became a well trained dancer and singer, she offered herself as a Devadasi and she was adorned as a bride and taken to the temple where she was symbolically married to the deity. The custom of putting yellow mark on the forehead of the bridegroom could be traced to such a marriage with a deity because it left no chance of widowhood since the deity was immortal.16 Under this system, young girls were dedicated to the temple

and they were nurtured under unhealthy notions of religion and they were

brought up to look upon prostitution as Caste Dharma. Unfortunately, this

dedication became identical with an evil profession and it grew to the

extent of purchasing and adopting young innocent children and training

12 C. Saskia Kersen, Devadasi System Tradition of South India (New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidas, 1987) p.181. 13S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Why Should Abolish Devadasi System (Madras: Central Co-operative Printing Works, 1949) p.1. 14 Anuratha Sharma, Encyclopedia of Indian Women Vol.I (New Delhi: Commonwealth Puplishers, 1998) p.231. 15 Sundram, Devadasi Tradition (Thanjaur: Marutham Publishers, 2002) p.16. 16 Sarojini Nayak and Jeevan Nayar, Women’s Empowerment in India (Jaipur: Pointers Publishers, 2005) p.97. 96 them for an immoral life, at an age when they could not very well see the

future before them. Again, she wanted to save them from Enforced

Prostitution and brought home the fact that religion should guard the

morality of the people and improve the moral tone of society.17

Regarding the Origin of the Devadasi Custom, Annie Besant wrote

that “there was a band of pure virgin devotees attached to the ancient

Hindu temples. They used to preach religion like other religious teachers

to the common people that resort to the temple for their daily worship. In

those days they were held in high esteem and respect and they were very well looked after. They would spend their time in doing religious service to the gods and devotees of the temples as the word ‘dasi’ itself signifies.

They would follow the procession of Gods dressed in the simplest sanyasi garbs and singing pious hymns suitable to the occasion”.18 They formed part and parcel of the worship of God in the Hindu temples and they were an order of pure virgin ascetics wearing the simplest clothes, partaking only of the food they got from the temples, personal purity, rectitude of contact and a vow of celibacy were the essentials of the Devadasi

System.19

17 P.Subramanian, Social History of the Tamils (New Delhi: DKPrint World, 2005) p.84. 18 G.O.N.O.4079, Law General 20, December, 1927. 19P.N. Premalatha, Nationalism and Women’s Movement in South India1917-1947 ( New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2000) p.212. 97

The causes for dedicating girls to the gods were many. In order to obtain a safe delivery, expectant mothers would often vow to dedicate their child if it was a girl to the service of gods. Among the weavers of

Tirukalukunram in the Chengleput District, the eldest daughter of every

family was devoted to the temples.20

Legislative Efforts to abolish the Devadasi System

The agitation against this evil custom was launched since 1868.

The British social worker, Josephine Butler, fought against prostitution in

British India.21 In the mean time, effective steps were taken in Mysore in

1909.22The State ordered that whatever be the original object of the

Institution of Devadasis, the state of immorality in which the temple services were found, fully justified the action taken including the removal of the Devadasis from every kind of service in the temples and further, practising of dedicating girls to the temple was made punishable under the Hindu Religious Endowment Act of Mysore.23 More over, in 1912, three different Bills to suppress this evil were introduced by Menakji

Dahabai, Mudholkor and Madge. Even though there were many supporters for the Bill, it was quietly dropped. The Local Government did

20 P. Subramanian, Social History of the Tamils op.cit. p.83. 21 Kalpana Kannabiran, “Judiciary Social Reform and Debate on the Religious Prostitution in Colonial India” Economic Political Weekly Vol.XXX October, 28(1995)p.65. 22 J.P. Singh, The Indian Women: Myth and Reality (New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 1994) p.259. 23 Jogan Shankar, Devadasi Cult: A Sociological Analysis (New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House, 1994) p.29. 98 not send a satisfactory reply to those Bills.24 The Indian Penal Code,

section 372 speaks about the recruitment of girls for employing as

Devadasi to be a punishable offence.25 In 1922, Hari Singh Gour

proposed a Resolution for recommending legislation to prohibit the traffic

of minor girls for immoral purposes, ostensibly intended as Devadasis. It

was adopted by the Assembly. As a result, in February1924, a Bill

amending Section 372 and 373 of Indian Penal Code was introduced to

rescue and protect young girls, less than 18 years, living in the

circumstances calculated to lead to prostitution. This Bill became Act

XVIII of 1924. It prohibited selling and buying or hiring of any person

under the age of eighteen for the purpose of prostitution or illicit

intercourse or for any unlawful and immoral purposes.26 Few years later,

in 1927, Ramadass Pantulu moved a Resolution in the Council of State of

Simla for introducing a legislation to prohibit the practice of dedicating

minor girls to temples as Devadasis.The Government did not accept the

Resolution as it stood. The Government argued that before introducing

any Resolution, public opinion must be sought and therefore he withdrew

the Resolution.27Muthulaksmi Reddi was inspired by Moovalur

Ramamiratham Ammal who was born in 1883 at Thiruvarur and she too belonged to the Devadasi Community. Her relatives forced her to become a Devadasi but she did not yield. More over, she thought that every

24 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Why Should Abolish Devadasi System op. cit.p.6. 25 S. Ram, Women Through Ages (New Delhi: Common wealth Publishers, 2004) p.60. 26 Stri-Dharma September, 1932. 27 P.N. Premalatha, Nationalism and Women’s Movement in South India1917-1947 op.cit. p.261. 99

Devadasi should enter married life and this is the only way to abolish the social evil. She organized the first Issai Vella Conference at

Mayavaram.28 During 1920 and 1930, Muthulakshmi Reddi took a lead in

abolishing the Devadasi System. Her membership in the Madras

Legislative Council gave opportunity to uphold her views against the

system. She took a vow that she would never rest till she got the

pernicious custom eradicated from this land.

At the same time, she organized meetings in different places. The

Women’s Indian Association and its publication, Stri-dharma, were

engaged in propaganda work against the evil through the medium of the

press and public meetings. Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddi was able to garner

support even from within the Devadasi Community Organizations such as

the Devadasi Women’s Association. The Devadasi Community Men’s

Association came forward to help Muthulakshmi Reddi. In 1927, these

associations organized Conferences and meetings in different places29 and urged Reddi, Vice President of the Madras Legislative Council, to adopt legislation to put an end to the system of dedication of young women and girls.30 On July 8th 1927, a Conference of Devadasis was held at

Chidambaram under the Presidentship of Singaram Pillai31, and on 2nd

28 Vijaya Ramaswamy, “Tamil Separatism and Cultural Negotiations: Gender Politics and Literature in Tamil Nadu” Social Scientist Vol.26, May-June(1998) p.69. 29 G.O.N.O.4079, Law General Department 20, December, 1927. 30 G.O.N.O. 149, Law General Department 17, January, 1928. 31S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Awakening: Demand for Devadasi Legislation (Madras: India Printing Works, 1928) pp.1-2. 100

November 1927, the Manimegala Sangam, a Devadasi Women’s

Association, organized a meeting at Coimbatore under V.Konnammal, a

Devadasi of Thanjavur and Mayavaram. The Sengundar Mahajana

Sangam in Coimbatore also organized such meetings and conferences

supporting the abolition of the system, and so did similar associations in

Andhra Pradesh32. Enlightened people and their associations got together in various places like Conjeevaram and Trichinopoly and in many other places in the Presidency.33 On November 1927, Muthulakshmi Reddi put forward the Motion in the Madras Legislative Council, proposing that the system of dedicating girls and young women to Hindu temples for immoral purposes should be stopped by the legislation at an early date.34

But some of the Devadasis opposed the Resolution vehemently. Soon the

Devadasis in Madras and other areas in the Presidency also began organizing protest meetings and submitting Memorandum to the

Government. Dorai Kannammal, Secretary of the Madras Presidency

Devadasis, took the lead in the protest solidarity and sent Memorandum to the authorities concerned, with signatures. 35 They stated that the

Devadasis were not prostitutes and the fundamental principle of their lives was to render service to God, their life was like that of saints, the abolition of that system would be a danger to a religion, the whole community should not be condemned for the sins of a few, their property

32 G.O. N.O.626, Local Self Government Department 08, Februry, 1928. 33 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Awakening: Demand for Devadasi Legislation op.cit. pp.2-5. 34 Ibid.pp.5-7. 35 G.O. N.O. 3863, Law Department 3, December, 1927. 101 would be affected and indeed, even the country’s cultural heritage was in danger. They also insisted that the Government should offer Devadasis educational facility by which they could gain access to better prospects in

life.36 A significant aspect of the Devadasi System was the permanent and

hereditary nature of their work in temple’s land or some times, cash was

set apart for different functions to be performed by them. Once a

Devadasi was appointed for a particular chore such as dancing before the

god in the temple during the procession, festivals of waving fly whisks

etc, not only her post became permanent but also the right to do the

particular work was assigned to her and a certain endowment was set

apart for her upkeep and it became hereditary.37 Thus the main obstacles

in weeding out the Devadasi System were the endowments and

perquisites these women received from temples as a hereditary right in

lieu of service in the temples. In the absence of a daughter, a Devadasi

would go to the extent of securing an heiress either by way of adoption or

purchase.38 These adoptions and purchases led to immoral life. Hence the

Government decided to amend Hindu Religious Endowment Act of 1926

for granting these lands permanently.39 On September 5, 1928,

Muthulakshmi Reddi introduced a Bill in the Madras Legislative Council

to amend the Hindu Religious Endowment Act 1926 and the Bill became

36 G.O. N.O.4079, Law General Department 20, December, 1927. 37 S. Ram, Women through Ages op .cit. p.57. 38 Ibid. p.62. 39 G.O. N.O.2939, Law General Department 3, September, 1928. 102 an Act called the Hindu Religious Endowment Act of 192940, with a new

section, 44A, added to section 44. Based on the amendment, Devadasis

were now enfranchised in the respect of lands held by them on condition

that they continued with the temples they served41.In accordance with this

Act, all the lands assigned to the dedicated girls as a reward, stipulated in return for service performed by them, shall be freed from the conditions of the service and the Local Government imposing a Quit-Rent in lieu thereof. Similarly, all assignments of land revenue shall be freed from the conditions of service and a Quit rent imposed, in case of devadasi herself being the owner of the lands in respect of which the assignment has been made. The Local Government was empowered to make rules in accordance with which enfranchisement shall be effected.42 Another class of the Act specifically laid down that there should be no enforcement of obligation to render any service to any temple to which a girl is dedicated by reason of the grant of land. In other words, all the dedicated girls were freed and declared independent citizens who could enjoy complete liberty to follow any calling according to the bent of their mind or to educate themselves and be useful to society in ways other than the one marked out by their status.43 The Government then directed the Revenue

Department to frame set of rules to grant and assess the lands for fixing

the rent. The Revenue Department submitted its Drafts Rules in 1929,

40 G.O.2820, Law General Department 22, August, 1928. 41 G.O.N.O.4042, Law Department 26, November, 1928. 42 Indian Ladies Magazine Vol.II, March, 1929. 43 Ibid 103 which the Government ratified. According to them, Collectors were empowered to administer the provisions of the Act and Rules by which they could by notification, direct the Trustees of Temples and the

Devadasis to inform as to the inam held in connection with a temple.44

This Act was applied only to women and not to men who were of assistance to the Devadasis. The Devadasi Service was a joint performance of both men and women. Even though the functions of women were chief, it consisted partly of dancing by women and partly fiddling and drumming performed by men. Hence the Devadasi Reform

Associations sent many representations to Muthulakshmi Reddi to insist that unless the whole inam enjoyed by both men and women for their joint service were enfranchised, the evil custom could not be eradicated by liberating them from the obligation of service in the temple, and that they would train only women for that service for fear that they might lose the benefit of these Inams.45 This Act dealt with Inam Holding Devadasis

only. There were other Devadasis who dedicated a large number of girls

to Hindu temples by going through the pottu kattu or similar ceremony in

the Hindu temples even after the age of eighteen.46 There was a class of

Devadasis outside the temple who dedicated their girls not for the service in the temples but for the sole object of flesh trade. The Hindu Religious

Endowment Act also did not include certain temples within its operation.

44 G.O.N.O.2597, Revenue Department13, December, 1929. 45P.N.Premalatha, Nationalism and Women’s Movement in South India, 1917-1947 op.cit. p.220. 46 Kudiyarasu 30, March, 1930. 104

For example, the Madras temples getting a very small income of Rs 300/- or so on.47 Hence it was realized that there was an urgent need for another legislation to eradicate the practice among the above group.

When Muthulakshmi Reddi spoke about the Devadasi Bill in the

Madras Legislative Council, she maintained that Madras had earned the honor to become of the First Province in the British India to undertake social and religious legislation of this kind. She was certain that due to changes in the Hindu Religious Endowment Act, no expenditure could be incurred by Temple Trustees for procuring the Devadasi service of singing and dancing. No dedication should be permitted within the temple, whether the girl is a minor or a major.48 Muthulakshmi Reddi also brought an amendment to Children’s Act of 1920, according to which adoption of girl children by Devadasi Women should be prohibited and guardianship over such adopted children should be stopped because such adopted children were being led to immoral life by Devadasi

Women.49Again Muthulakshmi Reddi introduced a Bill in the Madras

Council50 to declare dedication of Hindu Women in temples as illegal.51

She insisted that they could contract valid marriages. Persons, who permitted or performed or participated in the Ceremony of Pottukattu or

47 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, My Experience As a Legislator op.cit.p.114. 48 Stri-Dharma September-1932, p.610. 49 G.O.N.O.476, Law Legislative Department 16,October, 1929. 50 G.O.N.O.2147,Law Department 17 , May, 1930. 51 S.Viswanathan, “The Pioneers: Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddi” Frontline, Volume 25 , May-24-Jun. 06, 2008. 105

Gajipuja or any other similar ceremony, could be punished with imprisonment which might extend up to one year and would also be liable for fine. The Bill was circulated to the Secretary of State for India and the

Government of India for eliciting opinion. Even though Muthulakshmi

Reddi argued that the Bill should be passed immediately, due to short tenure of the House, this was not done and so it lapsed.52

When Muthlakshmi Reddi introduced a Bill in the Madras

Legislative Council for the Abolition of the Devadasi System by seeking on amendment to the Hindu Religious Endowment Act, the Justice Party, though sitting in opposition, rendered whole hearted support and cooperation for her Bill.53 She was opposed by the Devadasi Association,

under the leadership of Jeevaratnammal and they passed a resolution to

protest against the introduction of the Devadasi Abolition Bill. They

emphasized that this Bill would affect the ancient customs and religion.54

She faced opposition not only from the Devadasi Community but also from famous Congress Politicians like Satyamurti and Rajaji .When she initiated the debate on the Devadasi Abolition, Rajaji was the President of

Tamil Nadu Congress Committee and he refused to take up this issue for

52 M.Sundraj, Prostitution in Madras Presidency (New Delhi: Konark Publishers Pvt.Ltd., 1993) p.130. 53 Rajaraman, The Justice Party: A Historical Perspective-1916-1937 (Madras: Poompozhil Pubishers, 1988) p.264. 54 G.O.N.O. 626, Local Self Government Department 8,Februry,1928. 106 discussion.55 Sathyamurti opposed the Bill on the grounds that the

Devadasis were the Custodians of traditional Indian Arts.56Hence the system should be retained and every Devadasi should dedicate at least one girl to be a future Devadasi.57 The liberation of women from the clutches of cruel customs and tradition was one of the declared principles of the Justice Party and it vehemently opposed dedication of girls to temples. When Muthulakshmi Reddi introduced a Bill in the Local

Legislative Council for the Abolition of the Devadasi System, the Justice

Party gave whole hearted support and cooperation.58 In the mean time, as a protest against the arrest of Gandhi in the Salt Sathyagraha,

Muthulakshmi Reddi resigned her Membership of the Council in April

1930. After her retirement, many other members tried to abolish the

Devadasi System, deriving inspiration from Muthulakshmi Reddi’s attempt .In 1939, Srimathi Ammana Raja introduced a Bill during the

First Congress Ministry in the Province. This Bill was sent to a Select

Committee which submitted a favorable Report. Reddi appealed to the

Government to pass the Resolution without any delay.59 But the Bill was

not passed because of the resignation of the Ministry in 1939 and the

outbreak of the Second World War.60 After Independence, the

55 Anandhi and Bharadwaj, Women’s Question in the Dravidian Movement, L1925-1948” Social Scientist Vol.19, June (1991) p.37. 56 Vijaya Ramasamy, “Tamil Separatism and Cultural Negations: Gender Politics and Literature in Tamil Nadu “Social Scientist Vol.26.May-June (1998) p.7. 57 Anandhi and Bharadwaj “Women’s Question in the Dravidian Movement, L1925-1948” locit.p.37. 58 Raja Ram, The Justice Party: A Historical Perspective-1916-1937 op.cit.p.264. 59 S.K.Pandit, Women in Society (New Delhi: Rajat Publications, 1998) P.212. 60 M.Sundraj, Prostitution in Madras Presidency op.cit.p.132. 107

Government of India moved a Resolution to prohibit dedications. On

October 1947, P.Subbarayan introduced the Madras Devadasi Act

(Prevention of Dedication Bill).The Madras Legislature suggested reference to the Select Committee.61 In the discussion that followed, the majority of the members supported the Bill but some members argued that no legislation was needed since the system had faded out. They also objected to the statement that the Devadasis were prostitutes as implicit in

the object and reasons of the Bill62. However, all the lady members of the

House supported the Bill.63 The Bill finally became the Act No XXXI of

1947and came to be known as The Madras Devadasis (Prevention of

Dedication) Act.64 The Act not only prohibited the practice of dedicating girls or women to idols or anything subjected to worship65 but also

permitted the Devadasis to marry. Another notable feature of the Act was

that it prohibited the performance of dance by women in a temple or

religious institution or in any procession carrying a Hindu Deity or any

festive or ceremonial occasion connected with worship and violators of

the Act were liable for punishment with simple imprisonment for a term

to extend up to six months or with fine of five hundred rupees or with

both.66 Thus the system of dedicating minor girls to idols was wiped out in Tamil Nadu. Muthulakshmi Reddi dedicated her whole life for the

61 Madras Legislative Assembly Council Debates Vol.IV, 1947 pp.629, 631. 62 Ibid. pp.645-646. 63 Ibid. pp.644, 648. 64 Madras Administration Report Part-I, 1948. 65 Jayanthi, “Abolition of Devadasi System” Tamil Nadu History Congress 16th Annual Session, C. Balakrishnan, ed., 9th to 11th October, 2009, Tiruchirappalli. 66 Madras Act 1947 Act No.XXXI, Legal Department 108 liberation of Devadasis from the clutches of old customs and reformed them in such a way to help them to earn a living by honorable means. It is

doubtful whether any other woman did so much for the liberation of a

section of Tamil women from immorality as Muthulakshmi Reddi did.

Thanks to her tireless efforts, the year 1947 witnessed not only the

Independence of the Nation but also the Liberation of Women. What is

more significant is the fact that this was achieved inspite of the opposition

of stalwarts like Rajaji and Sathyamurthi.

Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act

Due to the abolition of the Devadasi System in the Madras

Presidency, many young girls and women were saved from the evil

custom. They led immoral life because they needed the money for their

survival. This immoral life led to the degradation of Devadasis into

prostitutes. In some parts of Bombay and Madras Presidency and in a few

Native States in southern parts of the country prevailed a cruel notion in

the uncultured minds of some ignorant and superstitious persons that their

object of worship required the services of women for performing singing

and dancing and other sundry duties. As married women were either not

prepared or could not conveniently be employed to do such services,

unmarried girls were dedicated for this purpose. There were certain castes

which alone dedicated their girls to these services. Once such girls were

dedicated to these temple services, they must remain unmarried through 109 out their lives. No wonder young unmarried girls, who were dedicated to gods, carried on the most immoral trade of prostitution67. There were

more than 600 brothels in Madras City alone and hundreds of minor girls

were forced to live in such brothels. Because of the absence of any

control by legislation and the consequent increased supply of young girls

and women from the neighboring villages by pimps, the brothels were

filled up.68 These brothels in the City openly advertised vice, allured

young men and encouraged depravity among them. Venereal Disease,

which claimed a large percentage of people as victims, had its origin only

in the brothels.69 In some cases, innocent children of about eight or nine

years of age were being dragged into brothels, and made to live in the

most harrowing conditions. The diabolical treatment meted out to them in

the brothels was heart rending and blood curdling.70The main cause for

this evil was poverty. Enquiries conducted by the League of Nations from

time to time in different countries as well as the Madras Vigilance

Associations Survey supported the same fact.71 Other contributory causes were the Devadasi System, society’s indifferent attitude towards girls, child widows and absence of widow remarriages and denial of property to women.72

67 Naik-Maratha Mandal, Dedication of Girls to God: Plea for Prohibition by Law ( Bambay: Induprakash Publishers, 1930.) pp.1-2. 68 Stri-Dharma May, 1931.p.298. 69 Ibid.P.300. 70 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, My Experience As a Legislator op.cit. p.218. 71 P.N. Premalatha, Nationalism and Women’s Movement in South India 1917-1947 op.cit.p.224. 72 Women’s Indian Association Report 1937-1938, p.22. 110

Due to the investigation by the League of Nations, a meeting was held at Madras on 13th December 1924 under Edith Gray of Chicago on

the theme of “Traffic in Women and Children”. It inspired many people

to better the condition of these women. She traveled all over the world to

investigate traffic in women and children and gave valuable lectures to

the people.73 The Madras Vigilance Association under the direction and

guidance of Rev. E.H.M. Waller, Bishop of Madras, carried on intensive

study and investigation on the condition of brothels in the City of

Madras.74As a result, the Vigilance Association paid interest towards women and children to eliminate this evil. They carried on rescue and preventive work in the Madras Presidency to suppress traffic in women and girls, especially the protection of girls less than eighteen years of age.

It strove to establish and maintain Rescue Homes to work for the abolition of brothels, prostitution, to promote the enactment of laws that would further morality, and to oppose legislation on regulation of brothels in segregated areas or compulsory examination of women, to prevent the publication and sale of indecent and obscene books or pictures or the display of objectionable cinemas, films, theatrical performances and advertisements and to suppress such evils. Above all, it aimed at educating the public through meetings, publishing and distributing literature and by any other possible means. 75

73 Stri-Dharma January, 1925, p.34. 74 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, My Experience As a Legislator op.cit. p. 193. 75 Stri-Dharma March-May, 1929. 111

The Madras Vigilance Association and the Women’s Indian

Association met frequently to spend considerable time to prepare a Draft

Bill for the suppression of brothels and immoral traffic of women in

Madras. But the Government did not send a reply to their Draft.Disgusted

over the indifferent attitude of the Government, the Association waited

for an opportunity to renew their efforts. Soon after the combined

deputation of Vigilance Association and Women’s Association met the

Law Member, Sir C.P.Ramaswamy Iyer, it was agreed that the Draft

might be introduced in the Council as a Private Bill.76 Since Reddi was in

charge of the Devadasi Abolition Bill, she requested another member,

K.R.Venkatarama Iyer, to introduce it in his name .It proposed to give

more power to the Police to stop this practice.77 Muthulakshmi Reddi wrote a letter to the Government to introduce her Bill and obtained sanction .K.R. Venkatarama Iyer made a few changes in his Bill as per the advice of the Select Committee.78At that juncture, Reddi got the

Reports of the League of Nations regarding immoral traffic in women and children through the Legislative Council. She took pains to publish them in the Local Press. In the mean time, a number of meetings were held in

the Madras Presidency under the auspices of the Madras Vigilance

Association, Women’s Indian Association and other social service

76 S.K. Pandit, Women in Society op.cit.p.213. 77 Aparana Basu and Bharathy Roy, Women Struggle: A History of All India Women’s Conference, 1917-1947 (New Delhi: Monohor Publucations, 1999) p.62. 78 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Papers, Speeches and Writings Vol. II, Part-I. 112 institutions to canvass public support for the Bill in the Legislative

Council.79On 1st September 1928, a huge public meeting was held at

Gokhale Hall, Madras, in which Mrs. Arya, Mrs. Jinarajadasa, Mrs.

Swaminathan and Mrs. Patwarthan spoke. The speakers pointed out that

brothels in Madras were on the increase and continuously supplied with fresh recruits, with a regular stock of importers, procurers, managers and land lords involved in enticing and bringing young girls to a life of shame. The meeting also passed a Resolution conveying their whole hearted support to the Bill for the suppression of brothels and immoral traffic, to be introduced in the Madras Legislative Council.80 Later she

proposed an amendment to the Bill, by which the word Prostitute was

used to either sex who used the body for promiscuous sexual intercourse,

under condition of hire. She applied the term to both sexes. Then it was

referred to a Select Committee. The Women’s Indian Association and the

Vigilance Association appealed to the public to lend their support to pass

the Bill. Owing to the constant agitation set up by both the Associations

through the Press and Platforms, the public became convinced of the need

for the control and suppression of this commercialized vice through Law.

Finally, the Bill was passed by the Madras Legislative Council in 1930.81

While congratulating Muthulakshmi Reddi’s efforts in getting the Bill passed into a Law, the Maharaja of Pithapuram said that this Act,

79 G.O.N.O.329, Public (police) Department, 11, June, 1930. 80 Ibid 81 G.O.N.O. 517, Judicial (Confidential) Department 22, October, 1928. 113 sponsored by Muthulakshmi Reddi, was one of the crying needs of our

Province because in some cases, innocent children about eight or nine years of age were dragged into the brothels and made to live in the most harrowing conditions.82 It was known as the Madras Suppression of

Immoral Traffic Act. Muthulakshmi Reddi and Dorothy Jinarajadasa had

worked for the successful passage of the Bill. As per the Act, prostitution

meant indiscriminate sexual intercourse for hire. This Act was applicable

to the whole of the Madras Presidency and it was intended to make better

provision for the suppression of brothels and of traffic in women and girls. It made it an offence to keep, manage or assist in the management of brothels and gave power to a Magistrate to order entry into a brothel and remove all minor girls from the brothels. The work of the Madras and the Bombay Women’s Indian Association, in cooperation with the

Vigilance Association, had been valuable in securing legislation for the

Abolition of Brothels and Establishment of Rescue Homes.83.

This Act was supported by members of the Self Respect Movement

as well as the Moderates in the Congress and they were all praise for the

Act. They requested the Government to establish Rescue Homes to

protect women from brothel houses. The Self Respect Movement raised

the question, “why is prostitution attributed to women alone? This

showed the practice of permanent subjection of women by men in

82S.K. Pandit, Women in Society op.cit.p. 218. 83 Stri-Dharma June, 1930. 114 society”. It added that “The word, prostitution, has been used to mean

that women are pleasure objects to men, hence slaves. This is an

impediment to women’s liberty. This should go. Does the society brand

men as prostitutes”?84

The Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act was passed and it came

into force in 193085. In spite of all these efforts, the Act was not put into practice. The Government refused to shoulder the responsibility for setting up Rescue Homes for young girls rescued from brothels. It was impossible for those women to re-engineer themselves as devadasis because they were discarded from their earlier position due to their immoral practices.86Fortunately, many organizations in the City were interested in the welfare and vigilance activities. The Madras Vigilance

Association and the Women’s Indian Association collected funds to construct Rescue Homes and thereby shared the responsibility of rescuing girls and women from brothels.87The Salvation Army, a Non-

Governmental Organization, came forward to admit such girls

irrespective of caste and creed. The Madras Children’s Aid Society gave

shelter and suitable training to those women to make them self reliant.88

The Government of Madras did not enforce the Act and decided to amend the Act to confine its laws of enforcement only to Madras City.

84 Kudiyarasu 18, May, 1930. 85 G.O.N.O.3477, Home Department 28, November, 1944. 86 Swadesamitran 07, February, 1930. 87 Stri-Dharma November, 1930. 88 Stri-Dharma May,1931. 115

The proposed amendment was subject to severe criticism both by the Press as well as by all leading women’s organizations such as the All

India Women’s Conference and the Women’s Indian Association. If the

Act was applicable to the City alone, the prostitutes and procurers would move to adjacent cities and this social evil could never be eradicated89 In order to prevent the amendment, a deputation of the Women’s Indian

Association, consisting of Muthulakshmi Reddi, Ms. K.C. Acharya,

Margaret E. Cousins, Rajivi Bai, Ms.Shiva Rao and Visalakshi met the

Home Member and requested the Government to apply the Act to the entire Province. They also promised their help for the successful operation of the Act and wanted its immediate enforcement.90

Inspite of all these efforts, the Act was amended and passed in

October 1931, to make it enforceable within Madras City alone. The

Government defended the amendment by saying that there were no separate courts for trying young girls rescued from brothels and there were no Rescue Homes or other facilities required in this connection. It left the matter to the public charitable institutions.91To Muthulakshmi

Reddi goes the credit of the suppression of brothels and immoral traffic.

Girls, who led a disgraceful life, were helped to change over to a normal

89 India 30, July, 1930. 90 Stri-Dharma May-June,1931. 91 Dravidan 16, February 1932. 116 way of life.92 Rescue Homes were demanded by her and she also insisted

that no discrimination should be made in the mater of the enforcement of

a law among the public. More over, special powers were conferred on the

Police under the Act.93 When the All Asian Women’s Conference met at

Lahore in 1931, Muthulakshmi Reddi spoke about the need for suppression of immoral traffic in women and children and a large number of trained women social workers were required for this purpose.

Legislation for the protection of minor girls and for the suppression of immoral traffic in women and children was not adequate .The Indian

Social Reformers and Social Workers had to combat against not only poverty and ignorance of the masses but also struggle against these inadequate and imperfect laws made by an Alien Government. The

British Government cited strict religious neutrality even in matters concerning the moral and spiritual welfare of innocent minor children.94

She wanted some urgent steps to be taken to eradicate this evil custom.

Suitable legislation to suppress traffic in women and children and to protect minors and to punish the third party living on the earning of a prostitute, supported by educative propaganda and liberal financial support from Government alone can solve the problem. It was also necessary for the training and employment of Women Probation Officers and Women Police to eliminate brothels and to strictly carry out the

92 India 22, April, 1932. 93 Tholilalan 23, April, 1932. 94 All-Asian Women’s Conference Report 1931. 117 provisions of the existing Law, Children’s Courts, Women Honorary

Magistrate and Women Juries to deal with these offences.95

Child Marriage Restraint Act -1929

There had been opposition to Child Marriage and the consummation of marriage of girls below the age of puberty since the

Nineteenth Century. Moral issues, problems of health, birth control and ill-treatment of women were associated with Child Marriage. Social

Reformers argued that Child Marriage did not exist in Ancient India and it was not sanctioned by the Sacred Texts.96

In 1921, more than sixty three lakh girls were married between the

ages of ten and fifteen. Among them, three lakh girls became Child

Widows before fifteen years due to Child Marriage. Hence the Sarda Act

was passed by the Indian Legislature in 1829. After the introduction of the Bill, it was circulated for eliciting the public opinion. In the Madras

Presidency, the majority of Brahmin Community opposed the Bill by stating that the Bill interfered with their religious and social customs which were hallowed by a long tradition. Prominenent among them were

T.R.Ramachandran and Vardacharya, a High Court Vakil. At the same time, leading High Caste Hindus supported the Bill. Among them were

95 Ibid 96 Rajkumar, etal., Encyclopedia of status and Empowerment of Women in India (New Delhi:Mangal Deep Publications,1999) pp.215-216. 118

Manikka Mudaliyar and T.A.Shanmugam Chettiyar97.Muthulakshmi

Reddi tried to introduce the Child Marriage Restraint Act because many bills were defeated until 1927.The Women’s Indian Association also wanted to put a stop to the practice of Child Marriage .It organized meetings periodically in different parts of the country and urged the

Government and the Legislatures to enact laws to eradicate this evil. The

Women’s Indian Association and its branches together sent a

Memorandum supporting the Bill. Sir Hari Singh Gour’s legislative attempt in the Imperial Legislative Council to raise the age of consent for girls to fourteen within marital relation and fifteen outside. Along with the Women’s Indian Association, Women Graduates Association and

Seva Sadan of Madras supported the Bill98. But the Government did not

support though the whole Assembly was in favor of it. In the next year itself, Sir Hari Singh Gour decided to bring a Bill under a better title,

Child Protection Bill’. It was designed to protect infants below the age of

fifteen, and to protect the Girl Wife against her husband’s injurious

approaches up to girls below the age of fourteen.99 The Bill extended the

definition of rape to girls not exceeding thirteen years of age. Sexual

intercourse with a girl below fifteen was made punishable with one year

imprisonment, with or with out fine.100 It aimed at protecting girls against unlawful intercourse even by their husbands. When the proposed Bill

97 G.O.2542, Law General Department 01, August, 1928. 98 Stri-Dharma June, 1924, p.113. 99 Sathyagrahi 8, July, 1929. 100 Ooliyan 30, July, 1929. 119 reached the Women’s Indian Association, it brought the matter to the notice of international associations such as the World Young Women

Christian Association and the International Suffrage Alliance.101 This time, though the orthodox members opposed the Bill, the Government passed an amendment to the Indian Penal Code, raising the Age of

Consent within the marriage, to thirteen and outside, fourteen. Women

Organizations did not stop with this success. They demanded that the

Age of Consent should be raised to sixteen. Even the Women’s Indian

Association passed a Resolution to that effect.102Again in 1927,Hari

Bilas Sarda introduced the Child Marriage Bill103 in the Legislative

Assembly. It proposed to make marriage of a girl under twelve and a boy under fifteen, invalid.104 The primary object of the Bill was to put a stop to Child Widows. The Bill was first sent to ascertain public opinion and then referred to a Committee.105 In the mean time, Muthulakshmi Reddi, the Deputy President of Madras Legislative Council, wrote to the

Government for sanction to introduce her Bill.106 But the Government

sent it back with the remark that her Bill might wait till the fate of Hari

Bilas Sarda’s bill was decided in the Assembly. But Muthulakshmi Reddi

was eager to achieve her object by some other means. She drafted a

101 Stri-Dharma June, 1924. 102P.N. Premalatha, Nationalism and Women’s Movement in South India 1917-1947 op.cit.p.205. 103S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Papers File N.O.VIII, Part-I, 1927-1928. 104 Yasodami, “Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddi- A Study” Tamil Nadu History Congress 15th Annual Session C.K.Sivaprakasam, ed., 19th to 21st September, 2008, Thanjavur. 105 G.O.N.O.3971, Law Department 12, Dcecmber, 1930. 106 G.O. N.O. 544, Law General Department 15, Februry, 1928. 120

Resolution signed by a number of Brahmin and Non Brahmin members in support of Sarda’s Bill moved in the Madras Legislative Council on

March 1928, which was duly seconded by Kesava Pillai.107 The following

Resolution was moved by Muthulakshmi Reddi.

“This Council recommends to the Legislative Council that they may be pleased to communicate to the Government of India that the opinion of this Council Legislation raising the marriageable age of boys and girls to at least 21and 16years respectively is necessary”.108In the course of her speech, Muthulakshmi Reddi cited a number of instances of

the miseries of Child Wives she had come across as Medical Practitioner.

She also quoted observations of renowned Lady Doctors of that time like

Dr. Kugler and Dr.Ida Scudder of Vellore and Dr.Macphail etc. She

added that ‘the saddest consequence of all this was the presence of a large

number of child widows”.109

The motion was put to vote and it was declared carried. As soon as the Bill for the Prevention of Child Marriage was published in the Local

Press, a few among the conservative section of the Hindu Public began to attack Muthulakshmi Reddi, both in open meetings and through the Press.

She faced stiff opposition from the University Graduates also. They

107 Ashine Roy, Development of Women ( New Delhi: Rajwat Publications, 2003) p.212. 108 Stri-Dharma Vol.XI, April, 1928. 109P. Jagdeesan, Marriage and Social Legislation in Tamil Nadu (Chennai: Elachiappan Publishers, 1990) p.113. 121 opposed the Bill by sending a petition to the Government.110 Hence she wanted to make the best use of Mahatma’s visit to Madras in 1928 and requested him to speak to the people during his South India Tour about the social evils which were disgraceful to the society. Mahatma did accede to Reddi’s request and freely and courageously expressed his views on social evils which were listened to with much respect by millions of people.111Ultimately the Government also supported the Bill and the Legislative Assembly passed it on 20 September 1929 by an overwhelming majority. It got the approval of the Council of States on 1

October 1929, and it was made applicable to all communities, penalizing parties to marriage in which girls were below 14 and boys were below 18 years of age. The Act came into force on 1 April 1930112. Orthodox

Hindus and Muslims wanted to be excluded from its operation113.This Act

got a lot of support from different sections of the people. After the

enactment of the Act, the Government gradually implemented its

provisions because it would affect the religious sentiments and social life

of the people. In Tamil Nadu, the Act was implemented by punishing

people. For instance, Ramaswamy Ayyangar, a Vakil, was fined Rs 10

for having conducted the marriage of his daughter who was below

fourteen years of age.114

110 R.K. Tondon, State of Women in India (New Delhi: Indian Publishers and Distributors,1998)p.159. 111 Ibid.pp.159-160. 112A. Stanley Wolpert, Encyclopedia of India (New York: Thomson Corporation, 2006) p.54. 113 New India 19, Septemper, 1929. 114 Dravidan 13, July, 1932. 122

When Mahatma Gandhi was arrested by the Government in 1930,

many resigned their membership in the Legislative Council and

Muthulakshmi Reddi was one among them. She resigned her membership

as well as her Deputy Presidentship in the Madras Legislative Council. It

was a tremendous sacrifice, the magnititude of which is hard to measure.

Muthulakshmi Reddi developed an inordinate and passionate love

towards Mahatma Gandhi and she instantly obeyed his dictates. Merely

as a mark of protest and as a demonstration of India’s self respect, her

resignation might be applauded and admired.115

The political life of no other woman was half as crowded and busy

as that of Doctor Muthulakshmi Reddi. It was not without justification that she hesitated to accept a seat in the Council when she was nominated thereto. A Medical Practitioner of fourteen years standing, who had just returned from England after specializing in the disease of women and children, can not be deemed to have consulted her interests when she chose politics to the prejudice of her profession. And from a purely financial and professional point of view, it was a tremendous sacrifice that she made. Even Sunday was no Sabbath Day for her. On one occasion, Muthulakshmi Reddi attended the Council and addressed it to support her Resolution on the prevention of Child Marriage, although she

115 Stri-Dharma October, 1934, pp.534-535. 123 was suffering from a severe attack of “influenza”. That was not all. On the 31st January 1930, the day on which her most cherished amendments

to the Suppression of Brothels Bill was to have been moved, a calamity

overtook her. Suddenly a close relative of her father was seriously ill and

became unconscious. Her presence was most necessary at the bedside.

Not less imperative was her presence at the post of her duty. Never was

struggle between filial duty and public duty keener than in this case. She

had the most painful choice before her. And she chose the only course

that a woman of her sincerity and public spirit could be expected to have

chosen. She had to tear herself away from his bedside and with an

indescribable pain and anguish of heart; she went to the Council that day.

Yet she managed to reap the greatest consolation at the thought that she

had done her duty by the womanhood and that her father’s spirit would

bless her.116

The following letter was addressed to Muthulakshmi Reddi on 13th

May 1930 by the People of India:-

In resigning position of Deputy President of the Legislative

Council so as to help India’s Struggle for freedom, you have conveyed a wireless noble message to every man and woman in the Legislatures in

British India at the critical stage to do like wise. The people of India send their warmest congratulations for pointing the way to members of the

116 Stri-Dharma October, 1934. 124 existing Legislatures. And in a farewell address which the Legislatures and Citizens of Madras presented to Muthulakshmi Reddi on the

occasion of her resignation, mention has been made as follows:-

“You had to cut a pioneer’s path. Your task was not an easy one.

You had no precedents to follow. You created instead an independent

path, a precedent for other women legislators, as the champion of many

causes, needs and rights of women and children of all communities.”117

She achieved many things and passed momentous measures that

many legislators could not have done during their life time. The

establishment of Children’s Hospital for the introduction of Compulsory

Medical Inspection for boys and girls, the exemption of poor girls from

the payment of fee were some of the causes for which she fought

tirelessly. She ceaselessly agitated and became successful. Her

resolutions on Child Marriage and prevention of dedication of girls to

Hindu temples were equally important. She moved a resolution and put

interpellations and succeeded in having seats reserved for women in local

bodies. Above all came her act for the suppression of brothels for which

she could claim the fullest credit.118

117 Women’s Indian Association Report 1964. 118 Stri-Dharma October 1934, p.532. 125

After a few years later, Muthulakshmi Reddi became the first

Alder-Woman in the Madras Corporation, and during her period of office, she moved many valuable resolutions such as the opening of Beggars

Home, improvement of the Infectious Diseases Hospital, and extension of the City Limits to remove over-crowding. Then she resigned from the

Corporation in 1939 because of ill-health.119 In 1937, the Nationalist

Congress Party decided to contest election to the Legislative Councils and

she was invited both by the Congress and Justice Party to contest election

from their platform. However, she gave her political loyalty to Gandhi

and chose to contest as a Congress Candidate only to find that the local

Congress Leaders such as Rajagopalachari and Sathyamurti denied her a

party ticket.120 Later in 1952, she accepted the Congress Party’s offer of a

membership in the Madras Legislative Council on condition that the

Congress Party would offer her a plot of land to build a Cancer

Hospital in Madras.121

Muthulakshmi Reddi did not always trust men as protagonists of women’s freedom. In fact, she expressed the hope that the British

Government would continue as Political Rulers till such time when women were fully relieved of their Social Disabilities. In her budget speech in 1927, she said, “let me also impress upon the Government that

119 International Women’s Year Celebration Committee, Some Illustrious Women of India (Madras: Asian Book Company, 1975) pp.58-59. 120S. Anandhi, The Manifesto and the Modern Self Reading the Autobiography of Muthlakshmi Reddi (Chennai: Madras Institute of Development Studies) 2008 p.6. 121S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Autobiography (Madras: M.L.J.Press, 1968) p.105. 126 we want their help and guidance for some time .We, women, fear whether

the unjust divorce and inheritance laws will not be cancelled or modified

without their help.” Again after she had resigned from the Legislature in

protest against the incarceration of Gandhi in 1930, she said in a

Conference in 1933, that “it is the State and State alone that can

effectively break down the traditional customs that are harmful to the

individual and to society”.122 Despite this distrust of men as supporters of

women’s freedom, Reddi thanked them in the book that she published

after resigning from the Legislature. One of the objectives of writing the

book, she said, was ‘to demonstrate to the outside world how much

Indian men honor and respect their women colleagues, how deeply they

sympathise with all their legitimate aspirations for equal rights, for equal

political and social status and how much they value our help and

cooperation in the administration of the State”.123

122Leela Kusturi and Vina Mazumdar Women and Indian Nationalism (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1996) p.99. 123 Ibid 127

CHAPTER V

CRUSADE AGAINST SOCIAL EVILS

The British Rule, the introduction of English Education and the consequent flow of Western Ideas were responsible for instilling a new spirit and new thought in India. English Education worked as a great

catalyst from the middle of the19th Century to bring about a social

change in Modern India. It resulted in the replacement of blind faith in

tradition, beliefs and conventions of the Medieval Age by the Spirit of

Reason. This Revolt of India against the Tyranny of Dogma and Customs

was the first step towards freedom of thought and conscience out of

which emanated progress in social, religious and political spheres of life.

The New Educational System opened new vistas for the Indians

and it was responsible for the progressive crumbling of the old social

structure, leading to the emergence of new classes, new values, and new

equations in the Indian Society.1

English educated elite were the pioneers in ushering in new ideas

and thoughts into political, social, religious and administrative fields.

They attacked social evils, initiated reform and strove to create a

1 O. Anantharamaiah, South India History Congress 30th session – 6-8th February, Kannur, 2010. Presidential Address.

128 homogeneous society. Thus there was an interconnection between the

Growth of Western Education and Social Change. In other words, Social

Changes in Modern India were mainly an off – shoot of the Impact of

Western Education.2

All the above mentioned social evils delayed Women’s

Emancipation. The liberation of women has been a very important programme of social reform in India for the last hundred and fifty years and the Indian Reformers of this period emphasized the significance of the status of women in society. This approach to women and her status in society was in line with the best traditions of our ancient culture. The

Indian Renaissance affected men as well as women. Nationally, the political struggle led by Mahatma Gandhi gave an impetus to the

Movement against the social evils prevailing in the society.3

Devadasi System

In the beginning of the Twentieth Century, there existed an evil

system called the Devadasi System in the southern part of India and the

people were quite apathetic to the problem. Gandhi himself asserted that

this system would have died long ago but for the apathy of the public.

Public Conscience in this country was passive and dormant. While the

public did not consider it as a big issue, Gandhi was moved by the horror

2 Ibid 3N.L.Gupta, Indian Women (New Delhi: Mohit Publications, 2001) p.31. 129 of this and said that “my whole soul rose in rebellion against the custom

of dedicating minor girls for immoral purposes”. He felt that if man

restrained his lust and society stood up against the evil, it would be easy

to eradicate this evil.4

When the System of Devadasi first evolved in India, cannot be

ascertained definitely. Probably, this system was as old as the hills, and

it was native to the soil of this country. The matriarchal system of

families, formerly obtained throughout the entire Dravidian India,

corresponded to a similar system that once existed in Southern Europe.

Asia Minor, Egypt and Mesopotamia were the sources of the Devadasi

Custom which percolated into Tamil Nadu.5Our Social Reformers took effective steps to eradicate this evil custom from the society.

Under this system, young girls were dedicated to temples and they were nurtured under healthy notions of religion and thought. But soon

Devadasis system degenerated and Devadasis looked upon prostitution as

their caste duty and Dharma. According to Muthulakshmi Reddi,

Champion of the Devadasis, this dedication became identical with an evil

profession and it grew to the extent of purchasing and adopting young

innocent children and training them for an immoral life, at an age when

4 Nirmala Jeyaraj, ed., Women and Society ( Madurai: Lady Doak College, 2001) p.298. 5Santhosh Chatrterjee, Devadasi: Temple Dancers (Calcutta: The book House, 1945) p.15. 130 they could not very well see the future before them.6 Again, she wanted to save them from enforced prostitution and brought home the fact that the

state and religion should guard the morality of the people and improve the

moral tone of society. It was sickening to her that the Hindu temples,

instead of protecting their chastity, exposed them to an immoral life.7

This system could not be easily abolished. The agitation to weed out this evil went on for a long period and the British Government also showed keen interest in its abolition.8Hence the Indian Penal Code was amended to prevent the dedication of girls below the age of eighteen.

Due to social reformist efforts, traffic in minor girls was brought under the Indian Penal Code in 1925. Muthulakshmi Reddi felt that the

Status of Devadasis could be improved only by relieving them of compulsory temple service and the self confidence of the community could be improved only by offering education to their sons and daughters.

The Hindu Religious Endowments Act was passed in 1929 in the Madras

Legislative Council and the Act liberated the Devadasi Community from temple service and granted the inam lands of temple to their families.

Devadasi Act was finally passed in 1947 to root out the system once and

6 P.Subramanian, Social History of Tamils – 1707-1947(New Delhi: D.K. Print World, 2005) pp.83-84. 7 Ibid. p.84. 8 K.M. Venkatraramaiha, A Hand Book of Tamil Nadu (Tiruvananthapuram : The International School of Dravidian Linguistics, 1996)p.195. 131 for all.9 Muthulakshmi Reddi paid more interest in the abolition of

Devadasi System in temples. In her own words, “I have been telling all

along and feeling most acutely too that it was a great piece of injustice, a

great wrong, a violation of human rights, a practice highly revolting to

our sense of morality, to tolerate young innocent girls to be trained in the

name of religion to lead a life of promiscuity, a life leading to the disease

of mind and the body.10”

Moreover, the famous Social Reformers from Andhra also

contributed to the eradication of the Devadasi Custom from Andhra.

Among them Veresalingam Pantulu and S.R. Venkataratnam Naidu were

pioneers in taking up this social purification work. They advised the

Devadasis to marry. They further advised them not to engage themselves

in marriages, festivals and in temple service. Venkataratnam Naidu

opened a memorable campaign for Shuddi Movement for eradicating this

system.11

Prostitution

Prostitution, yet another evil practice, seemed not only a social

problem and menace but also a socio – economic problem that pushed the

9 Y. Vaikuntham, Education and Social Change in South India: Andhra, 1880-1920 (Madras: New Era publications, 1982) pp.143-144. 10 Argus, Eminent South Indians (Madras: East West Press, 1982) p.112. 11 Stri- Dharma Septemper, 1932. 132 women who practised it to a state of complete slavery and moral degradation.

It is very difficult to trace the history of the custom but originally

these hereditary prostitutes, or to speak more correctly, concubines or

courtesans, were temple maidens. These virgins were guarded with great

care and were looked upon with great reverence. But it was an unnatural

system and human nature could never be suppressed by any system,

however, religious it may be. The immorality of the temple virgins led to the moral degeneration of the temple priests and the general public.12

The Colonial Government’s Census Report makes this explicit. In most Telugu Speaking Regions of the Madras Presidency, the sacred prostitutes were classified under the term, Bhogam, Dasi and Sani. The term, dasi, represents the Tamil version of the custom, while the other two forms could be used interchangeably.13

In connection with the Census Report, Reformists who conceived

Devadasi Cult as a social evil and Devadasis as prostitutes, launched an

Anti – Nautch and Anti Dedication Movement in 1890. Their main aim

12 Bombay Vigilance Association Report 1928. 13 Census Report 1891 Vol.XIII, Madras, p.273. 133 was to do away with this system. Reform Lobbyists were drawn mainly

from missionaries, doctors, journalists and social workers.14

In the Telugu Speaking Regions, K.Veresalingam Pantulu initiated

efforts at educating women and he was a source of inspiration. In his

efforts at reform, Veresalingam’s thrust was primarily towards the re-

articulation of the moral question which was directed not only at the issue

of several relationships and notions of conjugality but also towards social

hygiene, ideal education, religious practices and corruption in

administration. Reform Movements during this period were focused

almost exclusively on Women’s Emancipation. The most important route

to emancipation was thought to be education. This occupied the pride of

place on the evangelical agenda and it was soon taken up by Indian

Reformers, especially Veresalingam who started a girls’ school in

Dowaleswarm in 1874. He then started a Journal to propagate the ideas of

the reform.15

In the Madras Presidency, the Movement under the leadership of

Muthulakshmi Reddi, reiterated the ideology disseminated by

Veresalingan and Venkataratnam Naidu. Muthulakshmi Reddi was also

14 Jogan Shankar, Devadasi Cult: a Sociological Analysis ( New Delhi: Ashish Publishing House, 1994) p.140. 15Kalpana Kannabiran, “Judiciary, Social Reform and Debate on Religious Prostitution in Colonial India” Economic and Political Weekly Vol. XXX, October, 28(1995) p.63. 134 greatly influenced by the Reform and Purity Movements in the region as well as the Feminist Movements abroad.

Josephine Butler, who was crusading against prostitution through a feminist organization called the Ladies National Association, also significantly influenced Muthulakshmi Reddi’s ideas on prostitution. She was effectively involved with the National Movement and sought the

guidance and blessings of Gandhi, the Saint Reformer, in her efforts to

remove the blot on the Hindu Religion.16

Moovalur Ramamirtham Ammaiyar was another Social Reformer

who contributed to the eradication of this evil custom by her writings.

She wrote a book titled, “Dasikalin Moosavali allathu Mathi Petra

Mangai”. She established a Pottu Aruppu Sangam (obviously in response

to the odious custom of binding a woman to prostitution through Pottu

Kattudal). She confessed that “it is easy to oppose imperialism and

Brahmanism but not the devadasi system”. 17

When Muthulakshmi Reddi tried to eradicate the evil of Devadasi

System and prevent the Devadasis from signing and dancing, not only

from the Hindu Temples but also on public occasions. Even though the

Reform Movement would ultimately make the art of nautch to disappear

16 Priyadarshini Vijaisri, Recasting the Devadasi ( New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers, 2004) p.162. 17Vijaya Ramasamy, “Tamil Separatism and Cultural Negotitions: Gender Politics and Literature in Tamil Nadu Social Scientist Vol. 26, May-June(1998)p.68. 135 altogether, the dedication of girls to temple service could not be prevented without debunking the nautch system. But some condemned the reformers as “purists”, because they merely succeeded in killing

existing institutions instead of giving them a new turn and new life.18 It was argued that the Nautch Art was taught and practised by divinities in

Ancient Times and exhibited the utmost poetry of motion, as well as the most wonderful symbolism, as a form of ritual worship and a mimetic interpretation of puranic stories”. To quote Mr.Arundale: “Dancing is a divine art. It is the expression of divine rhythm in gestures”.19

At the 40th Indian National Social Conference held at Madras in

1927, Muthulakshmi Reddi delivered a speech in which she expressed anguish at the apathy of the Government and its inability to recognize dedication as tantamount to prostitution.She was critical of the

Government’s inability to help the cause of the “weak and to strengthen the hands of the enlightened representatives”.20

Muthulakshmi Reddi related the evils of the custom to the pathetic

condition of the girls who, from their childhood, were exposed to the

immoral trade and a life of sin, crime and castigation. She also pointed at

the horrors of the prostitutes, life best with the threat of contagious

disease.

18 Indian Ladies Magazine March – April 1933. 19 Ibid 20 Priyadarshini Vijaisri, Journal of South Asian Studies Contending Identities: Sacred Prostitution and Reform in Colonial South India” Vol. XXVIII, No.3, December( 2005) p. 398. 136

Purdah

The women were confined to the Zenana. The upper class women, both Hindu and Muslim alike, observed seclusion. This system was widely spread during the period of Muslim Domination. It became a way of life among Hindu High Caste Women. It became a symbol of social prestige and also a means of personal security.

Under this system women could not show their faces to male members of the family except to the closest relations and their husbands and sometimes they covered their faces even before their husbands. When they fell ill, they could not be treated by Male Doctors. They regarded treatment by male doctors as nothing less than disgrace.21 When by chance, a Male Doctor was called to examine an ailing and dying woman, he could stand behind the screen and then feel her pulse and prescribe medicines. Although women patients from the beginning were admitted to Government and Municipal Hospitals, the absence of any female staff made their attendance almost nil.

However, the system of Purdah was not universal. It prevailed only in the North and the East. It was not practised among the low caste people, Dravidians in the south, the Hill Tribes and the so called

Untouchables.

21Radhakrishnana Sharma, Nationalism Social Reform and Indian Women op.cit. p.12. 137

But wherever the Purdah System prevailed, it proved to be

harmful.22Though the interest of educated people of India was concentrated more on political issues, attention was also paid to social questions like those arising out of Purdah.23Muthulakshmi Reddi, along

with the Women’s Indian Association, threw their weight against this

system.

Untouchability

The social organization of the Hindus inherited from the Pre –

British Period, had many oppressive and undemocratic features. The

segregation of a section of the Hindus as Untouchables, excluded from

elementary rights like entry to public temples or use of public wells and

tanks and the physical touch of whom deemed to have contaminated

members of Higher Castes, constituted the most inhuman form of social

oppression.

Ambedkar tried to transform the Depressed Classes into a political

army and pressed their political claims which were conceded in the

Constitution of 1935 in the form of special representation to these classes.

Though the demand of the Depressed Classes for Social

Representation was anti- national and disruptive of national unity, still it

22 Ibid.p.13. 23 Indian Statutory Commission Report Vol.I .Calcutta, 1930. 138 mirrored the political awakening among these classes. Their leaders strove in the direction of the Democratization of the Hindu Social

System. They stood against gross social injustices from which the

Depressed Hindus suffered and generally preached their abolition in the

name of the Hindu Sastras by reinterpreting them.24 Untouchablity appears to be a peculiar phenomenon of Hindu Civilization. A man or woman of the Twenty-First Century would consider Untouchablity as a crime against humanity. Gandhi was very much disturbed by the practice of Untouchablity and he was prepared for any amount of sacrifice for its removal.

The teaching of Mahatma Gandhi against the practice of the

Untouchability in the Indian Social Life brought about a new thinking among people, and the intensive efforts initiated by the Congress in the implementation of Gandhi’s Plan gave Adi Dravida Community a moral courage to send their children to schools and colleges without fear.

Inspired by the teaching of Gandhi, educated women in the Province condemned the practice of Untouchability and worked wholeheartedly towards the abolition of the evil through their organizations.25

24 A.R.Desai, Social Background of Indian Nationalism (New Delhi: Gyan Publishing House, 2000) p.264. 25Shyama Kripalani, Women: Conflict for Basic Rights (Jaipur: RBSA Publishers, 2005) p.267. 139

Gandhi also attempted to change the reason for the stigma, which was that Untouchables were engaged in impure and odious tasks, carrying

night soil, flaying animals and working with leather. He insisted that work may be odious but people were never impure. Therefore he demanded that every Gandhian worker himself cleaned the night soil not only of the villagers but also of the castes which were employed to do so.26

The Principle of Equality was implemented in the institutions started by the educated women of the Province, who encouraged girls from Socially Depressed Sections to come forward and avail the facilities available in the Avvai Home started by Muthulakshmi Reddi. The

Government gave Full Fee Remission to students of this community27 and such a concession was a big blessing for Adi-Dravida Girls who wanted to study but could not do so for want of schools in their hamlets.

Muthulakshmi Reddi not only provided accommodation for the

Depressed Class Women in the Avvai Home but also supported the

Untouchability Abolition Bill and the Hindu Temple Entry Disability

Removal Bill. The Women’s Indian Association strongly supported both

26 Uma Shankar Jha , etal., Status of Indian Women: Progressive and Political Identity Vol. II (New Delhi: Kanishka Publishers and Distributors, 1998) p.160. 27Ibid 140 these measures as they believed that it was against all laws of humanity and justice.28

Child Marriage

Among the numerous customs prevalent in India, Early Marriage

was the worst of all. This practice was institutionalized by the Hindu

Society for several centuries. It struck at the root of all development,

physical, intellectual and spiritual and destroyed the individuality of the

women of the country. Associated with Early Marriage were other evils

like Early Maternity, Frequent Maternity and Premature Motherhood,

Maternal and Infantile Morality. The saddest consequence of all was the

large number of Virgin Widows who for no fault of their own, were made

to undergo many hardship in society.

The Custom of Early Marriage had its beginning in the Medieval

India. It was performed at the prenubile age of three or four. Since no

minimum age for marriage was fixed, the girl was married when she

should have been playing with dolls. She was asked to look after her

husband when she did not understand the difference in relationship

between husband and brother. This also resulted in the death of a large

28 Women’s Indian Association Report 1928-1934. 141 number of Child Wives’.29 Social Reform Movements like Brahma Samaj and Arya Samaj took keen interest in eradicating this evil.30

In the mean time, Government Legislation to improve the situation

of the Minor Girls resulted in the Age of Consent Bill which made sexual

intercourse with a girl less than ten years, a case of rape.31

Among the Brahmins in South India, except the Nambudiris and

certain sections of Non- Brahmin Hindus, the prevailing custom was to

marry girls before they attained puberty. The general belief among them

was that the Sastras have forbidden the marriage of a girl after puberty.

However, a section of them believed that Post- Puberty Marriage, far

from being prohibited by the Scriptures, it was at one time the prevalent

custom. Hence they liked to marry their girls after puberty as it might

enable them to receive education for a longer period and also diminish the

risk of Early Marriage Widowhood.32 But in North India, some of the

eminent Freedom Fighters gave their support to Early Marriage and

mobilized opinion against Women’s Higher Education. For example,

Tilak objected to Higher Education for Women on the grounds that girls

in India married early and they could not spend several years in

29Kiran Devendra, Status and Position of Women in India (New Delhi: Shakti Books, 1985) p.5. 30 Janaki, Women Issues (Chennai: Danam Publications, 2001) p.35. 31Meera Kosambi,”Women, Emancipation and Equality, Pantita Ramabai Contribution to Women’s Cause” Economic and Political Weekly October, 29(1998) p.44. 32P. Jagadeesan, Marriage and Social Legislation in Tamil Nadu (Madras: Elatchiappan Publication, 1990) p.102. 142 schooling. Further, he argued that Higher Education was wasted on them because they could never practise the profession they were trained for.33

An Interesting case is quoted in this same article, to illustrate what Tilak

was trying to explain. Rakhmabai was married to Dadaji Bhikaji when

she was twelve years old. Rakhmabai was educated while Dadaji was not.

She was staying in her parents place. Dadaji filed a case to demand his

conjugal rights. The court decided in favour of Rakhmabi. Dadaji went on

appeal and it was ultimately decided out of court. Rakhmabi ultimately

went to England, studied medicine and return to India to serve to

people.34

Under these circumstances, the Government passed an Amendment

to the Age of Consent to revise it to twelve in both marital and extra

marital cases. It was done to protect female children from immature

cohabitation.35 As a result of constant pressure exerted by various sections of population, the Government appointed in 1928 the Age of

Consent Committee or Joshi Committee under the Chairmanship of Sir

Monopant Viswanath Joshi.36 The Committee toured all over India to get support to increase marital and extra marital age for girls. This

Committee had its sitting in Madras where Prominent Women Social workers like Muthulakshmi Reddi, Ambhujammal and many other

33 Meera Kosambi,”Women, Emancipation and Equality, Pantita Ramabai Contribution to Women’s Cause” Economic and Political Weekly October, 29(1998)p.44. 34 Ibid 35 Age of Consent Committee Report 1928-1929. 36 Dravidan November, 1928. 143 women gave their support to raising the Age of Consent. At the end of the tour, the Committee submitted its Report to the Government on July 20,

1928.It recommended, among other things, that the Age of Consent should be 15 and 18 in marital and extra marital cases respectively.37

Even though conservative people followed Early Marriages, after a

few years, the Central Legislative Council tried to increase marriageable

age of boys and girls. At the same time, Muthulakshmi Reddi introduced

a Resolution regarding prevention of Early Marriage. While she pointed

out that Child Marriage robbed the child of the brightest period of her

life, and they were forced into an enforced period of producing infants and the physical strain, in some cases of young mothers, brought about even mental disorders.38

For many years, whatever steps were taken to eradicate this evil from society by the Government, they did not succeed and even today our people persist with this custom. For example, the priest in the Nataraja

Temple at Chidambaram practises Early Marriage even today. This only goes to prove that laws alone cannot change age old customs. What is needed is educating the people and making them realize the evils lying behind practices like Child Marriage.

37 S.K. Pandit, Women in Society (New Delhi: Rawat Publications,1998) p.185. 38 R. K. Tandon, State of Women in India (New Delhi: India Publishers, 1998) pp 152-154. 144

Right of Inheritance

In 1929, Hari Bilas Sarda, a Champion of Women’s Causes, introduced the Hindu Law of Inheritance Bill in the Central Assembly.

The orthodox section showed determined protest against the very idea of

the Bill.39 In this connection, Madras took the lead in supporting the

measure by passing a Resolution in the All India Women’s Conference

held at Madras. Under the leadership of Muthulakshmi Reddi, C.N.Nalla

Muthuammal, Jesudas, Ammu Swaminathan, Vishalakshi Ammal,

Jinarajadasa, and Bhagirathi Sivaram and a host of others took active part

in the struggle for the legal rights of women40. In the seventh session of

All India Women’s Conference at Lucknow, Reddi, Kurien, Yakub

Hussain and Deaconess Beawar represented Madras. While seconding the

Resolution in the Conference, Reddi said that “As regards women’s problems, we are the best Judges. But unfortunately the ignorance of their rights, however, had limited them to women in actual practice. Madras is not backward in education and the women of the province were advanced in education. They should make it a point to protest against the legal disabilities of women in the matter of personal and property rights”. 41

39 Stri-Dharma March-August, 1932, p.238. 40Maya Majumdar, Encyclopaedia of Gender Equality Through Women Empowerment (New Delhi: Sarup& Sons,2005)p.47. 41 G.O.N.O.2180, Law General Department 19,May, 1930. 145

Right of Divorce

Among the Hindus, marriage being a sacrament or sacred institution the Right of Divorce was denied only to women. The Divorce

Law, however, permitted males to discard their wives on flimsy reasons.

It was possible because the British Judges of Eighteenth Century got an impression that all the oriental nations were polygamous, judging by the example of a few Rajahs with whom they came into contact and sanctioned polygamy outright with disastrous consequences. The question of divorce came to be discussed in some conferences of right thinking

men but it proved to be a controversial subject. Many orthodox people

were surprised to hear about the Right of Divorce to Women and

vehemently opposed the very idea. However, the supporters of the cause

of the divorce did not lose heart.

In 1927, Harisingh Gour tried to introduce an enabling Bill for

Divorce by a Hindu Wife under certain conditions, i.e., impotency, imbecility and leprosy. But in the face of vehement opposition, he was forced to withdraw it. Again, on March 22, 1928, Gaur introduced a

Hindu Marriage Dissolution Bill in the Central Legislature. The various women’s associations all over the country supported the Bill. The

Widows Reforms Association, Madras, was the first to pass a Resolution that women should be allowed to remarry if the whereabouts of the 146 husband was not known, if he had become a sanyasi, if he was impotent, if he had died, and if he was mentally unsound.42

As usual, the Educated Women of Madras took an active part in supporting this piece of Social Legislation. Muthulakshmi Reddi, the

Champion of Women’s Rights, gave full support to the Bill. In the seventh session of the All India Women’s Conference held at Lucknow,

Madras was represented by Reddi, Yakub Hussain, Kurien and

Deaconess Beawar and Reddi. They supported Gour’s Bill in the

Conference and recommended that the Bill be amended on the lines of

Baroda Divorce Act. She remarked that “The Hindu husbands enjoy all the rights without being questioned by any authority”.43

Propagation against Polygamy

Polygamy is a system of marriage under which a man has more than one wife. In Ancient Times, Hindu Kings used to have more than one wife. Under Islam, a Muslim could have normally at least four wives at a time. Under the Mughals, polygamy was encouraged. A Hindu also could have as many wives as he liked according to his economic means and social status. There was no legal or religious bar. The wealthy and the aristocrats did have more than one wife.44But life in such a family was

42 Ashine Roy, Development of Women (New Delhi: Rajat Publications, 2003) pp.215-216. 43 Ibid. p.216. 44 Census Report 1891 Vol. I, p.254. 147 not pleasant and peaceful. The feeling of mutual trust and cooperation was badly lacking among the step mothers and their children. If the family was rich, the husband could maintain more wives. But an ordinary husband with poor income could not maintain more than one wife. In that

case, elder wife could go to her father’s house to spend her days as an

unwelcome guest.

Muthulakshmi Reddi supported all Social Reforms to promote

monogamy. The members of Women’s Indian Association held meetings

throughout the Presidency to promote Social Legislation pending before

the legislatures.45 .

Special Marriage Bill 1952

This Bill on Special Marriages proposed to revise the Special

Marriage Act of 1872 so as to provide a special form of marriage which

could be taken advantage of by any person in India or abroad irrespective

of the faith of either party to the marriage. The parties may observe any

ceremony for the solemnization of their marriage but certain formalities

were prescribed before the marriage could be registered by Marriage

Officers. For the benefit of Indian Citizens abroad, the Bill provided for

the appointment of diplomatic and consular officers as Marriage Officers

for solemnizing and registering marriages between Citizens of India in

45 Pandit, S.K. Women in Society op.cit. p.235. 148 foreign countries. Provision was also sought to be made for permitting

persons who had already married under other forms of marriage to

register their marriage under this Act and thereby avail themselves of

these provisions.46

When Muthulakshmi Reddi was President of Women’s Indian

Association, the Government sent the Special Marriage Bill, 1952, for getting its opinion regarding this Bill.

The Association sent their opinion to the Government that the orthodox and the conservative people need not oppose the Bill as this was only a permissive legislation and not a compulsory one. Marriages were becoming more and more a contract and State should make provisions to cover every kind of marriage.47 After Independence, Muthulakshmi Reddi

was nominated as a Member of Legislative Assembly during the year

1952-1953 by the then Chief Minister, Rajagopalachari. She gained another opportunity to improve our society by supporting a series of legislative measures.

Campaign against the Social Evil of Drinking

The evil practice of drinking was prevalent in almost all parts of the country and the revenue from excise was very large in Madras. In the

46 G.O.N.O. 792, Home Department 09,March, 1953. 47 G.O.1264, Home Department 17,April .1953. 149

Madras Council, Muthulakshmi Reddi pleaded with the Government to enact legislation to put an end to this evil which drove the women folk

out of their houses, to earn their living. As a Medical Person, she claimed

that “The modern medical research had proved beyond all doubt that

drink lessens the wage earning power. Social evils such as drinking could

not be removed by educative measure”. Hence she requested the

Government to introduce prohibition in two or three districts as the first

step towards the goal of Total Prohibition.48 This was yet another instance

of Muthulakshmi’s concern for the welfare of women.

Abolition of Child Beggars in the Madras City

Muthulakshmi Reddi discussed the problem of begging in the

Madras Legislative Assembly. She maintained that a large number of

Child Beggars were found on the road side where there was heavy traffic.

This problem was related to Public Nuisance and hence the

Government was asked to take steps to eradicate the menace of Public

Begging. She claimed that many of the beggars were able-bodied and

they took to begging because it was one of the easiest ways to earn. She

pleaded with the Government to remove this social evil and provide

employment for them. 49

48S.K. Pandit, Women in Society op.cit. pp.236-237. 49 Madras Legislative Council Debates Vol.VI, 1953. 150

Prevention of Gambling

The next Campaign she launched was prevention of Gambling in the Presidency. When one of the members of the Madras Legislative

Council introduced a Bill to amend the Madras Police Act to prevent

Gambling in the City, Muthulakshmi Reddi supported the Bill and asked the Government to refuse permission to Gambling Clubs.50

Dr.Muthulakshmi Reddi not only concentrated on eradicating

Devadasi System, Child Marriage and Suppression of Immoral Traffic

but also she paid attention to other social problems like Prohibition,

Gambling and Begging in public places.

50 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings Part-I, Vol.L.1927, 1927. 151

CHAPTER VI

HEALTH AND MEDICAL SERVICES

Medicine was one of the new careers open to Indian Women in the

Nineteenth Century. Western medical training had long been available to

Indian Males but not to Indian females until 1885 when Lady Dufferin, wife of the Viceroy, established the National Association for providing

Female Medical Aid to the Women of India through the Dufferin Fund.1

This Association provided financial assistance to those willing to be trained as doctors, hospital assistants, nurses and midwives and provided financial assistance for establishing Medical Training Programmes for

Women and encouraged construction of hospitals and dispensaries2.Kadabini Joshi, a Bengali and Anandibai Ganguly, a

Marathi, were trained as Women Doctors, but they died early and could not practise for long during their time3. Muthulakshmi was the first

Woman Medical Graduate in the Madras Presidency4. While studying medicine, Muthulakshmi faced many problems. Some professors would

1 Jyotirmay Mandal,Women and Reservation in India (New Delhi: Kalpaz Publications. 2003)p.82. 2 Rajkumar, etal., Women’s Role in Indian National Movement (Jaipur: Pointers Publishers, 2003) p.79. 3 Geraldine Forbes, Women in Modern India (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2000) pp.160-163. 4 F. lrshick Eugene, Tamil Revivalism (Chennai: cre-A, 1986) p.92. 152 not permit girl students to sit with boys. Sometimes senior professors did

not take classes for women students in the same class room5.

When Muthulakshmi Reddi’s mother became ill, Van Allen, an

American Doctor who was in India, treated her mother. Muthulakshmi’s

mother recovered soon thanks to the timely medical intervention. This

incident was instrumental in creating a desire in her to study medicine.

After passing Matriculation, she applied for admission to the Madras

Medical College and she was admitted at once because of her high marks.

Thus she created history by becoming the First Woman to be admitted

into the Madras Medical College6.

Muthulakshmi joined the Madras Medical College in 1907. She

was a good student and stood first in the examinations and passed

M.B.C.M, a very high medical degree in 1912. She earned many medals7.

Arcot Lakshmanaswami Mudaliar, who simultaneously held the position

of Vice Chancellor of Madras University and the Principal of the Madras

Medical College for over 27 years,8 was the class mate of Muthulakshmi

Reddi in Madras Medical College.

With a Doctor’s Degree in hand in 1913 and an open mind about

sectarian differences, Muthulakshmi Reddi began working at the

5 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Autobiography (Chennai M.L.J.Press, 1968) pp.12-18. 6 Interview with Sarojini Varadappan 01, September, 2009. 7 P.N. Premalatha, Nationalism and Women’s Movement in South India, 1917-1947 (Gyan Publishing House, 2003) p.184. 8 Available at http://www.abdulkalam.com. 153

Government Hospital for Women and Children. She also cultivated contacts with western doctors such as the American, Dr.Scudder at

Victoria Hospital, the Scottish Dr.Macphail at Madras Rainy Hospital and Dr. Kugler. These women confirmed Reddi’s findings about the detrimental effects of early marriage, premature sexual consummation and frequent child birth prevailing among young women9.

She started her medical career as a House Surgeon at Egmore

Women and Children’s Hospital. Then she served as a Visiting Doctor in

famous social service institutions in the Madras Presidency. These stints

at various social service institutions helped her to improve our society,

especially women and children. Muthulakshmi had an offer in1925 of a

Government of India Scholarship for post -graduate study in England in

the area of diseases of women and children.10 She learnt much about the

modern methods of prevention and treatment of diseases during this

period in England. She was able to visit children’s and women’s

institutions such as Nursery Schools, Rescue Homes, Maternity and Child

Welfare Centers in London, Moral and Social Hygiene Work. She also

attended the Imperial Moral and Social Conference in London, which

organized a delegation to visit India. She co-operated with the delegation

9 A. Stanly Wolpert and Roger D.Long, Charisma and Commitment in South Asian History (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 2004) p.342. 10 S.P. Sen,ed., Dictionary of National Biography (Calcutta: Institute of Historical studies, 1974) p.523. 154 when they visited India, including Madras. These various experiences

gave her much knowledge on Medical and Social Condition of Madras.11

After completing her study in England, she was nominated as a

Member of the Madras Legislative Council. She gave up her lucrative

medical practice12, even though her Council Work was based on her

medical experience. During the Budget Speech, Muthulakshmi Reddi

requested the Government to make provision for Medical Inspection for

Girls in secondary and elementary schools. More over, she suggested that

Medical Inspection of boys and girls should be made compulsory. As a

Medical Practitioner, Muthulakshmi demanded that provision should be

made in the budget for the establishment of more hospitals, dispensaries,

for the appointment of venereal disease specialists, for the equipment for

the nose and ear department and for many other things.13

Through legislation, Muthulakshmi Reddi introduced Compulsory

Medical Inspection in all schools, and she asked the Government to

appoint Lady Doctors to give medical aid to girls students. She also

worked for bringing Children’s Hospitals in Madras. In the Madras

Presidency, the children and adults were admitted to the same hospital

and the children were given less attention in medical treatment. There

was insufficient equipment to give treatment to the children. Thus infants

11 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Autobiography op.cit. p.128. 12E. Margaret Cousins, Indian Womanhood Today (Allahabad: Kitabistan, 1941) p.159. 13 Stri- Dharma April, 1929. 155 died due to some peculiar diseases. As a Doctor, she knew all the disabilities. Ultimately the Government accepted the request of

Muthulakshmi Reddi and set up a separate Children’s Hospital in

Madras.14

Children’s Hospital in Madras

The Resolution for the establishment of a Special Hospital for

Children came up for discussion. The Motion of the Deputy President was moved by B.S.Mallaya and Muthulakshmi Reddi seconded the

Motion. The Motion stated that :

“This Council recommends to the Government that a Special

Hospital for Children may be established in the City of Madras

with effect from 1st April 1927, in a suitable rented building, that

steps be taken to provide for the accommodation of such a object, a

suitable sum is provided in the budget for 1927-1928”15

She pointed out certain problems about children. The death rate of infants in the Madras Presidency was high and hence a separate Hospital for Children was an urgent need. In the Women and Children’s Hospital, there were only a few beds for children and no special attention was given to them. There was no Child Specialist and special equipment was also not available for the treatment of children in the hospital. The cure for Infantile Tropical Diseases had not been found and many children

14 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings part III Vol.XXXV, 1927, p.1416. 15 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings Part- III, Vol.XXV, p.144. 156 died due to this disease every year. Indian children had been suffering very much for many decades due to the lack of a Separate Hospital for their medical treatment. In England and Wales, special facilities provided made to take care of children and many facilities were provided to

Researchers to carry on research and conduct experiments on Children’s

Health Care. In London, many Special Children’s Hospitals and

Children’s Homes were established. Due to those organizations and centers of health, infant mortality had come down.16 But there were no such facilities in India. When compared to other studies, Child’s Study was a different one. Hence Child Study should be made a separate science and a special place should be given to them in the medical curriculum of the students.

The Motion was put to vote and thirty five members voted in favour of it and fourteen remained neutral. The Government gave a suitable answer to this Motion. Two experienced Medical Officers,

Dr.Lakshmanaswamy Mudaliar, Assistant Superintendent of the

Government Maternity Hospital and Mary John of the Government

Victoria Hospital who had specialized in diseases of children in the West, opened the Children’s Special Sections in the two hospitals under their charge.17

16S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, My Experience As a Legislator (Madras Current Though Press, 1930) p.45. 17S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Autobiography op.cit. Pp.155-156. 157

Compulsory Medical Inspection for School Children

As a Doctor, Muthulakshmi Reddi was very much interested in

providing Medical Inspection through legislation to School Children.

From the Department of Education, she came to know that Medical

Inspection was not given in Government Schools though Corporation

Schools provided regular Medical Inspection. Hence she proposed a

resolution stating that:-

“This council recommends to the government that systematic

medical inspection of pupils should be made compulsory in all

schools and colleges, whether government or aided or municipal

or local fund and in the case of girls, inspection should be

conducted by lady doctors and wherever possible, school clinics

should be started”18.

In reply to her Resolution, the Minister in charge of Education said

that the Government had granted an additional sum of Rs 43,700 under

Grant XIX31 Education. As the first step, the Government took steps to

introduce Medical Inspection in all the middle and elementary schools.

Muthulakshmi Reddi subsequently paid attention to Women and

Children’s Health. She informed the Minister for Education and Local

Self -Government that the students complained against their treatment

18 G.O.N.O. 349, Law Education Department 21,Februry, 1928. 158 during Medical Examination. The Minister informed the Director of

Public Instruction regarding the complaint against the Medical Officers.

Hence the Government issued necessary instructions to ensure that inspections were conducted in a satisfactory manner.19

Due to her efforts in the Legislative Council, the Medical

Inspection of School Children was made compulsory. Government employed only Lady Medical Practitioners for Girl Students.20 Though

here and there attempts were made by Corporations and by the State to

improve, much progress could not be achieved to improve the low

condition of Indian physique. In her opinion, the ignorance of the people

in general and of women in particular, was the fundamental cause of the

high death rate among our infants. Hence she advised the Government to

focus on educating the people so that they may understand and carry out

the ordinary Rules of Hygiene and Sanitation in every day activities.21

We might impart not only free education to both men and women but also we must teach them the scientific method of bringing up their children.

With that object in view, classes for mothers should form part of the curricula of studies for women for their highest profession, namely, motherhood. She found that even educated mothers were ignorant of the

19 G.O. N.O.371, Education Department 23,March, 1928. 20 G.O.N.O.1478, Education Department 13,July, 1929. 21 Stri- Dharma January, 1923, p.36. 159 right method of rearing their children. Pamphlets in various vernacular languages should be made available to all classes of people.22

Then she spoke about the necessity of Children’s Hospitals.

“Without the help of such hospitals, adequate treatment for children’s

ailments would not be possible. As there are diseases in children peculiar

to cold climate, like scurvy and typhus, so there are diseases peculiar to

tropical climates like jaundice, etc. It is possible to carry on research

work only in hospital and find remedies for such ailments. Regarding

even diet of infants we are simply copying the west. We have not found

the diet most suitable to our children. The integrity of a nation depends on

the health and strength of its younger generation. Therefore, the people as

well as the State should co-operate in the attainment of these various

objects which are conducive to the welfare of the young. The masses are

ignorant and unless we give them education, we cannot expect them to

join hands with us; therefore it is the duty of the state and those in power to find out practical ways and means for solving these problems that result in the death of the young”.23

In 1927, Muthulakshmi Reddi requested the Government to improve the Government Goshen Hospital. This Hospital was used for laboratory and clinical work by the women students of the Lady

22 Ibid 23 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings Part – III, Vol. XXXV, 1927, pp.1417-1418. 160

Wellington Medical School. During that time, students suffered from inadequate lab facilities. More over, the Hospital’s Labour Room was

located near a public road, and so when a woman cried with labour pain,

the people on the road felt troubled. The Hospital lacked out patients’ facilities. Hence Muthulakshmi Reddi asked the Government to take sufficient steps to rectify these lapses.24

Muthulakshmi congratulated the Government for making

provision for Compulsory Medical Inspection for boys and girls in

primary and secondary schools. She suggested that Medical Inspection

could be conducted by specially trained staff and proper facilities for

inspection and treatment could be created by the employment of lady

doctors for girl students whenever possible. She further suggested the

establishment of School Clinics to make the system more effective.25

During the Budget Session in 1929-1930, Muthulakshmi Reddi

discussed the appointment of Women Medical Officers in Maternity

Hospitals in the Madras Presidency. Majority of the women patients

wanted to be attended by Women Medical Practitioners, both during pre-

natal and post natal period. But in the Maternity Hospitals, only men

practitioners were available to attend to female patients. Therefore, she

24 Ibid. pp.886-887. 25 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings Vol.XXXIV, 1927, pp.191. 161 demanded that Government should take enough steps to appoint Women

Medical Practitioners for the benefit of women patients26.

She also urged the necessity of employment of Women Medical

Officers in Headquarters Hospitals. She demanded the appointment of whole time medical officers, at least in the Presidency Hospitals. They should tour through out the Presidency to promote the development of medical schemes of women and children in the Madras Presidency.27

She compared Maternity and Child Welfare with England’s Health

Schools and Health Workers and found India’s strength in medical

service to be very inadequate.28 In every Province, the Public Health

Department as well as that of General Medical Service complained about

lack of funds. India had no legislation to save the child and mother’s life.

No Province had enacted Public Health Acts similar to that of other

civilized countries. Therefore, Muthulakshmi Reddi requested the

Government to establish Health Schools in the Madras Presidency.

Moreover, she asked the Government to take necessary steps to establish

Health Schools in other parts of the Presidency also. In the absence of

trained Health Visitors, the Child Welfare Centers worked inefficiently.

She also emphasized that Health Visitors should have a Diploma in

26 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings part-II, Vol.XLVIII, 1927, p.547. 27 Ibid.p.548. 28S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, My Experience As a Legislator op.cit. p.144. 162

Public Health and they should have love, sympathy and devotion for their work because they had to go to the houses of poor mothers to give information about maternity and child welfare. 29

Muthulakshmi Reddi, as a Medical Practitioner, cared for the people’s health development in the country. In the All India Women’s

Conference, she spoke on the Maternal Mortality in India. Many Indian children never saw their first birth day, owing to the custom of Purdha and the forced seclusion of women. Women did not take medical aid during their pregnancy.30

Child Welfare and Maternity became a major concern with the

Conferences since 1931. Presidential addresses of the Vicereines Lady

Dufferin, Lady Chemford, Lady Hardinge and Lady Reading highlighted

Child and Maternity Welfare. Reddi focused her attention, especially on rural India where, due to mishandling and mismanagement, many perished. Hence she advised the appointment of an assistant Woman

Directress in charge of Maternity and Child Welfare31. Her plan was three pronged; first, to build up public interest in maternity and child welfare problems through propaganda, second, to invoke the initiative of the

Central and Local Governments and finally, to initiate welfare acts like

29 Ibid. pp.146-147. 30 All Asian Women’s Conference Report 1931.p.73. 31 Aparna Basu and Bharathy Ray, Women’s struggle: A History of All India Women’s conference 1927-1947 (New Delhi: Mohonar publications, 1990) p.80. 163 the one in force in England. Muthulakshmi Reddi’s suggestions were passed as Resolutions with special emphasis on the need to have better

Midwives.32

In the year 1936, Muthulakshmi Reddi settled in Adayar and established a Home for the Homeless Orphan Children, Destitute Girls and Destitute Women. Soon many poor people came to the Home for

Medical Aid. Hence Muthualskhmi Reddi opened a Free Medical Centre with the help of Dr.Sundra Reddi. This was the beginning of Avvai Rural

Medical Service. Through this organization, she organized Village

Improvement Programme. The people of Adayar Village indeed received not only Medical Service but also Sanitation Facilities. They had to engage sweepers for arrangements and pure water supply and removed night soil on the road.33

Avvai Rural Medical Service was a registered institution with

Muthulakshmi Reddi as Chairman and Soundram Ramachandran as

Secretary and Treasurer. It was started in 1943 in Madras. This was a

training institution for nurse midwifery.34As a Medical Practitioner, she

found time to publish many booklets in English and in the vernacular, on

32 Ibid 33S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Autobiography op.cit. p.86. 34 G.O.N.O. 1116, Health Department 4, April, 1957. 164 the care of pregnant women, child birth and feeding of infants.35

Muthulakshmi Reddi wrote about the method of delivery and after care of child birth. More over, she criticized the ancient method of delivery

where many mothers were attended to during child birth by untrained

people. The mother and the child were kept in a dark room. They were

not allowed to see others for a few days.36

As a Social Worker, Muthulakshmi Reddi supported Birth Control.

In this regard, the sixth session of All India Women’s Conference passed a Resolution to appoint a Committee of Medical Women to study and recommend ways and means of educating the public to regulate the size of their families. Muthulakshmi Reddi observed, while supporting the

Resolutions, that the Committee might also recommend more Maternity and Child Welfare Centers. Very often the mother suffered because the father was uninformed and irresponsible. Hence the father needed more education on the duties of fatherhood.37 It is a matter of great surprise that

Muthulakshmi spoke in those days about the need for Family Planning. It shows her vision and foresight. In 1931, Muthulakshmi Reddi proposed a

Resolution in the All India Women’s Conference, calling for more

Government expenditure on health schemes, to launch research into the causation of diseases “Peculiar to the East” and to provide facilities for

35 The International Women’s Committee, Some Illustrious Women of India ( Madras: Asian book company, 1975) p.58. 36Grahalakshmi January, 1937. 37Mirudula Ramanna, “Women Physicians as Vital Intermediaries in Colonial Bambay” Economic and Political Weekly March, 22(2008) p.77. 165 the development of indigenous medical facilities because foreign drugs were costly while those medicines grown, prepared and distributed in

India would be more accessible to the Indian people. While Reddi

supported “Indigenous Medicine” and “Indigenous Practitioner” she preferred to call for Government Support for Scientific Maternity Care in order to bring down the high rate of maternal mortality and morbidity in

India38

Again in the Lucknow Conference in 1932-1933, Muthulakshmi

Reddi spoke on Birth Control Policy. She observed that the strict

enforcement of Sarda Act would postpone the age of marriage for boys

and girls, and it would help in a way the problem of increasing number of

children. She wrote continuously in the Press, propagating Birth Control

in the face of opposition from orthodox people who felt that the Birth

Control Propaganda was against their religious practices and also the Will

of God.39But Muthulakshmi, as a Medical Practitioner, concentrated on

the health care of women and children, maternity care of women and

birth control.

Muthulakshmi Reddi acted as President for the fifth session of All

India Women’s Conference. Being a Doctor, she expressed her views

38 Hillary Bracken, “Public Health or Rural Reconstruction? Developing Pratapgarh District, 1930-1940” (New York: Hillary Bracken, 2009) p.12. 39 S.K. Pandit, Women in Society (New Delhi: Rajat publications, 1989) p.238. 166 about women’s uplifment and about the health of mothers and children.

She linked adequate Health Care of Mothers to National Development.

Hence she argued that this Conference of Women should devote as much attention to organization and development of efficient and adequate

Medical Aid for our women and children as for the promotion of

Education of Girls. She pointed out that a healthy intellect was possible only in a healthy body and that a Healthy Progeny would arise only from a generation of Healthy Mothers.40

Muthulakshmi’s attention was next directed towards the Abolition of Venereal Diseases in the Presidency. She requested the Government to reduce the fee for Venereal Disease Test, and also to establish more clinics in the hospitals of this Presidency.41 The Government took

necessary steps in response to Muthulakshmi Reddi’s request. The

Scheme for Control of Venereal Diseases was included in the Second

Five Year Plan. Twelve Clinics, in each of the District’s Head Quarters

Hospital in the State was established during the Second Five Year Plan

Period. With reference to the Recommendation made by the Committee

which was appointed to suggest ways and means of improving the

treatment of Venereal Disease, the Government issued an order opening

Venereal Disease Departments in Madurai and Coimbatore Hospitals.

40S.R. Sharma and B.D. Bhatt, Women’s Education and Social Development ( New Delhi: Kanishka Publishing House, 1992) pp.297-300. 41 G.O.N.O. 1203, Local Self Government Department 21,June, 1927. 167

Moreover, the Government opened five Clinics which were approved by the Director of Medical Service in Cuddalore, Vellore, and

Ramanathapuram etc.42

Muthulakshmi Reddi, as a Medical Woman, brought a Resolution in the Legislative Council on prohibition of the sale of a drug called

Poorum or Raskapur. The drug contained Hydragyri Sub Chloride or Sub

Chloride of Mercury. It was commonly sold in all the Indian Drug Shops.

Native Physicians used it in the preparation of purgative pills, oils and specifics which were generally indicated in the treatment for Syphilis and other kindred diseases. It was also used for purification of gold. Thanks to the efforts of Muthulakshmi Reddi, the sale of this drug was prohibited.43

Muthulakshmi Reddi, as a Medical Practitioner, realized the evils of Child Marriage. She proposed a Resolution regarding the Prevention of

Child Marriage in the Presidency and presented the some difficulties faced by women during delivery due to Early Marriage. She spoke before the Council: “I have watched the sufferings and pangs of labour in these young girls with ill developed bodies bitterly cursing the very sky and soil which have given birth to a race that blindly allows their dear and most beloved children to be sacrificed to mad custom, goes on for days together and is actually painful owing to the ill developed muscles and

42 G.O. N.O.3687, Health Department 19, December, 1957. 43 G.O.N.O. 3484, Law Department 7, November, 1927. 168 immature condition of the reproductive organs.44 Very often the delivery

had to be ended with instruments which further added to the shock, to the

pain and the dangers of that most critical period, dangers multiplied

thousand fold owing to the practice of crude, unskilled, unscientific

midwifery in the land”.45

These bitter experiences helped her to mobilize opinion towards

the Abolition of Child Marriage through Legislation in the Madras

Presidency. The Madras Vigilance Association supported the

establishment of Birth Control Clinics in Government Hospitals in

Madras Presidency. Muthulakshmi Reddi was one of the Members of the

Madras Vigilance Association where Sivasamy Iyer was the President.46

Establishment of Cancer Institute

Muthulakshmi Reddi’s sister died of incurable Rectal Cancer. Even though she was a Medical Practitioner, owing to lack of facilities she lost her sister at an young age. In those days, Ranchi was the only place for the treatment of cancer in the whole country.

This incident affected Muthulakshmi Reddi’s mind. When she was in England for her post graduate course in diseases peculiar to women

44 Madras Legislative Council Proceedings Vol.XLII, 1927, 1928, p.32. 45 Ibid 46 G.O.N.O.2738, Public Health Department 24, November, 1934. 169 and children, she saw patients with cancer of the rectum operated in

Royal Cancer Hospitals.47 Sir Eranest Miles had introduced the surgical

method for restoring to health women suffering from rectal cancer. After

return to India, she was determined to establish such hospitals for our

country. Therefore, during the Centenary Celebrations of the Madras

Medical College in 1935, she moved a Resolution for the establishment

of a separate self contained Cancer Hospital for early diagnosis, treatment

and research.48 A Committee was formed and a certain amount was also

collected at that time. Subsequently a Memorandum, signed by half a

dozen women’s associations, was presented to the King George V

Memorial Fund Committee for the establishment of a Cancer Institute.49

The following is an extract of Memorandum.

“We beg to submit for the consideration of the Government and other public bodies that there is an urgent need for a special and separate

hospital in the City of Madras for the most painful and dreadful of all

diseases, namely, cancer. That some of the prominent and useful citizens

of Madras fell a victim to this terrible malady, brings home to us the

painful fact that even the educated amongst us are unaware of its early

signs and symptoms and hence do not seek medical aid in time while the

disease is still controllable. The hospital records reveal that almost all the

47 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Autobiography op.cit. Pp.83-84. 48 http://www.worldlingo.com/ma/enwiki/en/Muthulakshmi_Reddi 49 Vasumathi Ramasamy, Dr.Muthulakshmi Reddi (Chennai: Star Publications, 1987) pp.99-101. 170 cases that seek admission in to them are advanced and incurable. Further there are no adequate provisions in the existing hospitals to receive and keep the advanced cases who suffer agonies without knowing how to get relief”.50

“We feel that education through the public health department and

by volunteer associations, both men and women, is necessary to educate

people on the early signs and symptoms and on its serious nature when

neglected so that they may seek consultation and treatment in time. A

special and separate hospital with modern equipment under a specialist to

receive patients both early and advanced, to give a special course to

medical students and to post graduates and for research work is an

absolute necessity in the Capital of Madras.”51 In 1936, she turned her attention to another field. She launched an Anti- Cancer Movement in that year and again renewed it in 1949.52

Findings of the Bhore Committee

The Bhore Committee53 of 1946 stated that the incidence of cancer

in India was probably as high as in western countries and that the

problem of prevention and cure must have an important place in the

50 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Autobiography op.cit, p.84. 51 G.O.N.O.4038, Health Department 28,November, 1953. 52K.R. Nagendra Singh, Encyclopedia of Women Biography (New Delhi, A.P.H. Publishing Corporation, 2001) p.127. 53 Satishkumar “Reducing Maternal Mortality in India: Policy,Equity and Quality Issues” Indian Journal of Public Health Vol.54, 2, April-June(2010)p.58. 171

National Health Programme. The medical profession should be more

cancer minded and that certain types of irritational cancer such as those

caused by tobacco chewing, cigarette smoking, etc. could be prevented

and that anti- cancer propaganda to educate the public and the profession

on the insidious nature of the disease and the early signs and symptoms

should be undertaken in institutions like the Tata Memorial Cancer

Hospital, Bombay, for promoting advanced research and teaching in the

subject needed to serve the people.54

In this connection, Muthulakshmi Reddi wrote a letter to the

Government to provide for Anti Cancer Propaganda among the people by printing leaflets in Tamil and Telugu Languages for distribution during exhibition, fairs and festivals with the help of a Senior Translator.55

Women’s Indian Association was actively engaged in conveying the message that cancer was not a hopeless disease and it was curable if diagnosed early and treated adequately. Therefore, the Association prepared materials of educative value, costing about Rs 10,000 for Anti-

Cancer Propaganda during the All India Khadi and Swadeshi Exhibition at Madras in 1949. A Cancer Exhibition was organized at the Lady

Wellington Training College, in connection with the International

54 G.O.N.O.802, Health Department 1,April, 1954. 55 G.O.N.O.1217, Health Department 5, April, 1950. 172

Conference of Social Work and in the Cottage Industries Exhibition, much to the benefit of the public.56

Moreover, Poster Exhibits and Books, which were exhibited in the

Stanley Medical College and Madras Medical College Exhibitions in

1952 and 1953, created awareness among the people and they were visited by lakhs of people from the City. The Women’s Indian

Association also organized lectures and demonstrations on the nature of cancer and importance of early diagnosis and treatment. They held exhibitions at Madurai, Hyderabad and Mysore.57

Cancer Institute

A Cancer Institute was constructed with a permanent health museum, library and pathological laboratory. This Museum had cancer exhibits, posters, diagrams and illustrative literature in all languages to attract the public, distinguished visitors and other individuals interested in

Anti Cancer Campaign and also had a Lecture Hall for training of welfare workers from Women’s Indian Association.58

The Women’s Indian Association, as a part of59 Anti-Cancer

Propaganda Campaign, requested the Government for monographs and

56 G.O.N.O. 2681, Health Department 19, August, 1952. 57 Ibid 58 G.O.N.O. 802, Health Department 1,April,1954. 59 http://www.cifwia.org/aboutus/history/history.php 173 films on cancer caring and anti cancer education among the rural population. Again, it wanted treatment in the hospitals. It wanted beds for

weeks and months. The poor patients, mostly rural, who were not in a

position to spend for shelter and food in the City, very often returned

without any treatment to their villages. But the Government did not take

any positive measures to meet their requirements. Again and again

Muthulakshmi Reddi asked the Government to provide financial

assistance.60

Then the Government of India sanctioned a Grant of Rupees One

Lakh for the construction of Cancer Hospitals.61The State Government

gave five and a half acres of land and Rupees fifty thousand as the first

installment for the construction of a Cancer Institute. The City

Corporation sanctioned Rupees fifty thousand. The Women’s Indian

Association also applied to philanthropic organizations and individuals to

help this humanitarian cause. Dr.Rangachari announced a donation of

Rupees ten thousand for equipping the library, laboratory etc.62

Muthulakshmi Reddi’s second son, Dr.Krishnamurti, worked in a

Government Hospital and Muthulakshmi Reddi encouraged her son to take over the Cancer Hospital.63

60 G.O.N.O.2681, Health Department 19,August,1952. 61 Madras Legislative Council Debates Vol.VI, 1954, p.390. 62 G.O.N.O. 802, Health Department 1,April,1954. 63 Vasumathi Ramasamy, Dr.Muthulakshmi Reddi op.cit. p.100. 174

Muthulakshmi Reddi was keen to have Prime Minister Jawaharlal

Nehru to lay the foundation for the Institute. The then Chief Minister,

Rajaji, refused to respond to Muthulakshmi’s wish. Then she sought

Nehru’s acceptance with the help of a Senior Minister during that time.64

When Muthulakshmi Reddi approached the Government for land for the

Cancer Hospital, Chief Minister Rajaji as well as the Health Minister,

T.T.S. Rajan considered it as waste of money to establish such a hospital since cancer could not be cured. But Muthulakshmi Reddi would never accept a ‘no’ as an answer from any one. She used Sarojini Varadappan to meet all ministers and officers because her father, Bhatavatchalam, was

then the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu and O. V. Alagesan was the

Central Minister of Health at that time.65 In 1954, the first block of the

Cancer Institute at Adyar was opened.66 The Institute had a Health

Museum Library and a Pathological Laboratory, and it was intended to

serve as a Cancer Diagnostic Centre.67

This modern Cancer Institute is the first of its kind and one of the great landmarks in the fight against Cancer in South India. Combining in fine harmony the great discoveries made in the treatment with the fruits

64Interview with Sarojini Varadappan 1, September, 2008. 65 Ibid 66 Hindu 14, August, 2005. 67 Madras Information Report 1955. 175 of modern research, it stands as a symbol of achievement and of team

work.68

During the period 1955 to 1959, Muthulakshmi Reddi visited Delhi regularly to campaign with the Government of India to ensure that the

Annual Grants were continued. The Institute is now internationally known and research papers contributed by this Institute have been greatly valued at International Conferences. Every year a number of research scholars are sent abroad for advanced research in cancer by the

Institute.69The fledgling Institute had only twelve beds and two Doctors,

Shanta herself and Dr. S. Krishnamurthy, the Founding Director and

Reddi’s son. As the Institute’s Associate Director, Dr. Shanta set up

India’s first comprehensive Pediatric Cancer Clinic, conducted the

country’s first major Cancer Survey, and developed its first program for

the Early Detection of Cancer in Rural Areas. She became a passionate

Advocate of Cancer Prevention and opened a Tobacco Cessation Clinic.

She conducted India’s first successful trials of combination therapy,

leading to a dramatic breakthrough in the control and cure of oral

cancer.70In the mean time, Muthulakshmi Reddi moved a Resolution to establish Cancer Diagnostic Centers with, lab facilities, in all the District

Head Quarters Hospitals under specially trained staff. She referred to the

68 S. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Autobiography op.cit, p.85. 69 Ibid 70 Available athttp://www.rmaf.org.ph/Awardees/Citation/CitationShantaV.htm

176

Report of Cancer Conference in 1952, during which a number of eminent medical officers discussed this most dreadful and painful disease. The

Institute had a number of beds and enough equipment but large number of patients died at early stage in the absence of diagnostic facilities. But the

government did not accept her Resolution due to financial deficit and she

withdrew her Resolution.71

Muthulakshmi Reddi congratulated the Government for imposing

Tax on Tobacco. It was responsible for most cancer cases in our country.

It affected the mouth, throat, tongue, larynx and lungs. This Tax was supposed to help the people to be free from cancer. Cancer was generally caused by continuous tobacco chewing and continued smoking of cigarettes.72 But taxes were usually nominal and such a tax could not

reduce the number of men and women using tobacco and tobacco

products. The Government should have imposed Total Ban on Tobacco.

Again she wanted the Public Health Department to establish a

Central Museum for Health Propaganda and also Regional Nutrition

Laboratories. She applied for a Mobile Van. These were essential to

prevent at least 50 percent of the disease that prevailed in our country.

71 Madras Legislative Council Debates Vol.VI, 1954, pp.387-388. 72 Madras Legislative Council Debates Vol.IV, 1953-1954, p.284. 177

Even cent percent prevention could be achieved with the help of Health

Education and Health Propaganda throughout the State.73

The Cancer Institute was opened in 1954. It started working from

January 1955. During the period from 1.1.55 to 30.9.56, the total number

of patients treated in the Cancer Institute was 449 of which 389 patients

were treated free. It was opened by C.D Deshmukh, the Union Finance

Minister.74

Muthulakshmi Reddi not only worked for women and children’s

welfare but also concerned about the increase of deaths in the Presidency.

She raised the question in the Legislative Council regarding the number

of suicides and homicides among men and women and children during

the period from April 1952 to December 1952. Moreover, she wanted to

know the reasons behind these deaths. As a result, the Government

ordered the Inspector General of Police to survey the reasons for suicides

and homicides among the people. The Police Department submitted the

Report in connection with Muthulakshmi Reddi’s question. The Police

Report stated that sickness, poverty, mental worries, rowdism, land

dispute, dacoity and dispute among children were the reasons. The Report

was prepared for every District.75

73 Ibid 74 G.O.N.O. 342, Health Department 1,Februry,1957. 75 G.O.N.O. 1584, Home Department 31, May,1954. 178

Muthulakshmi Reddi congratulated the Minister for Transport because he decided to start Refresher Courses for training the Motor

Drivers. In her opinion, there must be similar training for all drivers.She

also recommended to the Government to institute a Medical Examination

of their bodies and conduct Intelligence Tests.76

As a Doctor, Muthulakshmi Reddi insisted that the Health

Education was more important than other subjects and therefore, Health

Education must be taught in schools and colleges. Good health was

essential for good thinking. The Public Health Department Report

stressed the importance of Preventive Measures to eradicate

communicable disease like Cholera, Plague, Typhoid, Leprosy and

Tuberculosis in our State.77

Since the Government did very little in the field of Moral and

Social Hygiene, the efforts made by some Voluntary Organizations in this

field, need special mention. The Association of Moral and Social Hygiene

in India have been playing a major role in this field since 1928. In

addition to these premier Voluntary Organizations in this field, the All

India Women’s Conference and Women’s Indian Association have also

76 Madras Legislative Council Debates Vol.IV, 1953-1954, p.280. 77 Ibid. p.254. 179 done some good work78 for the improvement of Social Hygiene in the

society with the help of Muthulakshmi Reddi.

Muthulakshmi Reddi was a Representative of the Medical

Association and Social Hygiene Council. She was much interested in

maintaining the activities of the Department of Public Health and

Medicine in a high state of efficiency, remodeling of the General

Hospital, construction of a Children Hospital and strengthening of the

Children’s Hospital in the Mofussil.

The position of women in the Medical Profession during the

British Period was not good. Women Doctors faced tremendous hardship in meeting the obligations of their families and the profession and in addition, society was not ready to tolerate Women in Public Life79. But

Muthulakshmi Reddi was the first successful Woman Medical

Practitioner in India during the Colonial Rule. She was inspired by

western medical development and of western doctors dedication to the

service of the country.

78 A.K. Pandey, Social Development in India (New Delhi: Anmol Publications, 2004) p.2004. 79 Jyotirmay Mandal, Women and Reservation in India op.cit.p.84. 180

CONCLUSION

Born in 1886, Muthulakshmi Reddi became the First Woman

Medical Graduate from Madras in India in 1912. She attained prominence by her matchless contributions as a Woman Social Reformer and fearless Fighter for Gender Equality.

The Women’s Movement in India contributed immensely to the regeneration of the country suffering under multiple ills of foreign domination, poverty, ignorance and entirely outmoded social order of which women themselves were the worst victims. Anachronistic customs like Sati, Child Marriage and Polygamy, Social Prohibition against

Widow Remarriage, Lack of Franchise for women, Purdah and a host of other abominable practices like Devadasi System, reduced women to the bottom of degradation and slavery under male domination .Under the

Patriarchal system they were ruled by their husbands, elders and in-laws with an iron hand. Denied education, vocation, and social, economic and political rights, women were wholly confined to seclusion inside the four walls of the house. The great pioneer, Raja Ram Mohan Roy, for the first time, came out in 1818 against the savage customs of Sati and Polygamy, highlighting the degeneration of Indian Society due to the pathetic 181 condition of women and pleaded for their Property Rights as a way to

their emancipation. He mobilized Hindu Reformist Opinion against Sati

and facilitated the enactment of a law in 1829 to ban this inhuman

custom. Subsequently, the Widow Remarriage Act of 1856 was also

enacted. Attempts at more reforms continued.

In 1917, the Women’s Indian Association (WIA) was started by

Annie Besant, Dorothy Jinarajadasa and Margaret Cousins, together with

a group of Indian women which included Muthulakshmi Reddi, its Life

Member. They took up the issue of Voting Rights for Women with the

Secretary of State, Lord Edwin Montague who had come to India to

discuss the demands for political reforms. Due to sustained campaign by

the political parties, the Southborough Franchise Committee reluctantly

permitted the question of Women Franchise to be decided by the

Provincial Legislatures. Madras, from where Muthulakshmi Reddi hailed,

was the first Province to grant Franchise to Women in 1921. As the first

Medical Graduate and one of the Founding Members of the All India

Women’s Conference, Muthulakshmi Reddi was nominated to the

legislature by the Government and it was indeed an immense in honor

those days.

182

In her Presidential Address at the Lahore Session of All India

Women’s Conference in 1931, Dr.Muthulakshmi Reddi highlighted the need for girls’ education for generating Social Awareness among the female population and ensuring their self respect and self reliance. She pointed out the expenditure on men’s institutions to be almost seven

times that of women’s institutions.

“Women should find representation in legislative councils, local

bodies, senates, syndicates and educational boards and councils, so that

they could control all stages of education. The problem in girls’ schools

was that students dropped out quite frequently and regularly either due to the custom of purdah and early marriage or the absence of women teachers and the inefficiency of schools.”

Hence the members of All India Women’s Conference initiated

efforts to implement their Resolutions at the 1927 and 1931 Sessions of

the Conference and the request was the mushrooming of Women Training

Centers and Hostels in every Province. The Movement for Girls

Education and Women’s Awareness were gaining momentum. In due

course, goaded by Muthulakshmi Reddi, a National Committee on

Women’s Education was set up, with Durgabai Deshmukh as its 183

Chairman. She was responsible for the founding of the Central Social

Welfare Board.

Muthulakshmi Reddi, a pioneering legislator and India’s greatest

Woman Social Reformer of the time, fought relentlessly to abolish the

Devadasi System and for the enactment of laws for the Control of

Immoral Traffic in Women and Children, for the Prevention of Cruelty to

Children and for the Prevention of Child Marriage and the establishment

of Equality of Women’s Rights.

On 8th January, 1929, a deputation on behalf of the All India

Women’s Conference waited on the Age of Consent Committee at Patna.

The deputation on behalf AIWC emphasized that the Age of Consent within the marriage should be 16 years and outside marriage 18 years and that Age of Marriage should be raised to 16 years for girls and 21 for boys.

As soon as the Sarda Bill was introduced in the Legislative

Assembly, the AIWC started mobilizing support for its passage. After the Sarda Act was passed, women leaders, happy at this piece of legislation as their victory, were soon disillusioned over the fact that the

Act, in practice, was not of any practical value. 184

Muthulakshmi Reddi, presiding over the Fifth Session of AIWC in

1931, moved a Resolution that Members of the Central Legislature

should be urged to take early steps to amend the Hindu Laws relating to

women in order to make them more equitable. It was passed unanimously.

At the 1933 Session of the AIWC, with the support of

Muthulakshmi Reddi, a Resolution for the Amendment of Hindu Law

was passed to remove existing discrimination against the Right of

Women in the matter of Divorce and to make the same more equitable

and just. They further urged the appointment of an All India Non-Official

Commission to consider the removal of legal disabilities of women

regarding inheritance and marriage.

After persistent campaign by the AIWC under the Stewardship of

Reddi, Hindu Code of Law came into force in 1954-56 as a series of Acts

relating to Intestate Succession, Marriage and Divorce, Minority and

Guardianship and Adoption and Maintenance. This was a victory for the

successful efforts of Women’s Movement in India. The participation of

women in the Civil Disobedience Movement won them the admiration of

the Nationalist Leadership and they, in turn, passed the Fundamental 185

Rights Resolution at the Karachi Session in 1931. This further strengthened the women’s demand for Equal Franchise.

Muthulakshmi, along with Rajkumari Amrit Kaur and Begum

Hamid Ali, went to England and gave evidence before the Franchise Sub-

Committee and the full Joint Parliamentary Committee. The Delegation

to England repeated its demand for Universal Adult Franchise and gained

active support from British Women Organizations. A liaison group of

British Women’s Organizations was formed, with Grace Lancaster as

Liaison Officer and it worked persistently to press for the Conference’s

Demands and strove to educate public opinion in England in favour of

Gender Equality. During its annual session in 1933, the All India

Women’s Conference demanded Right to Franchise and Equal Status for

Women in the future Constitution of India. Universal Adult Suffrage

granted by the Constitution of Independent India was the request of the

collective efforts of Women in India. Muthulakshmi Reddi thereafter,

demanded that without Women’s Political Empowerment, the grant of

Right of Franchise to Women was of no practical utility. If women were

denied a place in the decision making process in the polity, Women’s

Franchise did not have any practical value.

186

For the Prevention of Traffic in Women and Children, Reddi seconded a Bill for the Suppression of Immoral Traffic introduced in the

Madras Legislature by K.R Venkatrama Ayyer. This Bill was passed into

Law in January, 1930 but it was limited to Madras. Similar Acts were passed subsequently by the Bombay and Bengal Legislatures.

Moved by the plight of the Devadasis, Muthulakshmi Reddi introduced a Bill in the Madras Legislature in 1929 for the prohibition of

the Abominable Practice associated with this Community. After the

Passage of this Bill, the Government issued orders to the various District

Collectors to liberate the Devadasis from the obligation of service to the

temples. The Madras Brothels Bill and Prevention of Devadasi

Dedication, and all other Bills on similar lines were soon followed by

similar legislative measures in Travancore in the year1931. Reddi gave a

call for building a strong public opinion against the Immoral Traffic in

Women and Children.

In 1939, the Madras Legislature passed a Bill amending the

Suppression of Immoral Traffic Act of 1930. A provision was added for

punishment of men who lived off prostitutes. An unrelenting crusader

against the custom of Purdah, Muthulakshmi Reddi believed that Purdah

was a “relic of war when women needed protection but had persisted 187 because men were distrustful, suspicious and jealous of women and had wrong notions of modesty and safety. Men saw women as reproductive

machines only to cater to their physical needs and women capitulated due

to ignorance. There were no rational arguments for Purdah, founded as it

was by the baseless fear that women would abuse freedom granted to

them and become unchaste and disloyal. The Freedom Movement

brought out women, specially Hindu Women, out of their seclusion and

their participation in political activities dealt a blow to Purdah

System.WIA (founded by Annie Besant), of which Reddi was a Life

member, started Child and Maternity Welfare Activities in early 1920s,

through Baby Welcome Center. After the Presidential Address of Reddi

at the All India Women’s Conference in 1931, child and maternity

welfare became the center of attention of the Conference Activists. Reddi

argued that the Central and Local Governments should initiate legislation

in India on the model of Maternity and Child Welfare Act of 1908, which

was in force in England. These suggestions were approved in the form of

Resolutions by the All India Women’s Conference, with special emphasis

on the need to have better midwives. Reddi, at the 1931 Session of All

India Women’s Conference, emphasized the need to provide medical aid

to children and women by constructing more hospitals and maternity and

health centers. She followed it up with ceaseless campaigns towards that

end. Muthulakshmi Reddi, while in London along with Rajkumari Amrit 188

Kaur and Shah Begam as Members of the Indian Women Delegation to the Round Table Conference, renewed links forged earlier with the

Liaison Committee of the British Women’s Council, and created a

favorable impression of Indian women and removed to some extent, the

false impressions held abroad of the Indian Orthodoxy.

The memories of Muthulakshmi Reddi,

dedicated to the Cause of Equality of the Rights of Women, and their

emancipation from the age old shackles of seclusion and slavery under

the male domination, will always be cherished by millions of women, the

world over, particularly in the Indian Sub-Continent. The intrepid pioneer

gave every moment of her life for the attainment of the cherished goal of

Freedom from Foreign Rule and Equality of Women with men in every

sphere.

She was a very courageous and fearless woman. She never feared

any Party or Government. She was a very confident woman and had to

face many challenges from her childhood to her last breath. Whatever

project she undertook, she came out with success. She never feared defeat

in her life. Even at her old age, she was energetic and vibrant. Her human pre occupations took her away from politics. She stuck to her mission and followed Gandhian ways. She could never tolerate any harm or injustice 189 done to women in any corner of the world. She had been the Torch

Bearer of Human Rights for Women. Muthulakshmi Reddi was conferred

Padma Bhushan in 1956 for her services to the people. She died at the age of 82 in the year 1968. 190

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198

INTERVIWES

Dhayananda Chandrasekarn, Personal Interview July 10, 2007.

Rajalakshmi, Personal Interview September, 10, 2008.

Sarojini Varadappan, Personal Interview September, 01, 2008.

Shantha, Personal Interview July, 10, 2009.

NATIVE NEWS PAPERS Al-Kalam Andhra Patrika Bharathimitharan Chandamarutham Cathalic Leader Daily News Desabhaktan Dravidian Gajakesari Kudiyarasu Laksmi Maturubhumi NavaBharathi Navayuga New India Ooliyan Prabhtam 199

Rastrabanthu Satyagiragi SengunthaMithran Swarajya Swadesamitran Tamilnadu Trilinga Tholilalan Vasumathi ViswaKarnata

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Yasin Mohammad and Srinanda Das Gupta, Indian Politic Protests and Movements, New Delhi, 2003.

210

Tamil Books

Chandrasekaran Dhayananda, Matharkula Maanikkam, Pudukkottai, 2007.

Kalaimani, K.V. Dr.Muthulakshmi Reddi’s Thought to Improve Our Life, Chennai, 2001.

Kannappar Muthu, Dr.Muthulakshmi Reddi, Chennai, 2002.

Meena, K. Unnal Mudiyum Pennea, Trichy ,2005.

Mohammed Raja, Pudukkottai Mavatta Varalaru, Chennai, 2004.

Ramamirthammal Moovalur, Dasikalin Moosavalai, Erode, 1939.

Ramaswamy Vasumathi, Dr. Muthulakshmi Reddi, Chennai, 1987.

Sundram, Devadasi Tradition, Thanjaur, 2002.

Thirunavukkarasu, Dravida Iyakka Vergal, Chennai, 1999.

Websites http://womenhistory.about.com http//:www.sanmargroup.com rajappa-musings.blogspot.com/2007/11/dr-muthulakshmi-reddy.html http;//avvaihome.org/historyhtp. http://www.goodnewsindia.com/ http://www.abdulkalam.com http://www.rmaf.org.ph/Awardees/Citation/CitationShantaV.htm http://www.cifwia.org/aboutus/history/history.php http://www.worldlingo.com/ma/enwiki/en/Muthulakshmi_Reddi 211

APPENDIX-A

Prevention of Early Marriage

Whereas it is expedient to raise the marriageable age of Hindu girls and boys in the Presidency of Madras, it is hereby enacted as follows: —

1. This act may be called the Age of marriage Act, 1928.

2. It extends to the whole of the Presidency of Madras

3. Any person who knowingly or willfully performs the ceremony of a Hindu who has not on the date of such marriage completed, if a male, the age of 18 years, or if a female, the age of 14 years, or take active part in the performance of such marriage or being a guardian of either of the parties to the marriage gives his consent to it shall be liable to simple imprisonment for a term that may extend to six months or a fine which may extend to one thousand rupees or to both.

4. No Court shall take cognizance of an offence under the preceding section, except on a complaint made within a period of two years after the offence was committed by any five adult male Hindus or by the Executive committee of any society for the prevention of early marriage among the Hindus registered under the Indian Companies Act.

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Statement of Objects and Reasons

The evil consequences of early marriage on the individual and on the nation are too well known to us. To mention only a few of such evils are, first of all the premature motherhood with all the attendant disabilities, the production of a race physically and mentally unfit to stand the struggle of life and the saddest consequence of all is the large number of virgin widows amidst us, who for no fault of their own are made to undergo many hardships in our society.

The system of early marriage is also responsible for the large percentage of illiteracy and the slow spread of higher education among our-women. At an age when our girls are too young to understand the significance of married life, when they are too young to discharge those functions to satisfaction, the heavy burden and responsibility of wife- hood and mother-hood are most pitilessly forced upon them, which is the primary cases not only of ill-developed physic, ill-health and a high maternal and infantile mortality among the higher class Hindus, but also of our very slow national progress.

Hence the most forward States such as Mysore and Baroda have already passed legislation to the effect of preventing marriages below 14 and 18 for girls and boys respectively. Even though all the women's conferences have unanimously passed a resolution to the effect, that the 213 marriageable age should be raised to 16 and 21 for girls and boys respectively; as a first step to achieve that end ; with favour I have drafted

a bill on lines similar to Mysore and Baroda.

Source: Muthulakshmi Reddi. My Experience As a Legislator, (Madras:

Current Thought Press, 1930) pp.235-236,

214

APPENDIX -B

BILL TO AMEND THE MADRAS HINDU RELIGIOUS

ENDOWMENT ACT, 1926

Preamble

Whereas it is expedient to put on end to the present practice dedication of young girls as Devadasais in the Hindu temples in the

Madras Presidency, it is here by enacted as follows:-

Short Title

This Act shall be called the Madras Hindu Religious Endowments

(Amendment) Act 1929.

In Section 44the following provisio shall be inserted:-

“Provided that where a grant of land has been made to dancing girls or Devadasis for the Performance of any Service whatever any temple. Such Service inam land shall be enfranchised to the present holder thereof and she shall not be required to perform any service in the temple.”

Statement of Object and Reasons

The System of dedication of young girls in the Hindu temples might probably have originated with the noblest and the highest of motives but now seeing that it has degenerated in to something highly objectionable and that the majority of theses girls take to life of impurity 215 as is so very well known to the general public. It is necessary that the

sanction of our temple authorities to such a practice of dedication which

breeds immorality, promiscuity and irresponsibility in both men and

women be done away with in the interest of the individuals and the nation

at large and thus the public be disabused of the notion that our religion

encourages immorality in either man or woman and that the service of

theses women in any way forms an essential part of the worship in the

temples. It may here be stated that the progressive and enlightened state of Mysore has abolished the practice of dedication to the temples even as early as 1909, as is evidenced in the G .O NO.156071 Muz F.8405-3dated

Bangalore 10th April, 1909.

Mrs. Muthulakshmi Reddi.

MB. & CM. MLC.

Source: Muthulakshmi Reddi. My Experience As a Legislator, (Madras:

Current Thought Press, 1930)pp.237-238.

216

Appendix- C

MADRAS ACT No V OF 1929

PASSED BY THE LEGISTLATIVE COUNCIL OF MADRAS

(Received the assent of the Governor on the 12th April 1929, and that of the Governor General on the 13th May 1929; the assent of the Governor General was first published in the “Fort St. George Gazette” of the 4th June 1929.)

An Act further to amend the Madras Hindu Religious Endowment

Act, 1929.

Preamble

WHEREAS it is expedient to put an end to the present practice of

dedication of young girls as Devadasis for service in Hindu temples in the

Presidency of Madras,

AND WHEREAS the enfranchisement or freeing of lands held by

them on condition of service in the said temples from such condition will

be an effective step in doing so;

Madras Act II of 1927

AND WHEREAS it is expedient further to amend the Madras

Hindu Religious Endowments Act, 1926, for these purposes;

217

AND WHEREAS the previous sanction of the Governor-General has been obtained to the passing of this Act; it is hereby enacted as fallows:

Short title

1. This Act may be called the Madras Hindu Religious Endowments

(Amendment ) Act, 1929,

Insertion of new section 44- A in Madras Act II of 1927

2. After section 44 of the Madras Hindu Religious Endowments Act

1926, the following section shall be inserted, namely: —

Enfranchisement or freeing of lands, etc, held by a devadasi on condition of service in a temple " 44-A. (i) (a) (i) Where the remuneration for an service to be performed by a Devadasi in a temple consist of lands granted or continued in respect of, or annexed to such service by the Government, the Local Government shall enfranchise the

said lands from the condition of service, by the imposition of quit-rent:

(ii) Where the remuneration for such service consists of an assignment of land revenue so granted or continued, the Local Government shall enfranchise such assignment of revenue from the condition of service:

218

Provided that where, at the time when proceedings are taken under this sub section, the Devadasi is herself the owner of the lands in respect of which the assignment of revenue has been made, enfranchisement shall be effected and quit-rent imposed in the manner laid down in sub-" clause (i);

(iii) Where the remuneration for such service consists in part of lands and in part of an assignment of land revenue, enfranchisement of the lands shall be effected in the manner’ laid down in sub-clause (i) and of the assignment of land revenue in the manner laid down in sub-clause (ii);

Explanation:—For the purposes of this clause, a grant shall be deemed to

consist of an assignment of land revenue in all cases in which the

Devadasi herself is not, at the time specified in the proviso to sub-clause

(ii), the owner of the lands in question.

(b) Enfranchisement under clause (a) shall be elected in

accordance with such rules as the Local Government may make in this

behalf and shall take effect as and from such date as the Local

Government may fix.

(2) Where the remuneration for such service consists, in whole or in

part, of lands or produce of lands not falling under sub-section(1), the

Local Government shall direct the Collector to determine the amount of 219 rent payable on the lands or the produce in question. The Collector shall thereupon, after giving notice to the parties concerned and holding such inquiry as may be prescribed by the Local Government, by an order determine the amount of rent, and in doing so, he shall have due regard to

(a) the rent payable by the tenant for lands of a similar description and with similar advantages in the same villages or neighboring villages ; and

(b) The improvements, if any, effected by the Devadasi, in respect of the lands: Such order shall be communicated to the parties concerned and also published in the manner prescribed.

(3) The amount of rent fixed by the Collector under sub-section

(2) may be questioned by petition presented to the Board of

Revenue within three months of the date of the publication of the order under the said sub section but subject to the result of such petition, the order of the Collector fixing the amount of rent under sub-section

(2) shall be final and shall not be liable to be contested in any court of law : Provided, however, that the Board of Revenue shall have power on sufficient grounds to entertain a petition presented after the expiration of the period of three months.

(4) While determining the rent under sub-section (2), the Collector shall fix a date from which the order shall take effect and such lands or 220 produce shall be deemed to have been freed from the condition of service as and from the date so fixed.

(5) No obligation to render any service relating to any temple to which any Devadasi may be subject by reason of any grant of land or assignment of land revenue or produce derived from land, shall be enforceable on such land, assignment or produce being enfranchised or feeds as the case may be, in the manner hereinbefore provided.

(6) No order passed under sub-sections (1), (2) and (3) shall operate as

a bar to the trial of any suit or issue, relating to the right to enjoy the

land or assignment of land revenue or produce derived from land as the

case may be.

(7). (a) The quit-rent imposed under sub-section (1) shall be payable to

the temple concerned

(b) The assignment of land revenue enfranchised under sub-section (1)

or the rent fixed under sub-sections (2) and (3) as the case may be shall

be payable to the Devadasi concerned during her lifetime and after her

death to the temple concerned.

(8) For the purpose of this section ' Devadasi' shall mean any Hindu

unmarried female, who is dedicated to a temple."

Source: Muthulakshmi Reddi. My Experience As a Legislator, (Madras: Current Thought Press, 1930),pp.239-242. 221

APPENDIX- D

A BILL TO PREVENT THE DEDICATION OF WOMEN TO HINDU TEMPLES IN" THE PRESIDENCY OF MADRAS

Preamble

Whereas the dedication of women to Hindu Temples results in

such women adopting the profession of prostitute dancing girls, it is

desirable and expedient to put an end to the practice of such dedication

and whereas the previous sanction of the Governor-General-in-Council

has been obtained, it is enacted as follows : -

Short Title

This act shall be called the Prevention of Dedication Act, 1929.

Dedication of Hindu Women to Temples Declared Illegal

2. The performance in the precincts of Hindu Temples or other

places of worship of Pottukattu or Gajje Puja or any similar ceremony to a Hindu woman with a view to dedicate her is hereby declared illegal and shall be illegal.

Dedicated Women May Contract Valid Marriages.

3. A Hindu woman who has gone through a process of dedication by the performance of Pottukattu or Gajje Puja or any similar ceremony 222 may thereafter contract a legal marriage and it shall be recognized as valid not with standing any law or custom to the contrary.

Penalty for Dedication of Women to Temples.

4. Whoever permits, performs or takes part in the performance or abets the performance within the precincts of a Hindu temple of the

ceremony of Pottukattu or Gajje Puja or any similar ceremony with a

view to dedicate any Hindu woman shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to one year and shall also be liable to fine.

Saving of Penalty-Provided by Other Law

5. Nothing in this Act shall be construed to prevent any person from being liable under Section 372 of the Indian Penal Code or under any other law, to any other or higher punishment than is provided by this

Act; provided that no person shall be prosecuted under this Act if he was convicted under any of the provisions of law mentioned above.

Statement of Objects and Reasons.

Not only the inam- holding Devadasis but also other Devadasis dedicate a large number of girls to Hindu temples by going through

Pottukattu or Gajje Puja or similar ceremony in Hindu temples. Whatever the origin of the practice in ancient days of the dedication of women as

Devadasis in Hindu temples, it is unfortunately the case that the practice 223 has now degenerated mainly into a method of initiating young women to a life of immorality and prostitution. The existence or otherwise of

Shastric sanction to the practice of dedication as Devadasis is therefore immaterial. The Shastras are against vice and impurity of all kinds, and

enlightened public opinion is against tolerating the continuance of a

practice which, in the name of service to God, has condemned a certain

class of women to a life of either concubine or prostitution. A Hindu

woman who is so dedicated is considered by custom to be incapable of

contracting a valid marriage thereafter. Therefore, it is highly undesirable

and expedient to prohibit the performance of dedication of girls to Hindu

temples; within the precincts of any Hindu temple and legalize the

marriage of such girls when contracted after such dedication. There have

been previous attempts at putting an end to this practice of dedication, but

they have been, so to say, indirect and have not produced the desired

result. By amendments to Section-is 372 and 373 of the I. P. C., the age-

limit for the disposal of minor girls for purposes of prostitution has been

raised for 16 to 18 years. But though at that time when this change; was

effected it was supposed that it would reduce if not put an end to, the evil

of dedication of girls to temples, it has failed to achieve this desired result

because it does not deal with the dedication of girls as a whole. Sections

372 & 373 of the I. P. C., are evaded by the temples allowing dedication

after the girl attains 18 years of age and in the mofussils, even minor girls

are dedicated even today because, the temple authorities, the parent and: 224 the general public honestly feel that religion sanctions it and the law is not absolutely against it. A legislative enactment is there-fore necessary

in this province for dealing with the practice of dedication per se of

Hindu girls and women without touching the existing penalties for the

disposal of minor girls for immoral purposes dealt with by Sections 372

and 373 of the I. P. C.

Source: Muthulakshmi Reddi. My Experience As a Legislator, (Madras:

Current Thought Press, 1930) pp.243-245.