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Historical Narratives and National Identities

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Historical Narratives and National Identities HISTORICAL NARRATIVES AND NATIONAL IDENTITIES A Qualitative Study of Young Adults in Flanders - Karel Van Nieuwenhuyse & Kaat Wils - Since the early 19th century, Western governments have had high hopes for history education, since history is expected to play a vital role in the formation of a national identity and the pursuit of national cohesion1. In the last two and a half decades, a great deal of research has been done on the production of historical narratives about the national past in history education. Attempts to build specific identities through such narratives have been examined as well. To date, there are few studies that have investigated the way in which young people themselves consume and construct narratives about the national past. Little is known about the kind of historical narratives they build and how these are connected to their identities. This article reports on a small-scale, qualitative study that examines which narratives young adults construct about their national past, to what extent those narratives are underpinned by existing narrative templates, and whether the narratives are connected to their sense of belonging. The study addresses the Flemish region of Belgium, a case characterised by a specific context of a nation-state in decline, an institutional process of regionalisation, and a tradition of weak government interference in memory politics and history education. 41 A Qualitative Study of Young Adults in Flanders This paper starts with a short introduction Constitution. This resulted in strong autonomy to the position of the national past within for the different school networks, of which the Belgian and Flemish history education. Catholics were the largest in terms of number The second part provides a presentation of of students. Although national history enjoyed existing international research on young a privileged position in both Catholic and people’s historical narratives and on how public education, and was taught separately these connect to their identifications. This part from ‘general’ (mainly European) history, the is followed by a brief sketch of our research teaching of the national past never occupied methodology, including a presentation of the more than a third of the overall Belgian narrative templates about the Belgian past secondary school history curriculum. After the which form the basis for this study. In the four First World War, as the danger of exaggerated next paragraphs, we present the results of chauvinism was pointed out internationally, a our empirical study. We show how existing plea was made for the integration of Belgian templates do not necessarily structure young history within the general, European-oriented people’s thinking on the topic and explore history course instead of being treated se- whether other types of narratives inform their parately2. This project for an ‘integrated historical discourse. history’ would be implemented after the Second World War in an era of changing I. History education in a European national memory politics. From the 1950s onwards, the Belgian government decreased nation-state in decline its engagement in those politics due, among others things, to the fact that the memory of In the 19th century, Belgium, like in many World War II was becoming ideologically- West European countries, witnessed a broad charged and communitarian3. With the cultural process of canonisation of the national growing political visibility of both Flemish and past. History education was considered Walloon nationalist movements, the Belgian as a natural component of the formation government chose not to invest in national of patriotism, and of national identity. The identity building. In the field of history nationalisation of history education has education, this tendency to de-emphasize never been radical in Belgium however. The the importance of the national past coincided impact of the state in the field of education with a renewed call to internationalise history was relatively small as freedom of education education as a response to the catastrophe of was one of the cornerstones of the ultra-liberal the war. 1. MARIA GREVER & KEES RIBBENS, Nationale identiteit en meervoudig verleden, Amsterdam, 2009. See also for example MARIO CARRETERO, MIKEL ASENSIO & MARIA RODRÍGUEZ-MONEO (eds.), History Education and the Construction of National Identities, Charlotte, NC, 2012. 2. TINE HENS, m.m.v. SAARTJE VANDEN BORRE & KAAT WILS, Oorlog in tijden van vrede. De Eerste Wereldoorlog in de klas, 1919-1940. Kalmthout, 2015. 3. VALÉRIE ROSOUX & LAURENCE VAN YPERSELE, “The Belgian national past : Between commemoration and silence”, in Memory Studies, no. 1, 2012 (5), p. 45-57. A Qualitative Study of Young Adults in Flanders 42 Notwithstanding these changes, the position education policy in Belgium. From the 1960s of history education came under fierce onwards, control over educational policy was attack within the educational field from the increasingly transferred to the three regional late 1960s onwards; an attack which echoed ‘Communities’ of Belgium, who made diffe- broader demands for radical social and cultu- rent choices concerning educational policy. ral reform in schools and in society at large. The process was completed in 1989 with the Critics wanted to replace history education by formal handover of all educational matters ‘social education’ (maatschappelijke vorming); to the Dutch, the French and (the very small) a school subject focused on present society German Communities. In other words, and expected to provide a better understanding ‘Belgian’ history education no longer existed5. of contemporary society and its problems in As the language communities in Belgium an era of Cold War, decolonisation, and a were granted political power too, regional growing interest in the ‘Third World’. In their authorities started to interfere actively in opinion, history lessons were antiquated, of memory politics – if only to support their little social or civic use, and insufficiently own subnational identities6. While Walloon oriented towards global history. As a result, and Brussels authorities made only modest curriculum-developers further dismantled the efforts to develop a subnational identity, national dimension of history education and Flemish authorities, by contrast, developed embedded it in a European and world-his- more active memory politics. These politics torical framework. Patriotic discourse was did not, however, affect history education in replaced by a discourse of attachment to any fundamental way as the Belgian tradition democracy, human rights, tolerance, and of freedom of education and autonomy for soli darity. Within this new paradigm, special school networks was left intact. attention was paid to the ‘dark pages’ of the past connected to colonialism, war, prejudice, In 1990, a new secondary education and social inequality4. curriculum was set up in Flanders, in which the compulsory nature of history The call for a history education more was guaranteed. The curriculum was set by oriented towards global history coincided the regional government which established chronologically with the regionalisation of final objectives, or standards, delineating 4. ESSA LOBBES, Verleden zonder stof. De gedaanten van het heden in het Belgische geschiedenisonderwijs (1945-1989), Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, KU Leuven, 2012. KAAT WILS, “The evaporated canon and the overvalued source : history education in Belgium. An historical perspective”, in L. SYMCOX & A. WILSCHUT (eds.), National History Standards. The Problem of the Canon and the Future of Teaching History, (International review of history education 5), Charlotte, NC, 2009, p. 15-31. 5. TESSA LOBBES & KAAT WILS, “National History Education in Search of an Object. The Absence of History Wars in Belgian Schools”, in L. CAJANI, S. LÄSSIG & M. REPOUSSI (eds.), History Education under Fire. An International Handbook, Göttingen, 2015, forthcoming. 6. MARNIX BEYEN, “Tragically Modern. Centrifugal Sub-nationalisms in Belgium, 1830-2009”, in M. HUYSSEUNE (ed.), Contemporary Centrifugal Regionalism : Comparing Flanders and Northern Italy, Brussels, 2011, p. 17-28. VALÉRIE ROSOUX & LAURENCE VAN YPERSELE, “The Belgian national past…”. 43 A Qualitative Study of Young Adults in Flanders the minimum targets that history education line with the way Belgian history is addressed should meet. In defining the standards, the within academia – that “students analyse the Flemish Community made a deliberate choice lines of fracture within the evolving Belgian not simply to enumerate factual knowledge society from 1830 onwards”8. In lower that must be taught. As most history textbooks classes, where the historical eras before are based on very similar content selection, 1800 are treated, no reference to Belgian or there is nevertheless a certain homogeneity Low Countries history is made. This means in the topics addressed in history education. that Belgian history is only addressed as a The attainment targets primarily aim at particular history which can be distinguished critical-thinking skills and attitudes and offer from European history after 1830. Its speci- criteria to select subject matter. Apart from ficity is to be found in these ‘lines of frac­ the aim to introduce students in the academic ture’, the ideological, socio-economic, and discipline of history, the subject of history is communitarian/linguistic tensions which have ascribed four functions with regard to ‘pupils characterised Belgian politics and
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