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Ethnic Decentralization and Negotiating Statehood in Urban Ethiopia: a Case Study of Adama and Hawassa Cities

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Ethnic Decentralization and Negotiating Statehood in Urban Ethiopia: a Case Study of Adama and Hawassa Cities Ethnic Decentralization and Negotiating Statehood in Urban Ethiopia: A Case Study of Adama and Hawassa Cities Dissertation zur Erlangung der Würde eines Doktors der Philosophie vorgelegt der Philosophisch-Historischen Fakultät der Universität Basel Von Demissie Ferdissa Bekele Von Äthiopien Nov. 2019, Basel, Switzerland Originaldokument gespeichert auf dem Dokumentenserver der Universität Basel edoc.unibas.ch Genehmigt von der Philosophisch-Historischen Fakultät der Universität Basel, auf Antrag von: Professor Dr. Laurent Goetsche Ass. Prof. Asnake Kefale Dr. Didier Péclard Basel, 26.November 2014 Die Dekanin Prof. Dr. Barbara Schellewald STATEMENT OF THE AUTHOR I hereby declare that the thesis contains no materials accepted for other degrees in any other institutions, or for other purposes. It contains no materials previously written and/or published by another person, except where appropriate acknowledgements are made in the form of reference. Preface This study examines the implementation of ethnic decentralization in Ethiopia and its effects on state-society and inter-society relationships in urban areas of the country. My interest in state and its effects on society grew out of a cumulative personal experience that goes back to my childhood days. One of these relates to my family background. I am from a family who fought both for and against the foundation of the modern Ethiopian state. On the one hand, my mother’s grandfather, Bareda Dhuga, was a prominent local balabbat1 from the upper Gibe river region who in collaboration with the conquering forces of Menelik II2 confronted the Italians at the battle of Adwa in 1896. In participating and sacrificing his life in the war, he contributed not only to the foundation of the country but also he inherited his family the right of ownership to land, which was decidedly meaningful to the life of the Ethiopian society in economic and social terms. Oppositely, my father’s grandfather, Bay’ee Afataa, was among the local rebels who fought against the invading forces of Menelik II in 1880s. His death in the war of resistance (particularly with post-Menelik settlers) left his only son (my grandfather) posthumous, fated to suffer in the hands of the conquering forces in revenge. Such contradictory involvement of the society in state affairs have been essential in Ethiopia, even to the present; and may be taken as one of the major problems in the country’s security and development processes. Any ways, belonging to and being brought up amongst families of such contradictory background in terms of their relations with the state was of an enormous opportunity for me to be exposed early to the issues and politics of state-society and inter-society relations. Of all, it planted in my mind an interest in state- society relations, particularly a curiosity to wonder the meaning and effects of societal inclusion and exclusion from state power. Having started this way, my interest in state-society and inter-society relations in Ethiopia, particularly in the post- 1991 context, has grown more and more fed by different encounters. One of these goes to a drastic ‘social change’, which took place in my elementary school town in the early 1990s- located in western part of the Oromia regional state. In those years, all of the 1 Refers to local Oromo people who lined in the side of the late 19th century conquering forces of Menelik II; and hence were incorporated in the economic, social and administrative benefits rendered and protected by the state. 2 Emperor Menelik II (1889 - 1913) was the one who headed the late 19th expansion of Ethiopia to South, East and West, and hence was responsible for the formation of the modern Ethiopian state. ii sudden, Afaan Oromoo replaced Amharic in schools and in towns, such as for school instruction, administration. 3 I also remember, an occasion in which materials written in Amharic were collected and burnt publicly, convicted as language of ‘the oppressors’. As school children, we were wondering about such developments without realizing what they really were. It was only gradually that I came to realize that the changes were the consequences of the introduction of ethnic decentralization to the country. Ever since, consciously or not, the theme of this work, which is about the effects of ethnic decentralization on state-society and inter-society relations in the country, has been in gestation in my mind. The other encounter that inspired me to study about the political development in the post – decentralization Ethiopia relates to one of my journeys to a small town called Waliso in 2006, about 125 km to the South- West of Finfinnee (Addis Ababa). The aim was to visit my girl friend (now my wife) who by then was a student at Waliso Technical School. During my stay in the town for two weeks, I witnessed a sort of skirmish between the hosting Oromo community and the Guaraghe-Silte4 settlers engaged in urban business activities. The Oromo community of the town complained that the Guraghe and Silte were engaged in resource plundering without meaningful return to the town’s development, such as in the form of investment. The reaction from the other side (the Guraghe and Silte business elites) was that they had no guarantee to their property to invest in the ‘alien land’. In such an urban skirmish, what caught my attention was the diffusion of the quandary down to the household level, particularly to the family who rented a living room to my girl friend. The husband and the wife belonged to different ethnic groups - Oromo and Guraghe, respectively. Every evening, their natter and sometimes quarrel was related to the mentioned inter-ethnic skirmishes, siding with the causes (claims) of their respective ethnic groups. Indeed, it was from this moment onwards that the theme of this study began taking shape in my mind. Now has come the time to do the job. 3 Until this episode, the town had been known for its cultural difference from the surrounding villages, as Amharic language was widely spoken and Orthodox Christian faith professed in the town differently from the practice in the surrounding rural areas where Afaan Oromoo (Oromo language) was spoken and Waaqefannaa (Oromo religion) professed. In school, Amharic was also serving as medium of instruction. 4 Guraghe and Silte are among the ethnic groups in Ethiopia. In the current ethnic federal arrangement of the country, they form part of the SNNPR at zonal level of self-administration. These people have been known for their engagement in urban business beyond their ethnic border. iii Acknowledgements In the course of writing this dissertation, I have been the recipient of the help of many institutions and individuals. I am thankful to all of them including those whose names I cannot mention here. Primarily, my gratitude goes to the Swiss National Centre of Competence in Research (NCCR North–South) for funding this project. I am also indebted to Basel University for providing me with various academic facilities. Swiss Peace Foundation in Bern, Centre of African Studies and World Peace Academy (both in Basel) are also among the institutions I am indebted to for their various academic assistances. Wollega University, my home institution, also deserves my utmost thanks for releasing me for this study. I am also thankful to urban bureaus of Oromia and SNNP regional states, as well as city administrations of Adama and Hawassa cities for their administrative facilities in the processes of data gathering. The help of individuals was also invaluable in the completion of this project. In particular, my thanks go to Professor Doctor Laurent Goetschel of Basel University, my main promoter, for his guidance. I really enjoyed an autonomous line of thinking under his guidance. Co- supervisors, Dr. Didier P´eclard from Swisspeace and Dr. Asnake Kefale from Addis Ababa University deserve my utmost thanks for their constructive comment and criticism on the major themes underlying this thesis. Didier’s role was more for me, and I say to him thank you again. Still are individuals who deserve my special thanks for their contributions to this work in various ways. Berhanu Debele, coordinator of NCCR South-North of the Horn of Africa, deserves my gratitude for his keen administrative helps all along. Colleagues from my home university, the late Dr. Manoj Kumar, Mr.Ibsa Wakwaya, Mr.Mulugeta Lamessa and Mr.Fanta Ragassa had contribution in this work in many ways. Alemayehu Fayera and Monenus Hundara from Ambo University helped me in gathering relevant books and articles for which they deserve my gratitude. I would like to give thanks to Befikadu Dhaba for his comments on some chapters of this thesis. Desalegn Hedeta helped me in editing the thesis, for which I owe my utmost gratitude. I am also deeply indebted to individuals from Swisspeace foundation: Rina Aluri, Liliana Rosier, Sandra Pflunger and Tahir for their assistance in various administrative and technical issues. My thanks and respect goes to all informants who unreservedly shared their iv view with me as well as to individuals who assisted me in data gathering. Some of them paid dearly with me in the processes of data collection. In their interest, I kept them all anonymous. Finally, I would like to extend my thanks and deep gratitude to my family, especially to my wife Alamitu Kitessa for her special love and care for our kids: Kaayyoo, Ibsinuuf and Ilillii. I could complete this dissertation because she did everything else. Her family, Badhane Ol’ana and Kitessa Ganfure along with their whole family, took the responsibility to care of my three kids. I thank them all for their contributions. My mother and father, Kumbe Wakgari Tolera and Ferdissa Bekele Bay’e, deserve my heartfelt thanks for their love and tireless assistance throughout my academic life.
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