INSERE 02/12/15 DOSSIER ENLEVE 02/01/16

Tougher sulphur rules call for closer heed to practices

Far stricter regulations governing fuel sulphur content introduced on 1 st January 2015 for vessels trading into or within designated Emission Control Areas (ECAs) pose substantial technical and operational challenges, as well as higher costs, for the shipping industry. The ECAs currently subject to the cut in the sulphur constituent of fuel from 1.0% to 0.1 % encompass the Baltic Sea, the North Sea, the English Channel and the zone within 200 nautical miles of the US, the coastal waters around Puerto Rico and the US Virgin Islands, and Canada. Compliance strategy can entail the use of alternative fuels with less than 0.1 % sulphur, such as LNG or methanol, or can be achieved by fitting an approved exhaust gas cleaning system (‘scrubber’) For ships trading in and out of ECAs, however, the new threshold limit will predominantly be met by bunkering both high and low sulphur fuels, and switching between the two. Marine gas oil (MGO) and marine diesel oil (MD O) at or below 0.1 % sulphur are the most widely available options. Therein lies the nub of the problem. The machinery in many vessels, notably the two- stroke propulsion engines in larger and deepsea ships, plus the associated lubricants, have been optimised for running on heavy fuel oil (HFO) rather than fuel with a very low sulphur content. Difficulties can arise during the fuel switchover process and through sustained operation on distillates or ultra-low sulphur fuel oils. These primarily stem from the effects of the low sulphur and low viscosity characteristics of the distillate on machinery systems designed in essence for HFO. If not addressed from the outset, and handled with care, the risk is one of accelerated engine and component wear and, in a worst-case scenario, loss of power or plant failure. Experience gained under the California Air Resources Board (CARB) sulphur limit regulations in the US, whereby a number of operational difficulties, including power loss, have been reported when vessels have been switching from HFO to distillate, have underscored the need for closer attention to procedures and crew training. In the context of two-stroke machinery especially, it has also become increasingly apparent that the industry must accept that fuel switching should be simultaneously accompanied by changeovers in cylinder oils, to obviate the risks of problems developing. The MARPOL Annex VI legislation that has foisted the stricter air emission limits on shipping in northern Europe and North America will only increase in reach as time goes on. Apart from the anticipated creation of new ECAs in other key trading regions, the sulphur rules will gain added global weight in the not too distant future. Outside ECAs, the current global cap of 3.5% stands to be reduced to 0.5%. This is to be implemented in 2020, or in 2025 at the latest, depending on a 2018 review of compliant fuel availability. All-in-all, there is every need for ship owners and operators to review and refine operational procedures and technical preparedness regarding fuel switching. Advice on preparing for low sulphur fuel usage is now widely available from classification societies, P&I Clubs, and other sectors of the marine community. Guidelines in a new paper from MAN Diesel & Turbo hold particular practical value given the company’s foremost ranking in the two-stroke, low-speed propulsion engine market. Key recommendations by MAN are that fuel viscosity should not be less than 2degC at the engine inlet and that an immediate changeover be made to low-BN(base number) cylinder oil when switching to fuel containing less than 0.1 % sulphur in two-stroke engines. The use of high-BN cylinder oil is not advised when running on 0.1 % or less sulphur. The high alkaline lubricants, or high-BN oils, are extremely effective in engines running on HFO in neutralising sulphuric acid formation and preventing corrosion of piston rings and cylinder liner surfaces. However, when operating with fuels of less than 0.1 % sulphur, such as distillates, the cylinder lube oil additives tend to build up as deposits, which may disturb the lube oil film and lead to subsequent problems. By contrast, the use of low-BN cylinder lube oils with a low amount of deposit-forming additives and good detergency properties, coupled with operation at the lowest recommended feed rate, can avoid deposit build-up and its associated complications. For two-stroke engines continuously ingesting fuels of 0.1 % or less sulphur, MAN suggests the adoption of piston rings with a cermet coating, to reduce the risk of seizures and scuffing. Fuel supply and circulation systems are generally optimised for HFO, which means a high temperature is maintained so as to reduce the viscosity to the required level before the engine inlet. When running on low viscosity fuels, the temperature of the fuel system must be kept as low as possible to ensure a suitable viscosity at engine inlet. Installation of coolers, and possibly also chillers, may be necessary so as to build in a margin for safe and reliable operation. Overall, close control of the temperature gradient is vital during fuel changeovers. The risk of encountering incompatibility issues can be reduced by checking the compatibility between fuels when bunkering. Although this can be done via independent laboratory analysis, manual checking by means of a kit carried aboard is a more practical proposition. RECOMMENDATIONS by MAN Diesel & Turbo for operating on ultra-low sulphur fuels*  Know what is bunkered;  Inform the crew regarding specific challenges;  Have adequate training and procedures;  Use appropriate cylinder oils, and evaluate the feed rate;  Use low-BN (base number) oil for low-sulphur fuel;  Use high-BN oil for high-sulphur fuel;  Fuel pumps should be in adequate condition(if not, starting problems could occur);  Ensure the adequacy of the fuel system, including checks on the necessary cooling equipment;  Use dedicated tanks for the different fuels, and do not mix different fuels, to avoid compatibility issues;  Clean the fuel and remove cat-fines;  Use the correct temperature on the centrifuges in order to maximise removal of cat-fines;  Be cautious when switching fuel, follow the procedures and monitor temperature and viscosity. *‘Guidelines for Operation on Fuels with less than 0.1% Sulphur’, paper by MAN Diesel & Turbo.

Issue 54 March/April 2015 Ship Management International

INSERE 04/12/15 DOSSIER ENLEVE 04/01/16

Bulk Trade-Off: Blood for Money in Indonesia

By Mario Vittone

Nickel ore from Indonesia is loaded in remote ports like Obi Island (in yellow), far from the prying eyes of regulators. The trade is profitable, but is coming at an enormous human cost.

On February 17th of this year, the Harita Bauxite sank off Cape Balinao in the South China Sea. Of the twenty-four men aboard, only nine survived. The sea can be a dangerous place, of course, and things happen out there, but the Harita Bauxite’s sinking is troubling beyond the tragic loss of fifteen men. That’s because the loss wasn’t a huge surprise. Indeed, many in the maritime industry all but knew it would happen. You see, the 192-meter bulk carrier was bound for China from Indonesia with 47,450 metric tons of nickel ore in her holds. That particular maritime activity – shipping nickel ore from Indonesia to China – has quickly become one of the most dangerous jobs in the world and the deadliest activity in modern shipping.  On October 27th, 2010, the M/V Jian Fu Star sank while carrying nickel ore from Indonesia to China. (13 fatalities)  Fourteen days later, on November 10th, the M/V Nasco Diamond sank while carrying nickel ore from Indonesia to China. (21 fatalities)  Twenty-three days after that, on December 3rd, the M/V Hong Wei sank while carrying nickel ore from Indonesia to China. (10 fatalities)  The next year, things went well until Christmas Day, when the M/V Vinalines Queen went missing. All twenty-three of her crew were thought to have been lost until six days later when the M/V London Courage happened upon Dau Ngoc Hung, a 31- year-old survivor, in a life raft. The Vinalines Queen had sunk while carrying nickel ore from Indonesia to China. (22 fatalities) In just under fourteen months, sixty-six mariners died in the Indonesia to China nickel ore trade. By January of 2012, that trade made up only .06% of bulk cargo shipments worldwide, but accounted for 80% of the fatalities in bulk shipping. Put another way, if all bulk trade in the world was as hazardous as the nickel ore trade from Indonesia in those 14 months, there would have been over 100,000 fatalities during the same period. When the Harita Bauxite sank, those numbers worsened. There clearly was a problem and it wasn’t that nickel ore couldn’t be safely shipped, but that it wasn’t being safely shipped.

What is happening In all four sinkings, from October 2010 to December of 2011, it was determined that the vessels had capsized due to liquefaction of their nickel ore cargo. Simply put, the cargo was too wet. When agitated by the motion of the ship, the otherwise sandy ore turned to a flowing mud that sloshed around in the beam-wide holds, causing the giant ships to list and then roll over. Nickel ore, and other dry-bulk products prone to liquefaction, are moved safely around the world all the time. Shippers simply have to make sure the product is dry enough to ship. “Dry enough” is known as the TML – Transportable Moisture Limit. Making sure nickel ore is dry enough to ship is a simple matter of testing the moisture content prior to loading, and refusing the cargo if it is too wet. This hasn’t been happening consistently in Indonesia. That reality caused maritime insurers and the IMO to take note and issue warnings about the hazard. After the Vinalines Queen tragedy, Intercargo – The International Association of Dry Cargo Shipowners – released its Guide for the Safe Loading of Nickel Ore – which warns shippers of the hazard, providing a sort of go/no go chart for the loading of nickel ore that aligned with the IMO’s latest guidance. The IMO is working on updating the rules again for dry-bulk cargo that may liquefy, but they likely won’t be out until 2015. Even so, rules alone won’t solve the problem. Rules were being broken in late 2010 and new rules were broken and guidelines were ignored in February when the Harita Bauxite loaded her cargo. While regulations may provide more clarity and guidance for lawful bulk carriers, the only paper that can fix the problem in Indonesia is money.

Why it is happening Nickel pig iron production in China took off in 2006 and so did the demand for nickel ore. The market for nickel ore from Indonesia and the Philippines went from almost zero in 2005 to nearly $5 billion in 2011 according to a report by the International Nickel Study Group. Given the sad state of the bulk cargo market and the sudden realization that their dirt was worth money, the region was thrilled with the new demand. Mining operations sprung up and shippers went to work filling the orders. Some of those mines were legal, and others were, well – less than legal. Either way, business was good and money began flowing into places in the world where there wasn’t much before. Again, this didn’t automatically make the shipping of nickel ore dangerous, but it may have motivated shippers to bend (or break) rules to ensure that the ore kept moving, and orders got filled. For rules to be enforced (like those for moisture limits), someone has to be enforcing them. In Indonesia, an archipelago of over 17,500 islands, the law doesn’t come around too often to ports where much of the ore is loaded. Given the money involved and the remoteness of the loading, it isn’t hard to imagine that looking the other way and hoping had replaced testing and regulation where the ore was concerned. These cargoes are stored primarily outdoors and just because the IMO code states that loading is prohibited in the rain (or soon after), that doesn’t actually stop anyone from doing it. There are rumors of false test results, forged documents, and just plain old financial pressure to get vessel captains to accept wet cargo. Well-meaning crews under pressure to make delivery may end up relying on less-than-scientific “drop testing” alone to determine how wet suspect cargo may be, a possibly deadly mistake. While they could insist on an independent lab test (as suggested by Intercargo), in all of Indonesia there is only one lab that sufficiently tests for nickel ore moisture levels. One. In a country of 17,500+ islands covering 1.4 million square miles of ocean, one may not be enough. An unnamed senior maritime insurance analyst told Singapore’s SeaTrade Asia Week last year that, “We have also heard of surveyors being assaulted or arrested by the police and there seems to be little support from the authorities.” That makes sense. If the rules were properly applied, the shipping of nickel ore from many operations in Indonesia would simply shut down for months due to moisture levels during the rainy season.

How it might end Keenly aware of its new export value (perhaps because of the attention to the maritime tragedies it caused), the Indonesian government promulgated Regulation Number 7 of 2012 on the 6th of February. The rule made it illegal to ship unrefined ore from Indonesia, instead requiring it to be refined and purified first. This had less to do with the danger of shipping the ore and more to do with raising the value of the export, all part of Indonesia’s plans for growth. But the rule was deferred until 2014 and the export of the precious dirt continues. Some worry that the delay of the rule will make things much worse – in fact, the Harita Bauxite may have been the first casualty of that delay. Now working to beat the new deadline for the unrefined ore trade, shippers and miners alike are moving all they can before the party is shut down, and another rainy season is fast approaching. The new rules won’t begin until after the rain stops, so if we lose yet another bulk ship and more lives this coming year, none of us are allowed to act surprised.

INSERE 06/12/15 HISTORIEK HISTORIQUE ENLEVE 06/01/16

MOTS DE LA MER

L’origine des noms des bancs de sables, chenaux et autres « termes marins »

Magda Devos, Roland Desnerck, Nancy Fockedey, Jan Haspeslagh, Willem Lanszweert, Jan Parmentier, Johan Termote, Tomas Termote, Dries Tys, Carlos Van Cauwenberghe, Arnout Zwaenepoel, Jan Seys

Vous êtes-vous déjà demandé pourquoi le banc de sable « Trapegeer » se nomme ainsi, ou d’où le « cabillaud » tire son nom? Ou êtes-vous plutôt curieux de savoir qui se cache derrière le « Thorntonbank », ou dans quelles circonstances est apparu le terme maritime « nid-de-pie »? Pas de problème, dans chaque numéro de De Grote Rede, une équipe d’experts cherche la signification des mots de la mer les plus intrigants.

VLAANDEREN (FLANDRE) Sources latines: 1er quart du 8ème siècle Flandrensis, Flanderenses, in Flandris, 745 in pago Flandrinse, 854 (copie vers 1175) in Flandrense pago, in pago Flandrensi, 1014 (copie vers 1050) Flandria, Sources anglo-saxonnes: 1075 (copie 1121) to Flandran, 1079 (copie vers 1100) on Flandron, 1085 (copie 1121) of Flandran Sources néerlandaises: 1237 Vlandern, 1277 Vlaendre, 1295 Vlaendren, 1281 Vlaemdren. Aujourd’hui, Vlaanderen est le nom officiel de la partie néerlandophone au nord de la Belgique. Dans la structure belge fédérale, la Flandre constitue l’une des trois « régions », aux côtés de la Wallonie et de la Région de Bruxelles-Capitale. Le nom est emprunté au Comté de Flandre historique, qui s’étendait sur les provinces belges actuelles de Flandre occidentale et orientale, la Flandre zélandaise des Pays-Bas (province de Zélande) et la Flandre française, située dans le département du Nord français (carte p.105).

VLAANDEREN, REGION SUBMERGEE L’explication usuelle du nom Vlaanderen est toujours celle donnée par le linguiste gantois spécialiste de la toponymie Maurits Gysseling, dans un article qu’il a publié avec l’historien Jan Dhondt en 1948. D’après Gysseling, la racine du mot Vlaanderen vient du substantif germanique *flauma, qui signifiait « inondation » et dès lors « région inondée ». Ce terme ne semble avoir aucun descendant direct en néerlandais, mais c’est le cas dans d’autres langues germaniques. Ainsi, les dialectes anglais actuels, ont encore flam pour terrain marécageux au bord d’un cours d’eau, ainsi que fleam pour fossé de drainage ou ruisseau de moulin. Le vieux norrois avait flaumr signifiant « courant, allure », dont découlent entre autres flaum en norvégien et flom en danois pour « inondation, débordement ». En néerlandais, la diphtongue germanique au devient généralement un oo long et fermé, comme rood (rouge) venant du germanique *rauda. Mais dans les variétés linguistiques ingvaeoniques, qui, outre le frison et l’anglais, regroupent également la strate la plus ancienne du flamand et du hollandais, ce son est parfois devenu aa. C’est le cas par exemple du mot Adinkerke, dont nous parlerons plus loin dans cet article. D’autres exemples de aa ingvaeoniques découlant de au ou oo sont sade en moyen-néerlandais pour zode (du germanique *sautha) et des formes toponymiques comme Aardenburg en flamand zélandais (par métathèse de Radenburg, remontant de l’ancien Rodenburg, où la première partie est probablement un hydronyme celtique *Rodana), la variante historique Radenburg du quartier de Leyde Roomburg (du germanique rauda « rouge » et burg « château-fort »), Asdonk pour un hameau de la commune de Mendonk dans le nord-est de la Flandre, Asthusa pour Oosthuizen en Hollande septentrionale et Astbroek pour Oostbroek onder Velzen dans la même province. Dans ces trois derniers noms, ast- provient du germanique austa qui signifie « est ». Les deux dernières syllabes du mot Vlaanderen sont les restes de deux suffixes. Gysseling reconstitue la forme passée comme *flaam-dra-um. La dernière partie est une désinence casuelle, à savoir du datif pluriel, dans lequel bon nombre de toponymes ont reçu leur forme consacrée, même sans que le radical n’évoque l’idée de pluriel. L’élément –dra est un ancien suffixe qui dans le germanique serait emprunté à une langue préhistorique. Ce suffixe était initialement utilisé pour former des substantifs à partir de radicaux de verbes. Dans *flaum-dra cependant, le radical flauma est déjà un substantif, qui avait été dérivé d’un stade pré-germanique antérieur à l’aide d’un autre suffixe, à savoir le *-mo indo-européen (>germanique *-ma) d’un radical de verbe signifiant « couler, ruisseler ». Il est bien possible que ce même verbe constitue la base indo-européenne du verbe néerlandais vloeien (couler). À strictement parler, l’élément –dra est donc superflu, puisqu’il n’ajoute rien à la signification étymologique de flauma, à savoir « inondation, région inondée ». Cette combinaison de deux suffixes ayant la même fonction morphologique et la même signification n’est toutefois pas un cas isolé dans le vocabulaire néerlandais. Ainsi, nous rencontrons ce procédé dans la formation du diminutif, où le suffixe diminutif germanique –l est souvent relié au plus jeune –kijn (devenu plus tard – ken). Il existe des exemples de diminutifs ayant survécu dans le moyen néerlandais et encore dans les dialectes tels que bosselke « bosje » (petit bois), wegelke « weggetje » (petit chemin) et visselke « visje » (petit poisson). L’évolution de la forme reconstituée *flaam-dra-um en vlaanderen est plausible d’après les lois phonétiques. Les suffixes non accentués se sont éteints, donnant naissance à une forme intermédiaire vlaam-dr-em. La désinence dative germanique en -m avait déjà été remplacée par –en dans le stade germanique occidental ayant précédé le vieux néerlandais, par assimilation avec l’accusatif. On suppose que l’assimilation du m de vlaam en –n en raison du –d qui le suit date également de l’époque germanique occidentale. L’ancienne forme en –m a néanmoins été rencontrée encore quatre fois dans des textes datant du 13ème siècle, par ex. graue van vlaemdren, Bruges 1281. Ce –m a également été conservé dans le nom des habitants Vlaming (Flamand), où il a pu se maintenir devant la voyelle. Enfin, dans le vieux néerlandais, le f- germanique au début du mot a été sonorisé pour devenir v-, comparez par ex. le terme néerlandais vlam (flamme) par rapport au frison flam, à l’anglais flame, à l’allemand et au danois flamme.

UNE ORIGINE QUI REMONTE AU PAGUS FLANDRENSIS En ce qui concerne la signification, l’explication « région inondée » correspond tout à fait à la géographie historique de la Flandre. Si l’on observe les plus anciennes sources dans lesquelles le terme Vlaanderen apparaît, évidemment dans une forme latinisée (8ème – 10ème siècles), on peut constater que le toponyme existait déjà avant la fondation du Comté de Flandre par Baudouin II (en 884 ou peu de temps après). La zone initialement désignée par le terme Vlaanderen était beaucoup plus petite que le comté ultérieur. Elle constituait une unité territoriale limitée, un gau ou pagus, dans le royaume carolingien. D’après Jan Dhondt, le Pagus Flandrensis couvrait une large bande longeant la côte de la Mer du Nord, qui comprenait la plaine alluviale ainsi que la bordure nord de la région sablonneuse adjacente. Le territoire se serait étendu depuis le Zwin, à l’est, au moins jusqu’au fleuve Aa (aujourd’hui situé en France) à l’ouest. Une étude historique plus récente a toutefois conduit à une délimitation plus restreinte de la Flandre initiale, où l’Yser constituait la frontière occidentale (Declercq 1995). Quoi qu’il en soit, le gau était constitué majoritairement d’un paysage de schorres non digués, entrecoupés de chenaux de marée et de ruisseaux. Il n’est donc pas étonnant qu’on appelait cette région riche en eau « le pays inondé » (carte p. 107).

ADINKERKE (SECTION DE LA PANNE) 1123 Adenkerka, 1132 Odecherca, 1139 Adenkerke, 1159 Odenkercha, Odenkerka, 1513 Adinkerke, 1537 Aeyenkercke. Ce nom se compose de –kerk (église) et de l’anthroponyme germanique Audo, ici décliné au génitif, et signifie « église d’Audo ». La diphtongue germanique au a évolué pour devenir en néerlandais un oo long fermé (par ex. brood (pain) issu du germanique brauda). Selon cette loi phonétique, Audo aurait du devenir Odo, comme dans les toponymes du sud-ouest de la Flandre Otegem (section de Zwevegem) et Ooigem (section de Wielsbeke), qui trouvent toutes deux leur origine dans une forme Odengem issue de *Audo-ingaheem. Toutefois, dans les dialectes de la côte, au pouvait parfois devenir aa, d’où l’existence parallèle des formes Adenkerke et Odenkerke (concernant cette évolution phonétique, voir aussi l’explication du nom « Vlaanderen » ci-dessus). Ces deux variantes semblent avoir coexisté très longtemps, avant qu’Adinkerke ne devienne finalement la forme écrite, pour être aujourd’hui également le nom courant dans la langue parlée. Suite à un remplacement du d intervocalique par la consonne fricative j (comme dans odevaar > ooievaar (cigogne)), la prononciation locale (aujourd’hui désuète) est devenue Ooienkerke : 1566 Oyenkercke, 1650 Oye Kercke, 18ème siècle Oienkerke.

BOEZINGE (SECTION D’YPRES) 1107 Bosinga, 1120 Boesinga, 1138 Boesinghe, 1276 Bousinghes (forme romane), 1744 Boesinge. Dérivé de l’anthroponyme germanique Boso avec le suffixe -inga, qui transforme les noms de personne en noms de clan. Ceux-ci à leur tour finissaient souvent par désigner le lieu où s’était établi le clan concerné. Boezinge est donc à l’origine le lieu d’établissement des membres du clan de Boso.

DE PANNE (LA PANNE) ± 1785 de la Kerkpanne nommee Josephe Dorp, 1786 de plaets Kerkepan, 1800, 1820 Joseph Dorp, 1818 Kerkepanne, 1826 Kerkepanne (La Panne), 1840 hameau la Panne, 1900 Sint-Jozef’s Dorp, 1900 de Kerkepanne, 1901 de Panne. Le nom originel de cet établissement humain relativement récent est Kerkpanne. Le radical qu’il contient est panne, la forme occidentale de pan, qui signifie littéralement « récipient de cuisson », et au figuré « profondeur, vallée en forme de cuvette dans les dunes ». Il s’agit de l’un des nombreux noms d’instruments de vaisselle, comme kom (bol), pot (marmite), kuip (cuve), ketel (chaudron) et vat (fût), que l’on retrouve dans la dénomination du terrain pour désigner des vallées. L’élément kerk (église) ne renvoie pas à une église locale, puisqu’il faut attendre 1860 pour voir la construction d’une chapelle, qui allait devenir l’actuelle église Saint-Pierre. Peut-être le hameau appartenait-il à une église, par exemple celle d’Adinkerke ? L’empereur habsbourgeois Joseph II voulait agrandir l’établissement humain pour en faire un véritable village de pêcheurs, qu’il baptisa d’après son nom : Jozefdorp (village de Joseph). Ce nom ne parvint toutefois pas à s’implanter. Le nom actuel De Panne est la traduction littérale de La Panne, le nom français pour ce qu’on appelait habituellement dans la langue populaire Kerk(e)panne. En 1789, Kerkpanne était un hameau d’Adinkerke ; en 1911, il devint la commune à part entière De Panne. Depuis 1977, Adinkerke est devenue une section de La Panne.

DIKSMUIDE (DIXMUDE) 1089 Dicasmutha, 1119 Dischemue, Dixmue, 1128 Dixmude, 1608 Dixmuyde, 1906 Diksmuide. Les formes en -mue sont romanes. L’orthographe française actuelle « Dixmude » correspond en fait à celle du moyen néerlandais. Diksmuide se compose de muide, qui provient du germanique muntha signifiant « bouche », et aujourd’hui aussi « embouchure d’un cours d’eau ». Dans les dialectes néerlandais de la côte et en anglais, le -n a disparu devant la dentale fricative -th, ce qui a eu pour effet d’allonger la voyelle précédente, d’où le muude en moyen néerlandais et en flamand occidental (>muide néerlandais) et l’anglais mouth. La première partie est la forme génitive du germanique *dika, d’où est issu le terme néerlandais dijk (digue). Dans le nom Diksmuide, dik- a la signification initiale de « fossé, petit cours d’eau », que l’on retrouve toujours dans les dialectes flamands occidentaux. Outre le mot « dam » (barrage), cette signification est également présente dans l’ancien anglais dic, qui est étymologiquement identique à dik, dijk et est très apparenté au verbe to dig « creuser ». L’établissement humain Diksmuide est apparu près de l’embouchure d’un petit cours d’eau de l’Yser. Celui-ci était peut-être le précurseur de l’actuel canal de Handzame, qui a été creusé dans le lit d’une petite rivière naturelle.

HANDZAME (SECTION DE KORTEMARK) 1085 Hansam, 1155 Hanzam, 1268 Hansame, 1289 Handsame, 1826 Handzame. Handzame vient de Hands-hamme, composé de l’anthroponyme germanique Hanno, avec désinence du génitif, et de ham, un mot d’origine germanique qu’on retrouve fréquemment dans la toponymie pour désigner « méandre, virage dans un cours d’eau » ou « terres alluviales dans un tel virage ». Le -d dans hand a été ajouté ultérieurement, peut-être par analogie avec le mot hand (main) ; le -e final de hamme est une désinence du datif. Handzame était à l’origine le pays d’un certain Hanno, situé dans le virage d’un cours d’eau local. Ham a été emprunté en français sous la forme han dans Bohan, Frahan, Poupehan, Mortehan, et ce n’est pas un hasard si tous ces noms désignent des lieux autour desquels serpente la Semois.

HOUTHULST 1096 in Walnensi nemore, 1151 copie ± 1225 Woltehust, 1187 Wouthulst, 1201 Outhulst,1306 Houthulst. Le lieu s’appelait initialement Woudhu(l)st, usuellement analysé comme une juxtaposition de woud « bois » et de hulst (houx). La signification aurait donc été « bois de houx ». Avec cette interprétation, nous nous attendons toutefois à ce que les éléments constituant le nom soient dans l’ordre inverse, à savoir Hulstwoud, avec le qualificatif devant le substantif comme c’est toujours le cas en néerlandais et notamment dans le nom de la commune anversoise Hulshout. Il n’est donc pas tout à fait à exclure qu’un autre mot se cache derrière la première partie. On ignore toutefois de quel mot il aurait pu s’agir. Si nous partons du plus ancien usage attesté dans la langue populaire, Woltehulst, nous pouvons considérer hurst comme une variante de horst (élévation sablonneuse), avec la disparition du –r dans le flamand occidental. Vu que dans le flamand occidental, le -w au début de Woud- a disparu devant la voyelle vélaire, comme c’est encore le cas aujourd’hui en flamand occidental dans des mots tels que oensdag pour « woensdag » (mercredi) et oekeren pour « woekeren » (exploiter), cela a donné naissance à la forme Oudhulst. La première partie a été comprise comme le mot hout, qui en vieux flamand signifie bois (à hautes tiges), et qui dans les dialectes dépourvus de h- de la Flandre occidentale sonne de la même manière que oud dans Oudhulst. La forme réinterprétée dans l’étymologie populaire Houthulst a fini par se retrouver dans la langue écrite et est devenue ultérieurement le nom officiel. En 1926, Houthulst a été dissociée de Klerken pour devenir une commune indépendante. Aujourd’hui, le nom désigne la commune fusionnée qui comprend également Merkem et Jonkershove.

IEPER (YPRES) 1071-93 Ipera, 1096 Ipre, 1162 Ypre, 1798 Yperen, 1903 Ieperen. Le nom de cette ville a été emprunté à la rivière Ieper, qui a été ultérieurement canalisée et baptisée Ieperleet. Ieper est un hydronyme préhistorique issu de la langue indo- européenne qui a précédé le germanique et le néerlandais dans nos régions. On suppose que cette langue était le celtique. Ieper provient d’ip-ara, qui réunit une racine indo- européenne *ip, du plus ancien *ejap, qui signifie « couleur de feu » ou « rouge », et le suffixe -ara, avec lequel bon nombre de noms de rivières sont formés (entre autres Dender (Dendre), Demer (Démer) et Vesder (Vesdre)), et qui signifiait peut-être simplement « eau ». L’Ieper est donc « l’eau couleur de feu ». La forme Ieperen autrefois fréquemment utilisée est un ancien calque de la forme française Ypres. L’orthographe actuelle Ieper est étymologiquement incorrecte, puisque le i se dit comme une voyelle courte dans la prononciation locale et phonétique, et n’est pas prononcé comme une voyelle longue, contrairement à ce que le e semble indiquer. L’orthographe correcte devrait être Iper, comme dans Izenberge et Izegem, ou avec la diphtongue néerlandaise IJper, comme dans IJzer (Yser), Slijpe et Wijtschate.

IJZER (YSER) 846 Ysera. IJzer est aussi un hydronyme préhistorique, formé avec le même suffixe qu’Ieper. La première partie est le mot indo-européen (celtique) *is, qui signifierait « mouvementé ». Ce cours d’eau était donc appelé « la rivière mouvementée ». Le nom IJzer a la même étymologie qu‘Isère (France), Isar (Allemagne) et Jizera (Tchéquie).

KEMMEL (SECTION DE HEUVELLAND) 1066 Kemble, 1089 Kemlis, 1189 Kemle, 1243 Kemmel, 1269 ad opus rivi qui vocatur Kemle. Plusieurs explications sont avancées quant à l’origine du mot Kemmel. Gysseling a initialement rattaché le nom à Camulion, un nom préhistorique d’établissement humain dérivé du nom du dieu celtique Camulios, supposant que ce dieu était autrefois vénéré sur le mont Kemmel. Plus tard, il y a vu un hydronyme préhistorique issu d’une racine indo- européenne *-akom, qui signifiait soit « doux », soit « excellent ». Debrabandere pense également qu’il s’agit à l’origine d’un hydronyme pré-germanique, la Kemmel ou Kemmelbeek, mais ne se prononce pas sur sa signification qu’il qualifie d’obscure. En 1977, Kemmel et sept autres villages ont été fusionnés pour former la commune de Heuvelland.

KOKSIJDE (COXYDE) 1270 Coxhyde, 1295 Koxide, 1915 Koksijde. Koksijde est l‘un des nombreux toponymes en (h)ide à la côte. La deuxième partie est dérivée du mot de moyen néerlandais hiden, qui correspond étymologiquement à hide en anglais (cacher) et hoeden en néerlandais (surveiller, protéger). La signification originale « cacher » s’est développée pour devenir « mettre en sécurité », en particulier « amener des (petits) bateaux sur la terre ferme ». Dans des livres de comptes de la ville d’Ostende datant de 1403-04, on peut lire « als men de bakine stac omme de harijnc scepe te hydene » (lorsque les phares étaient allumés pour permettre aux bateaux de pêche au hareng d’atteindre la terre ferme en sécurité). Le nom dérivé hide, avec disparition phonétique du -h en début de mot dans la version dialectale ide, désigne un lieu sur le quai où les petits bateaux de pêche étaient tirés pour les protéger contre les tempêtes, plus précisément un ruisseau ou un chenal derrière les dunes, peut-être aussi parfois un endroit plat entre les dunes. On peut le comparer à hude signifiant en bas-allemand « entrepôt au bord d’une rivière » (par exemple dans Buxtehude, Steinhude). Pour la première partie de Koksijde, on pense à un anthroponyme, faisant référence à un habitant important du hameau qui se formait autour du quai. Ce même nom serait présent dans d’autres toponymes de la côte, comme Coxland (Westkerke), Coxmoer (Varsenare) et Coxweg (St.-Kruis, Zélande). Il est plus probable toutefois que kok provienne de koog, un mot ingvæonique signifiant terres situées au-delà de la digue. Le toponyme peut dès lors être comparé au nom de ville allemande Cuxhaven (Basse-Saxe) : 1570 Kuckeshaven. Koksijde était peut-être située à l’origine sur le littoral, juste en dehors du domaine de l’abbaye Ter Duinen. Cet établissement humain disparut au cours du 14ème siècle et donna son nom à l’établissement humain plus ancien Simoenskapelle, qui à son tour disparut au 17ème- 18ème siècle sous la dune en mouvement de Galloper. La Coxyde actuelle est apparue à environ 600 mètres au sud.

LANGEMARK (SECTION DE LANGE MAR K- POELKAPELLE) 1102 Marc, 1219 Langhemarc, 1824 Langemark. À l’origine, ce lieu s’appelait simplement Mark, du nom du cours d’eau au bord duquel Langemark et Merkem (issu de Mark-heem « lieu d’habitation au bord du Mark ») sont situées et dont une partie s’appelle encore Martje. Mark, du germanique *markō-, signifie initialement « frontière », d’où également « délimitation de frontière » et en particulier « cours d’eau faisant office de frontière ». Bon nombre de cours d’eau frontaliers en Flandre ont un nom comprenant mark, qui a souvent été transmis aux établissements humains à proximité. Outre Merkem, on trouve par ex. Marke (près de Courtrai), Maarke (près d’Audenarde), Merksem et Merksplas (à Anvers). À une vingtaine de kilomètres au nord- est de Mark existait un autre village portant le même nom, l’actuel Kortemark. Afin de distinguer les deux villages, les préfixes Lange- et Korte- ont été ajoutés à leur nom au 12ème siècle. On ignore encore ce qui a donné lieu au choix de ces préfixes. Lang et kort ne font en tout cas pas allusion à la forme du territoire des deux villages, car aucun d’eux n’est particulièrement long ou court.

LOMBARDSIJDE (SECTION DE MIDDELKERKE) 1285 Lombardie, 1375 van Lombardyen, 1408 Lombaerside, 1409 van Lombaerds yden, 1818 Lombartzijde. Vu la forme la plus ancienne, Lombardie, qui survit encore aujourd’hui dans la langue populaire, il est peu probable qu’il s’agisse d’un nom en -hide comme par exemple pour Koksijde (Coxyde) et Raversijde, dont le -d dans le radical hide aurait disparu dans la forme dialectale. Dans cette supposition, la première partie resterait inexpliquée: Lombard peut difficilement être un anthroponyme, non seulement en raison de l’absence de -s marquant le génitif, mais aussi parce qu’aucun prénom ou patronyme ayant la forme Lombard n’a été trouvé dans notre lexique historique d’anthroponymes. Il faut probablement penser à la région de Lombardie en Italie, non pas au sens littéral, mais utilisée de manière figurée pour désigner un lieu qui était situé loin du centre ayant donné son nom. Les hameaux et domaines isolés sont souvent nommés d’après des contrées lointaines, d’où des toponymes tels que Turkijen, Pollanen (= Pologne), Egypten, Bohemen, Canada, Argentinie ou Siberie. Des sources datant du 13ème siècle nous ont appris que le polder Lombardsijde était une propriété de l’abbaye d’Oudenburg. À l’échelle médiévale, cette polre van Lombardien était donc assez éloignée de son propriétaire, d’où peut-être l’idée de la lointaine Lombardie. À Rotterdam et Roermond, on trouve aussi des quartiers portant le nom de Lombardije qui se trouvent à une distance considérable du centre-ville. La forme Lombaerside n’apparaît qu’en 1408 et a probablement été constituée par analogie à Koksijde et Raversijde, le ide s’expliquant très facilement à partir de ie (comparer le terme néerlandais kastijden (châtier) issu du moyen néerlandais castien).

MANNEKENSVERE (SECTION DE MIDDELKERKE) 1171 copie 13ème siècle Manekini overvara, 1235 Mannekinsvere, 1435 Mannekensvere. Ce lieu a été nommé d’après un veer ou bac de traversée de l’Yser, appartenant à quelqu’un nommé Mannekin, une forme diminutive de l’ancien anthroponyme germanique Manno ou d’une forme abrégée d’un nom en man en deux parties, comme Herman. Mannekin était probablement le fonctionnaire du comté qui manœuvrait le bac. En 1287, le bac fut remplacé par le pont Gravenbrug. Le pont actuel Uniebrug date de la période française. Mannekensvere était une commune indépendante jusqu’à ce qu’elle soit fusionnée en 1971 avec Schore, Slijpe et Sint- Pieterskapelle pour former la nouvelle commune de Spermalie, qui fut rattachée à Middelkerke en 1977.

NIEUWPOORT (NIEUPORT) 1163 Novus portus, Novum oppidum, 1190 Nieweport, 1302 van der Niewer port, 1723 Nieuwpoort Composé de nieuw (nouveau) et de port, poort en moyen néerlandais, venant du latin portus, signifiant « port ». Dans Nieuwpoort, le mot a déjà la signification évoluée du moyen néerlandais « ville ». Le nom a la même étymologie que Nieuwpoort qui était le premier nom de Gravelines dans le Nord de la France et Newport en Angleterre (en latin Novus Burgus). La ville a été qualifiée de « nouvelle » par opposition à l’ancienne Furnes. Nieuwpoort a été construite sur le territoire du Zandhoofd : 1083-93 Sandasovad, 1107 Sandeshoved. Ce nom, désignant un cordon de dunes en bordure de l’embouchure de l’Yser, apparaît encore régulièrement jusqu’en 1373, soit deux siècles après l’apparition du nouveau nom.

OOSTDUINKERKE (SECTION DE COXYDE) 1120 Duncapella, apud Dunckerkam, 1135 Duunkerka, 1149 Duncaple, 1231 Dunkerke, 1235 Ostduenkerke, 1827 Oostduinkerke. Jusque dans la 2ème moitié du 12ème siècle, ce lieu s’appelait Duinkerke, mais aussi Duinkapelle ou Duinkappel. Ces noms signifiaient « église (kerk) / chapelle (kapel) dans les dunes ». Au 13ème siècle, le mot oost- (est) est ajouté devant le nom de la ville afin de la distinguer de celle de Dunkerque située plus à l’ouest, en France, et également appelée Duinkerke en néerlandais. L’ancienne forme Duinkerke apparaît néanmoins régulièrement dans les sources d’archives jusqu’en 1450.

OOSTENDE (OSTENDE) ± 1115 in orientali fine in Testrep, 1256 Ostende, 1285 Oostende. Ce nom signifie littéralement « extrémité est ». Oostende et Westende étaient respectivement l’extrémité est et ouest de l’île Testreep. Au milieu de cette île se trouvait la paroisse de Middelkerke. Le nom Testreep (992 in Testerep, 1107 Testrep, 1173 Testreep) est composé des termes en germanique occidental *tehstera « droite » et *raipa, dont découle le mot néerlandais reep, qui a ici la signification de « bande de terre longue et étroite ». Testreep, désignée comme « bande de droite », était une île de schorres allongée, séparée de la terre ferme par un chenal de marée. Il faut savoir que les peuples germaniques s’orientaient suivant un axe nord-sud, et l’ouest se trouve à droite lorsqu’on regarde vers le sud. Testreep est donc une « bande de terre occidentale ». Plus tard, lorsque ce nom n’était plus compris, il a été réinterprété étymologiquement comme Ter Streep (près de la bande), ce qui est d’ailleurs le nom d’un hôtel à Ostende aujourd’hui. Comparez 1380 ten Streep, 1455 te Streep, 1483 ter Streep. L’île a ensuite été engloutie par la Mer du Nord, tout comme la ville originelle d’Oostende.

PASSENDALE (SECTION DE ZONNEBEKE) 844-864 copie 961 Pascandala, 1187 Paskendale, 1190 Paschendale. Composé de dal « vallée » et d’un anthroponyme faisant référence à l’un des premiers habitants. Peut-être s’agit-il du nom hébreu Pascha, ou d’un nom de la langue qui était parlée ici avant l’arrivée des peuples germaniques et donc à relier au mot indo-européen *pasik, qui signifiait « enfant ». Passendale était une commune indépendante jusqu’en 1977, lorsqu’elle fut intégrée à l’entité fusionnée de Zonnebeke.

PERVIJZE (SECTION DE DIXMUDE) 1063, 1115 Paradisus, 1172 Parvisia, 1225 Pervisa (TW), 1189 Parvise, 1190 Pervise, 1915 Pervijze. Le nom provient du vieux français parevis (parvis), issu du latin paradisus. Il renvoie à la signification initiale du mot, à savoir « clôture, espace fermé, parc ». Pervijze est donc nommé d’après la place de son église. La prononciation locale se terminant en –ie ou –zje trouve son explication dans la variante latinisée fréquente Parvisia.

POELKAPELLE (SECTION DE LANGEMARK- POELKAPELLE) 1377-78 ter capelle ten Poele in de prochie van Langhemaerc, 1648 Poele cappelle, 1681 Poelcapelle, 1915 Poelkapelle. Le nom évoque une chapelle appartenant à la seigneurie ten Poele à Langemark. Ten Poele signifie « au bord de la mare, du marais ». Poelkapelle est devenue une commune indépendante en 1904, mais est de nouveau rattachée à Langemark depuis la fusion de 1977 pour former la commune Lange mark-Poelkapelle.

POPERINGE 844-864 Pupurninga villa, 877 Pupurningahem, 1040 Poparingehem, 1190 Poperinghem, 1218 Poperinghe (TW), 1903 Poperinge (DF). Poperinge est à l’origine un nom en -ingaheem. Ce type de nom courant se compose de trois éléments. La première partie est un anthroponyme, plus précisément le chef du clan germanique qui a fondé l’établissement humain. Le suffixe collectif -ing permet de dériver de cet anthroponyme un nom de clan, avec déclinaison au génitif pluriel en -a. La dernière partie est heem, qui signifie « lieu d’habitation ». Selon certains, l’anthroponyme Poperinge serait le nom germanique Poppo, une forme affectueuse de Robrecht, qui survit dans le nom de famille Poppe. Cela semble toutefois difficile d'un point de vue phonétique, car on devrait alors avoir Poppingaheem, sans r et avec doublement du -p-. C'est pourquoi Gysseling suppose un anthroponyme dérivé de *pupurn de la racine *peup- « enfant ». Le radical –heem semble avoir disparu du nom dès le début du 13ème siècle, ce qui s'est peut-être produit par analogie avec d'autres noms en –inge des environs, comme Vlamertinge, Boezinge et Elverdinge.

RAMSKAPELLE (SECTION DE NIEUPORT) 1120 Ramescapella, 1227 Ramscappel,1915 Ramskapelle. Nommee d’apres une chapelle qui a été fondée par une personne portant le nom germanique de Hraban ou Hramno.Au nord-est de la Flandre occidentale setrouve un autre Ramskapelle, faisant partie de la commune de Knokke-Heist. Ces deux localites sont toutefois distinguees dans la prononciation populaire : Ramskapelle sur le front de l’Yser se dit Ramskapel, tandis que son homonyme se dit Ramskapelle.

RENINGE (SECTION DE LO-RENINGE) 877 copie 12eme Rinenga, 1085 copie 12eme Rininge, 1162 Reninghe, 1903 Reninge. Tout comme Boezinge, Reninge était a l’origine le nom d’un clan germanique,nomme d’apres son chef, un certain Rinno.Ce nom est une forme affectueuse d’un nom germanique en ragin, comme Reinbert,Reinhard, Reinboud.

STADEN 1115? Stathen, 1183 Staden, 1552 van Staen, 1641 Staden alias Staen, 1818 Staden Ce nom vient du germanique *statha, qui est devenu stade en moyen néerlandais, et désignait une rive ou un quai au bord d’un cours d’eau. Il est identique d’un point de vue étymologique au mot stade en vieux-haut allemand (rive, quai), dont découle en allemand actuel le mot Gestade. En flamand occidental, on dit Staan, avec disparition du –d entre les deux voyelles, comme on dit braan et laan pour braden (faire cuire) et laden (charger).

STUIVEKENSKERKE (SECTION DE DIXMUDE) 1218 Stuvinskerke, 1350 Stuveskerke, 1459 Stuvekens kerke, 1494 Stuvekinskerke, 1903 Stuivekenskerke. La plus ancienne forme, Stuvinskerke, fait clairement référence à une église d’une personne nommée Stuvin, un nom qui a survécu dans le nom de famille Stuyven. Au 15ème siècle, le suffixe affectueux –in a été remplacé par le suffixe diminutif –kin, qui est devenu –ke en néerlandais. La forme raccourcie de Stuvekins a évolué dans le dialecte local pour devenir Stuvetjes ou Stuviges.

TERVATE (SECTION DE DIXMUDE) 1180 uate, 1219 Vatha. Tervate est un hameau de Stuivekenskerke, faisant aujourd’hui partie de la commune de Dixmude. Son nom est composé de la préposition de lieu ter (contraction de tot der (jusqu’au)) et de la forme dative du mot vaat, une variante dialectale de vat (tonneau, fût). De sa signification initiale « récipient pour marchandises sèches ou mouillées », vat/ vaat a évolué dans les dialectes flamands et zélandais pour désigner un puits public ou un abreuvoir pour le bétail. Tervate signifiait donc à l’origine : près de l’abreuvoir.

VEURNE (FURNES) 877 copie 961 Furnis, 1080-85 Furnes, 1110 Furna, 1237 Veurne, 1306 Voerne, 1324 te Vorne, 1686 binnen Veuren. Veurne remonte à un hydronyme, mais l’époque et l’aspect originel de celui-ci restent incertains. L’étymologie de ce nom est probablement identique ou au moins très apparentée à celle du nom de rivière Voer (entre autres dans le Limbourg et le Brabant flamand) et de Vurre (à Afsnee près de Gand), de même que Voorne, qui est le nom d’une île de Hollande. Gysseling pensait initialement à un hydronyme germanique *Furno, formé du radical de varen (naviguer). La signification aurait donc été « eau navigable ». Cela aurait donné le nom d’établissement humain (au datif pluriel) en ancien germanique *Furnum et les formes romanes qui en seraient issues au datif pluriel Furnis et Furnes. Dans une étude ultérieure sur les hydronymes dans le vaste domaine européo-asiatique des langues indo-européennes, Gysseling affirme que Veurne et Voer remontent à une strate linguistique plus ancienne que le germanique. Il y voit un hydronyme préhistorique, qu’il reconstitue comme *Pur-ina, dérivé de la racine indo-européenne *peur, dont découlent également le mot grec signifiant « couleur de feu » et le mot latin puros « pur ». Le suffixe également préhistorique –ina signifiait eau, tout comme –ara dans Ieper et IJzer. Suivant cette explication, Veurne signifie donc établissement humain près de l’eau rouge ou pure. Les noms de fleuve français Rhône et Seine sont aussi formés avec (une variante de) ce suffixe.

VLADSLO (SECTION DE DIXMUDE) 992 copie 11ème siècle Frordeslo, 1119 Flardeslo, 1150 Fladreslo, 1223 Flartslo, 1279 Vlardselo, 1529-38 Vlaedzeele, 1609 Vladslo. Composé de l’anthroponyme germanique Frawarad, avec le –s du génitif, et du mot lo, qui dans les toponymes flamands signifie « bosquet ou terrain sablonneux surélevé ». Ce lieu a donc hérité son nom d’un bosquet qui appartenait jadis à un certain Frawarad. À Vladslo et dans les environs, les autochtones parlant le dialecte ne nomment toutefois pas le village Vladslo, mais Vlazele. Cette dernière forme, qui remonte au moins à la fin du 15ème siècle, s’est développé spontanément dans la langue populaire à partir de Vladslo. En raison du fort accent en début de mot, le deuxième groupe de lettres s’est affaibli en -le, ce qui arrivait souvent avec les noms en –lo, par ex. dans Stavele (Flandre occidentale), Ronsele (Flandre orientale) et Zoerle (Anvers). Après cet affaiblissement, le mot était prononcé vladzle, en accord avec la règle d’assimilation en Flandre occidentale selon laquelle un –s se transforme en z vocal devant un –l (comparez vizleurder en flamand occidental et visleurder en néerlandais officiel). Cependant, la nouvelle forme était non seulement obscure du point de vue de la signification, mais également difficile à prononcer en raison de la combinaison de consonnes -dzl-. Il y fut remédié en évinçant le -d- (comparez la forme dialectale Dizele au Dudzele flamand occidental) et en ajoutant un ee entre le z et le l, donnant naissance à un nouveau radical, zele. Il est fort possible que cela se soit fait par analogie à d’autres noms de localités des environs en –zele, comme Voormezele et Dadizele. Dans la langue écrite, la forme étymologique initiale Vladslo est restée prépondérante au fil des siècles et a fini par obtenir un statut officiel.

WESTROZEBEKE (SECTION DE STADEN) 1072 falsifié du 12ème siècle Rosebeke, 1200 Roosebeke, 1299 Droghe Rosebeke, 1567 Droochroosbeke, 1652 West roosebeque, 1802 West-Roosebeke, 1915 Westrozebeke. Ce lieu s’appelait initialement Rozebeke, d’après un ruisseau (beek) local. La première partie provient du mot germanique *rausa « roseau », le Rozebeek était donc un ruisseau où poussait du roseau. La précision West- a été ajoutée ultérieurement afin de faire la distinction avec un autre « Rozebeke » à quelque 20 km à l’est, qui s’appelle aujourd’hui Oostrozebeke.

WIJTSCHATE (SECTION DE HEUVELLAND) 1069 Widesgada, 1080-85 Wideschat, 1224 Widescate, 1237 Witscate, 1313 Witscate, 1641 Witschate. Le radical dans ce nom est gat, qui en vieux néerlandais (et dans les dialectes actuels) signifie également « passage, accès », comme dans le mot anglais gate. La première partie est probablement l’anthroponyme germanique Wido, avec désinence du génétif. On peut toutefois aussi penser au mot wide en moyen néerlandais (osier), auquel remonte entre autres le mot flamand occidental ayant la même signification wiedouw. Wijtschate est donc nommé d’après un chemin de passage ou d’accès qui soit appartenait à un certain Wido, soit donnait sur un bois d’osier ou était bordé de tels saules.

ZARREN (SECTION DE KORTEMARK) 1089 Sarra, 1112 copie 12ème siècle Sarran, ± 1185 Zarren. Nommé d’après le ruisseau local, Zarre. Cet hydronyme préhistorique est dérivé d’une racine indo-européenne *ser- /*sor- « ruisseler, couler » et est étymologiquement très apparenté au nom de rivière Sarre, un affluent de la Moselle en France et en Allemagne.

ZEEBRUGGE (SECTION DE BRUGES) Nom récent de la ville côtière où furent entamés à la fin du 19ème siècle des travaux d’extension d’un port maritime qui fut relié au port de Bruges au moyen d’un canal. Le village portuaire naquit sur le territoire de la commune de Lissewege, qui fait actuellement partie de Bruges. Le nom Zeebrugge a été imaginé dans les cercles administratifs et a été écrit pour la première fois en 1894, lorsqu’un accord fut conclu entre l’État belge, la ville de Bruges et quelques entrepreneurs particuliers concernant la construction et l’exploitation du futur avant-port.

Sources  Debrabandere F., M. Devos e.a. (2010), De Vlaamse gemeentenamen, verklarend woordenboek, Brussel / Leuven 2010.  Declercq G. (1995). Vlaanderen en de Vlaanderengouw in de vroege middeleeuwen. In: Vlaanderen 44, pp. 154-161.  Dhondt J. & M. Gysseling (1948). Vlaanderen. Oorspronkelijke ligging en etymologie. In: Album prof. dr. Frank Baur. 1e deel. Antwerpen, Standaard, pp. 192- 220

DE GROTE REDE n° 36 2013

INSERE 08/12/15 BOEKEN BOOKS LIVRES ENLEVE 08/01/16

“Bristol Tugs in Colour (Volume 1)”.

B O O K R E V I E W by : Frank NEYTS Coastal Shipping Publications recently published “Bristol Tugs in Colour (Volume 1)”, written by Bernard McCall. A selection of photographs of tugs that have visited ports in the Bristol area over the last fifty years. Volume 1 includes tugs used for ship handling and in the fleets of C.J. King and Cory/Wijsmuller/Svitzer. This first volume begins with the tugs of C.J. King. Indeed, the front cover depicts the preserved tug ‘John King’, built in 1936, approaching Portishead Marina on 12 July 2013. The book then moves on to the larger tugs that have worked in the ports and port approaches. Finally, there is a section that sees the tugs at work. Within each section, tugs are seen approximately in date order of construction but this sequence is broken to allow us to see the same tug in different liveries. “Bristol Tugs in Colour (Volume 1)” (ISBN 978-1-902953-70-0) is a softback book, small size, of 64 pages, lavishly illustrated. The price is £9.95 plus £1.75 European postage. Ordering via the bookshop, or directly via the publisher, Coastal Shipping, 400 Nore Road, Portishead, Bristol BS20 8EZ, UK. Tel/Fax: +44(0)1275.846178, www.coastalshipping.co.uk , e-mail: [email protected].

INSERE 10/12/15 Nieuws NEWS ENLEVE 10/01/16

ESSENCE OF MONITORING RELIABILITY OF INTEGRATEDBRIDGE- AND NAVIGATION SYSTEMS.

Seminar georganiseerd in Amsterdam op 19 november 2015 door het Nautical Institute / Netherlands Branch in samenwerking met het Koninklijk College Zeemanshoop. De brug van moderne schepen puilt van navigatie-instrumenten die niet alleen de veiligheid van de scheepvaart moeten bevorderen maar tevens moeten helpen de taak van de kapitein en de wachtoverste te verlichten. Zijn deze soms zeer diverse navigatiehulpmiddelen wel naadloos op elkaar afgestemd en hoe groot is het risico dat één fout in één enkel toestel verder sluipt in het hele navigatiesysteem? Waarop dienen gezagvoerders en officieren van de wacht te letten en waarom is goed zeemanschap nog steeds geboden? Dit was de probleemstelling en het onderwerp van een bijzonder leerrijk seminar dat ingeleid werd door kapitein Cornelius den Rooijen voorzitter van het Koninklijk College Zeemanshoop en dhr. Jim Vink, voorzitter van het NI / Netherlands Branch. Het onderwerp van het seminar werd benaderd vanuit drie verschillende invalshoeken: de fabrikant van geïntegreerde brugnavigatieapparatuur, de docent in een maritieme onderwijsinstelling en een varende kapitein als eindgebruiker van dit geïntegreerde en soms zeer geavanceerde instrumentarium. Een veertigtal varende en ex-varende kapiteins en stuurlieden hadden eraan gehouden aanwezig te zijn om hun kennis te verruimen.

De heer Rinus Koppenol, Commercial Manager bij SAM Electronics, onlangs overgenomen door Wärtsilä, had het uitgebreid over het “ship control center” en de “bridge console systems” hetgeen kan teruggebracht worden onder de noemer “INS – Integrated Navigation System”. Het NACOS Platinum is het allerlaatste SAM “bridge console” product dat met de nodige software tal van mogelijkheden biedt op het gebied van navigatie en automatie. Alle mogelijke navigatie apparatuur kan in deze console ingepast worden en op elkaar worden afgestemd zoals het gyro kompas, het ECDIS scherm, de radar schermen met de verschillende presentatiemogelijkheden al dan niet met onderliggende navigatie kaart, de GPS al dan niet aangevuld met een differentiële GPS, LORAN-e, NAVSAT, echosounder, dubbele log voor de verplaatsing in het water en over de grond, anemometers om maar enkele van de vele navigatiehulpmiddelen op te noemen. Een interessante toepassing is het “conning display” dat naast de ECDIS de voornaamste navigatiegegevens op een geordende manier groepeert op een gedeelte van het scherm. Veel draait om de betrouwbaarheid van de verschillende sensoren en de correcte elektronische (of menselijke) interpretatie van de gegevens die permanent ingezameld worden door de navigatie instrumenten. De opstelling van de apparaten biedt een waaier aan mogelijkheden en kan gedupliceerd worden over verschillende werkstations. Alles is ergonomisch bedacht en afgestemd op de interactie van de man op de brug. In de console is natuurlijk het “Bridge Navigation Watch Alarm System – BNWAS” ingebouwd conform de laatste SOLAS regelgeving. SAM Electronics biedt naast het INS nog tal van elektronische systemen al dan niet als onderdeel ondergebracht in of nabij de navigatieconsole, een soort “Bridge to Propeller” management systeem. Denk aan GMDSS, het engine automation system, het ballast water treatment system, de brand beveiliging, het systeem voor de controle en zorg van de lading, AIS, VDR, intercom en verder de entertainment systemen. Uiteindelijk moet het volledige systeem elektronisch beveiligd en volledig afgeschermd zijn van mogelijke externe interferenties en hacking. Geconfronteerd met deze verregaande automatisering is het nodig aan de studenten een lerende en onderzoekende houding aan te brengen stelde dhr. Cees de Groot, docent aan de Hogeschool van Amsterdam afdeling “Logistiek, Lucht- en Zeevaart”. In zijn presentatie refereerde de spreker veelvuldig naar het ongeluk met het passagiersschip “m/v Royal Majesty” op weg van Bermuda naar Boston en dat ongelukkig strandde op de “New Foundland shoals”. Een afgerukte antennekabel had voor gevolg dat de hele navigatieapparatuur overgegaan was in het “dead tracking mode” of gegist bestek. De heel kleine aanwijzing op het conning scherm “DT” was de opeenvolgende wachtoversten volledig ontgaan. Ondertussen was het schip 17’ uit zijn koers gelopen, de kenmerken van een boei die had kunnen wijzen op de drift, werden onzorgvuldig gecontroleerd en voor een andere boei verwisseld, met een fatale stranding tot gevolg. Na te hebben gewezen op de vele applicaties van het INS tot en met de projectie op de vensters van de brug van de voornaamste navigatie parameters in navolging van hetgeen reeds in de luchtvaart gebeurt, wees de spreker herhaaldelijk op het gevaar van een te grote afhankelijkheid van de automatisering. Er treedt een erosie van de vaardigheden en goed zeemanschap op. Het verlies aan alertheid is niet denkbeeldig. De jonge officieren moeten zich wachten voor een houding: “It looks nice, it must be right”. Het omgekeerde effect bestaat ook. Menige wachtoversten hebben te weinig vertrouwen in de automatie. Men spreekt dan van “under reliance”. De opkomende nieuwe technieken maken de taak van de docenten aan de zeevaartscholen niet makkelijk. Zij moeten in hun leerplan de juiste koers aanhouden en hun studenten wijzen op de vele voordelen van de automatisering maar tevens op de gebiedende noodzaak een goede zeemanschap aan te houden. In zijn laatste opmerking merkte de spreker op dat nieuwe ontwikkelingen in de automatisering van een schip keer op keer nieuwe tekortkomingen in de hand werken. Kapitein Hindrik van der Laan putte in zijn bijdrage vooral uit zijn vele dienstjaren vaartijd op de Noordzee en de Baltische zee. Hij wees op het huidig gevaar van (veel) teveel alarmsignalen op de brug met het effect dat op de navigatiebrug een elektronische terreur ontstaat. De scheepvaart is in het tijdperk van de “knopologie” beland. Heel wat alarmen zijn van heel secundair belang en moeten duidelijk onderscheiden kunnen worden van de meest belangrijke alarmsignalen. De presentatie van de ECDIS en radar schermen zijn goed maar de verschillende presentatiemodes (heading, course and track modes) scheppen soms verwarring want de voorkeuren van het bridgeteam zijn niet altijd eensluidend. De AIS signalen van jachten werken heel dikwijls verwarring in de hand. Volgens deze bevaren kapitein zijn de geïntegreerde brug- en navigatiesystemen onmisbare onderdelen van de moderne uitbating van een schip maar meer dan ooit is het noodzakelijk naar buiten te kijken en blijk te geven van goed zeemanschap. Visuele peilingen of een azimut berekeningen zijn niet uit den boze.

Het seminar werd afgesloten met een moment voor “vraag en antwoord”. De volgende opmerkingen kwamen aan bod: het handsturen van een schip is een vaardigheid die niet altijd evident of aanwezig is, grotere ECDIS schermen hebben niet altijd de voorkeur (problemen met refractie en lichtinval), noodzaak om de brug- en navigatiesystemen uit te bouwen als een gesloten netwerk hermetisch afgesloten van al de vele Internet toepassingen (via satelliet of rechtstreekse communicatie met de wal) en de noodzaak van back-up systemen samen met een “un-interrupted power supply – UPS” systeem dat een stroom uitval van 45 seconden tot 30 minuten kan dekken.

Finaal was er nog de volgende bedenking: SAM Electronics biedt bij de levering van een nieuwe geïntegreerde navigatieconsole een initieel training pakket van 5 dagen aan een team van 6 tot 8 personen. Dit is voorzeker op zijn plaats. De vraag is dan wel: hoe moet een kapitein of stuurman die net aangemonsterd is zich in de nieuwe brugomgeving inwerken? Zijn wel alle rederijen even attent voor deze problematiek?

Het seminar werd met een natje en een droogje afgesloten.

Verslaggeving: Kapitein t.l.o. F. De Meulder Bestuurder LMB – BML.

Kapitein Cornelius den Rooijen vaart nog regelmatig als kapitein op de driemastschoener ”Eendracht”. De Heer Jim Vink heeft als stuurman bij de HAL gevaren, daarna docent aan het KIM in Den Helder.www.sam.electronics.de/products/navigation www.hva.nl/opleidingen Kapitein Hindrik Van der Laan vaart als kapitein bij Wagenborg in Delfzijl.

INSERE 12/12/15 Dossier ENLEVE 12/01/16

Owners’ liens on cargo for unpaid freight in China

A shipowner client comes to us with a problem. The charterer has defaulted on freight payments and/or will not pay freight due and payable under the charterparty. The charterer has also gone incommunicado. The following diagram sets out the basic framework:

The vessel is en route to discharge its cargo in China. The bill of lading is held by the buyer/cargo receiver to whom the charterer has sold the cargo. The shipowner wants to know whether he can exercise a lien on the cargo against the lawful holder of the bill of lading until he has been paid the freight due to him from the charterer. This article sets out some basic guidance and tips for the shipowner who finds himself in a similar scenario.

The charterparty must contain a lien clause The first question the shipowner should ask himself is whether the charterparty contains a lien clause. Many charters give the shipowner an express contractual lien on cargo in respect of unpaid freight. A typical lien clause wording might look something like this: "Owners shall have a lien on the cargo for freight incurred at the port of loading to the extent of amount due to Owners." The shipowner should be careful to consider the scope of the lien clause. If a lien clause refers only to a lien for unpaid demurrage, for example, it would not entitle the shipowner to exercise a lien in respect of unpaid freight.

The lien clause must be validly incorporated into the bill of lading The receiver will come into a contractual relationship with the shipowner via the bill of lading. For the lien to be effective against the receiver, the shipowner will additionally have to prove that the bill of lading contract is also subject to the lien clause, and gives the shipowner the same rights as he has under the lien clause in the charterparty. This requirement is satisfied if the bill of lading expressly incorporates the terms and conditions of the charterparty. Under English law, the shipowner must prove that the wording of the incorporation provision in the bill of lading is sufficiently clear to incorporate the charter lien clause into the bill of lading. Although general words may suffice, to best protect himself the shipowner should try to ensure that the bill of lading makes express reference to the lien clause in the charterparty. Typical wording might look something like this: “This shipment is carried under and pursuant to the terms of the Charterparty dated XXX, and all the terms whatsoever of the said charter, including the lien under clause XX on freight, are hereby incorporated and shall apply to and govern the rights of the parties concerned in this shipment.” There are additional requirements in China, where the bill of lading must state "freight payable as per charterparty" and must identify the charterparty in question expressly by having the date of the charterparty annotated on the bill of lading. The requirements may also depend on the particular local maritime court. Some maritime courts in China even require that the relevant lien clause in the charterparty must also be expressly identified.

The lien must be recognised by the local courts in China To protect himself, a shipowner should make sure that the bill of lading states the date of the relevant charterparty whose clauses are sought to be incorporated into the bill of lading. Note, however, that even if the charterparty and the bill of lading provide the shipowner with a specific contractual lien over the cargo which would be enforceable under English law, and even though the charterparty may be subject to English law and arbitration, the lien may not be exercisable in China. The shipowner must look to the law of the jurisdiction in which the lien is sought to be exercised (for present purposes, China) to see whether Chinese law also recognises a right to a lien, and whether the shipowner can fulfil the requirements in order to exercise the lien under Chinese law. Article 87 of the Chinese Maritime Code provides that the shipowner is entitled to a lien over the cargo of the debtor for freight and other amounts outstanding, but this right is subject to a number of limitations. We briefly highlight below what we understand to be the prevailing Chinese maritime courts’ practice. First, the shipowner must ask the charterer to provide security before exercising the lien. The shipowner can only exercise a lien if no security has been voluntarily provided by the charterer. Secondly, the shipowner can only lawfully exercise a lien over the freight if the cargo is owned by the party who is liable to pay the overdue freight, i.e. the charterer. In other words, at the time the shipowner seeks to exercise the lien, the charterer (defaulting party) must also be the owner of the cargo upon which the lien is to be exercised. This will give rise to a difficulty for the shipowner where the charterer is no longer the owner of the relevant cargo and is no longer the holder of the bill of lading. In that case, the shipowner is not able to lawfully exercise a lien over the freight under Chinese law. In such event, upon the application of the holder of the bill of lading, the local court would issue an order to release the cargo. In our experience, these court orders can be obtained and enforced quite quickly.

What can the shipowner do? Even if the shipowner believes he is in a position to lawfully exercise a lien on the cargo, he cannot rule out the possibility that the cargo receiver (or any other party who claims to be the owner of the cargo) will apply to the court for an order to release the cargo. The shipowner finds himself stuck between a rock and a hard place. He is unable to obtain payment for the freight from the charterer. Neither is he able to avail of the protection he would like to rely on, since he cannot validly exercise the lien in China. Some shipowners choose to try to force the charterer’s hand by refusing to proceed to the discharge port or by doing so but refusing to discharge the cargo, in the hope that this will force the charterer to pay freight. By doing so, the shipowner may be in breach of his obligation to proceed to the discharge port with due despatch and be exposed to liability to the holder of the bill of lading for interference with the bill of lading holder’s right to the cargo. Further, this is a commercially unrealistic solution (how long will a shipowner be prepared to wait?), and in circumstances where the charterer is in genuine financial difficulty, it is unlikely to have the desired impact. Shipowners would do well to bear in mind the wise old saying that “prevention is better than cure”. A shipowner’s best hope is to avoid this unfortunate situation by paying careful consideration to choosing commercial partners. Shipowners must be careful to conduct the appropriate financial due diligence on counterparties, especially when embarking on new commercial relationships with charterers who do not have an established reputation in the market. This article is not intended to be legal advice on Chinese law. The authors are not qualified to advise on Chinese law. The views expressed are simply their understanding of Chinese law based on their experience.

Wai Yue Loh Ajay Ahluwalia

INSERE 14/12/15 NIEUWS NOUVELLES NEWS ENLEVE 14/01/16

Nieuwe raad van bestuur bij Euronav

Door Marc Balduyck op 30 november 2015

De Antwerpse tankerrederij Euronav kreeg een nieuwe raad van bestuur. Carl Steen neemt daarbij het voorzitterschap over van Peter Livanos. De verschuivingen aan de top volgen op de verkoop van een pakket aandelen door Peter Livanos. Paddy Rodgers blijft gedelegeerd bestuurder. Euronav is als tankerrederij opgebouwd in de samenwerking tussen de Antwerpse familie Saverys en de Griekse familie Livanos. Het plotse besluit van Peter Livanos om een groot gedeelte van zijn aandelen in Euronav te verkopen heeft niet alleen de beleggers verrast maar leidt nu ook tot verschuivingen binnen de raad van bestuur. Peter Livanos legt daarbij zijn voorzitterschap neer en wordt opgevolgd door Carl Steen. Carl Steen was tot voor kort actief binnen de Nordea Bank, een instelling die actief is in de financiering van scheepvaartbedrijven. Ook Marc Saverys, de vertegenwoordiger van de familie Saverys binnen de raad van bestuur legt zijn mandaat als bestuurslid neer. Hij wil zich in de toekomst meer toespitsen “op de andere scheepvaartbelangen van de familie.” Waarmee hij kennelijk vooral de toekomst van CMB bedoelt. Marc Saverys wordt in de raad van bestuur van Euronav opgevolgd door Ludovic Saverys. De raad van bestuur bestaat daardoor voortaan uit Carl Steen, Ludovic Saverys, Daniel Bradshaw, William Thomson, John Radzwill, Alice Digby, Anne-Helène Manseallato, Ludwig Criel en Paddy Rodgers.

INSERE 16/12/15 HISTORIEK HISTORIQUE ENLEVE 16/01/16

De brand aan boord van de Prince de Liege m.s."PRINCE DE LIEGE": Lengte: 323' Breedte: 45' Bruto tonnemaat: 2.588 T. Netto tonnemaat: 1.332 T. Zomerdiepgang: 20'4" Zomer D.W.: 4.130 T. Motor: 6 cyl. "BURMEISTER & WAIN" Gebouwd te Hoboken, J. COCKERILL, in 1938, Eigenaar: Rederij Cie DENS-OCEAN, te Antwerpen. Het m.s."PRINCE DE LIEGE", toebehorend aan de Rederij Compagnie DENS-OCEAN", verlaat met een volle lading aan boord, de haven van Sfax op 7 maart 1956, met bestemming naar Engeland. De lading bestaat uit: ong. 2.200 T. phosphaat in de vier onderruimen verdeeld; ong. 1.330 T. alfa onder de overige scheepsruimte verdeeld. Een gedeelte van deze laatste partij wordt echter op dek geladen tot een hoogte van ong. 22'. De voordeklading bevat 1.230 balen alfa en de achterdeklading 1.410 balen.

Naar de verklaringen van de Kapitein en de getuigen, is deze deklading volgens de gebruiken eigen aan het vervoer van goederen van deze aard, behoorlijk gestouwd en gesjord. De deklading is niet gedekt. Het m.s."PRINCE DE LIEGE" had reeds op vorige reizen dergelijk vervoer verzekerd. Na het beëindigen van de ladingswerken, verlaat het schip Sfax op 7 maart 1956, met als diepgang: voor 19' 1"; achter 20' 9". De bemanning bedraagt 28 man. De reis verloopt zonder enig incident tot op 11 maart, 12 uur. Op dat ogenblik bevindt het schip zich ter hoogte van Malaga, op 5 mijl ten oosten van Cap Calabarras. Op die dag, te 12 uur, staan de gezagvoerder en de officieren op de brug voor de gebruikelijke waarnemingen en om de positie van het schip te berekenen. Alles verkeert normaal. Het weder is helder, de zee woelig, de hemel bewolkt, de wind uit het O.N.O. (kracht 5/6).

Omstreeks 12,20 uur is iedereen aan tafel. De stuurman van wacht, de H. NEPPER en de marconist staan op de brug, en bespeuren plotseling vlammen die uit het achterste gedeelte van de achterdeklading alfa rijzen. De officier geeft onmiddellijk het alarm. In weinige seconden staat gans de achterdeklading in vuur en vlam, en de brand neemt zeer snel een angstwekkende uitbreiding. Inmiddels worden de brandweertoestellen aangebracht en de spuiten op de vuurhaard gericht. De machine wordt tot stilstand gebracht ten einde de windactie te verminderen, en alle middelen worden in het werk gesteld om de brand te bestrijden. De pompen treden snel in werking, en slechts een tijdspanne van enkele minuten verloopt voor dat de drie brandweerslangen aangekoppeld worden en op de vuurhaard gericht. Ondanks alle inspanningen, neemt de brand snel grote afmetingen aan. De vlammen bereiken spoedig een zeer grote hoogte, de rook wordt stikkend en dringt spoedig tot in de machinekamer en het logies van de bemanning binnen. Het vuur groeit naar midscheeps, ten spijte de ongelijke strijd en de pogingen van gans de bemanning. De val van de antenne is spoedig verschroeid en de antenne buiten gebruik gesteld, zodat geen enkel antwoord op de uitgezonden hulpseinen ontvangen wordt. De brand groeit steeds in de richting van het voordek, bereikt het bootdek en bedreigt de bootvallen. Omstreeks 12,50 uur stelt de Kapitein de steeds toenemende afmetingen van het onheil vast, en wordt bevreesd dat hij zijn bemanning niet zal kunnen redden. Na beraadslaging met de bijzondersten van de staf, geeft de Kapitein het bevel de oten te water te laten.

De boot aan bakboord wordt omstreeks 13,20 uur te water gelaten en krijgt bevel zich van het brandend schip te verwijderen, terwijl om 13,25 uur hetzelfde bevel voor de boot aan stuurboord gegeven wordt. De Kapitein verzekert er zich van dat iedereen het schip ontruimd heeft, en verzamelt enkele documenten in een. tas die hij naar én van de boten werpt. De tas scheurt echter,en de documenten gaan verloren. De Kapitein vervoegt een boot, en geeft het bevel tot verwijderen. De uitstralende hitte maakt het verblijf in de nabijheid van het brandend vaartuig onhoudbaar. Tevergeefs wordt getracht de motor in werking te stellen om in de richting van de "PRINCE DE LIEGE" te blijven. Daar deze pogingen vruchteloos, blijven, wordt er beroep op de roeiriemen gedaan om zich te verwijderen. De Kapitein wenst in de nabijheid van het schip te - blijven; het vuur heeft zich tot midscheeps uitgebreid en gaat weldra de deklading op het voordek bereiken. Gealerteerd door de rook en de vlammen, nadert omstreeks 14 uur het Spaans vissersschip "J.V.R.ANTONION 4 HERMANOS"uit Malaga. De vissersboot neemt de 28 leden van de bemanning aan boord. De Kapitein verzoekt de patroon van de "J.V.R. ANTONION 4 HERMANOS" om ter plaatse te blijven en de hulp van de sleepboot af te wachten; de schipper wenst echter Malaga binnen te lopen, daar de zee steeds woeliger wordt en hij voor de duisternis zijn haven wil vervoegen.

De Kapitein stelt vast dat de situatie wanhopig is en daar hij geen enkel kans ziet om zijn schip te kunnen vervoegen, stemt hij er in toe aan boord van de vissersboot te blijven, en er wordt in de richting van Malaga gestevend. Te Malaga begeeft de Kapitein zich, bijgestaan door een afgevaardigde van het Belgisch Consulaat, naar de Spaanse Havenoverheid. Deze Overheid gaat over tot de ondervraging van de Kapitein en de bijzondersten van de staf, en de verschillende getuigenissen worden afgenomen. De nodige schikkingen worden getroffen om de bemanning te repatriëren; inmiddels verneemt men dat de Zweedse sleepboot "HERAKLES" het steeds brandende m.s."PRINCE DE LIEGE" op sleeptouw nam en naar Gibraltar overbracht. De Kapitein vervoegt zijn schip te Gibraltar en stelt vast dat de -PRINCE DE LIEGE" van voor naar achter volledig ultgebrand is en dat de ruimen en de machinekamer onder water staat.

INSERE 16/12/15 BOEKEN LIVRES BOOKS ENLEVE 16/01/16

“Geschiedenis van de Waddenzee”

B O E K B E S P R E K I N G door : Frank NEYTS Bij Walburg Pers verscheen zopas ‘Geschiedenis van de Waddenzee - De CANON van de Waddeneilanden”. Anne Doedens en Jan Houter tekenden als auteurs. Er is al veel geschreven over de natuur en de geschiedenis van ieder eiland apart. ‘Geschiedenis van de Wadden – De CANON van de Waddeneilanden’ is het eerste boek dat vijftig historische hoogtepunten en hoofdzaken van de Nederlandse Waddeneilanden weergeeft. In hun samenhang en apart. Van Texel, Vlieland en Terschelling tot Ameland, Schiermonnikoog en Rottumeroog. Het water verbond de eilanders. Hun blik was gericht op de Noord-, de Zuider- en de Waddenzee, op de Oostzee en Indië, zonder zeevaart en visserij kon geen eiland bestaan. De floklore kent overeenkomsten. De aanleg van bossen maakt op alle eilanden deel uit van één proces. Opvallend is de aanwezigheid van doopsgezinden. De rol van kerken en kloosters is bepalend voor de Waddengeschiedenis. Veranderingen van het landschap voltrekken zich hier sneller dan elders. Aparte staatjes als Ameland, beroemde Nederlanders als kardinaal De Jong, Willem Barentsz en Willem de Vlamingh komen aan bod. De betekenis voor onze nationale defensie is en was groot. Meer dan elders vindt en vond men er kunstenaars van allerlei soort, zoals Wolkers op Texel en Slauerhoff op Vlieland.Er werd overlegd met tal van kenners van de eilanden zelf om een evenwichtig beeld te scheppen. Een totale geschiedenis in hoofdzaken is het resultaat. Een aanrader! “Geschiedenis van de Waddeneilanden” (ISBN 978-90-5730- 429-3) telt 192 pagina’s, werd als hardback uitgegeven, en kost 29.95 euro. Aankopen kan via de boekhandel of rechtstreeks bij Uitgeversmaatschappij Walburg Pers, Postbus 4159, 7200BD Zutphen. Tel. +32(0)575.510522, Fax +31(0)575.542289. . In België wordt het boek verdeeld door Agora Uitgeverscentrum, Aalst/Erembodegem. Tel. 0032(0)53.78.87.00, Fax 0032(0)53.78.26.91, www.boekenbank.be , E-mail: [email protected].

INSERE 18/12/15 DOSSIER ENLEVE 18/01/16

How IMO effectively tripled ship-borne CO2 emissions in 13 years

Last revision: 2011-04-27 Jack Devanney Center for Tankship Excellence, USA, [email protected] Sometimes we forget what we are trying to do. What’s the real goal in reducing CO2 emissions? The answer is reducing or halting global warming. Reducing CO2 is only a means to that end. The Second IMO GHG Study (GHG2) has a very important but little noticed chapter entitled Climate Impact.1 It’s really the only place in this seminal study which talks about the real goal. The chapter points out that as of 2007, ship emissions were cooling the planet. This conclusion was the result of the negative radiative forcing of the aerosols in ship emissions —— mainly SO2 which oxidizes to the aerosol, sulfate (SO4) — dominating the positive radiative forcing of the CO2 in ship emissions. Radiative forcing (RF) is an attempt to quantify the impact of a particular pollutant on the earth’s heat balance by estimating its equivalent in additional energy per second hitting the earth’s atmosphere. The units are watts per meter squared. It’s not easy to do, but Chapter 8 makes a pretty good attempt, based on what we knew in 2009. GHG2 finds that as of 2007, the net effect of ship-borne emissions was equivalent to a - 0.072 W/m2. This perhaps surprising result is generated mainly by the strong cooling effect of SO2. Ships emit only about 2% as much SO2 as CO2, yet the cumulative emissions of SO2 have a current RF of -0.097 W/m2 while those of CO2 have a current RF of +0.049 W/m2 .2 Up to now, a ton of SO2 is very roughly a 100 times more effective cooling agent than a ton of C02 is a heating agent. As GHG2 points out, we need to add all sorts of caveats to this finding: 1. The RF numbers are subject to large errors and uncertainties, especially the indirect (cloud) effect of aerosols such as SO4. 2. The residence times in the atmosphere of aerosols is enormously different than that of CO2. For example, sulphates have a half-life in the atmosphere of about 10 days, while CO2 has a half-life measured in centuries. GHG2 points out that, if we stopped producing anything from ships today, the effect of the aerosols we’ve already put into the atmosphere would die out much sooner than the CO2, and the net RF from this past pollution would turn positive around 2050. To put it another way, if we did nothing about any of S, CO2 or NOx, the long term build up of CO2 will eventually dominate and the net RF will turn positive in 350 years.3 The fact that shipping emissions are currently cooling on net is not an excuse for doing nothing about CO2. 3. The difference in residence times also creates spatial differences in the net RF. CO2 lasts so long it can be regarded as being pretty evenly spread all over the globe. Aerosols are concentrated in the region where they are produced which in the case of shipping is focused in the mid to low northern latitudes. GHG2 estimates that as a result the net effect from shipping is a positive RF at the poles, which turns negative at about +/-60 degrees and has a minimum of an impressive -0.23 W/m2 at about 28N. Despite all the caveats, we can be quite confident that in 2007, ship emissions were on net a cooling factor for the planet. Very recently, James Hansen has argued compellingly that the indirect (cloud) effect is at the upper end of the numbers used by GHG3 or higher.4 Furthermore, point (2) can be turned around to say, if we reduce SO2 and NOx emissions, we will see the heating impact much sooner than the cooling effect if we were to reduce CO2. Finally, point (3) can be read to mean that shipping is heating up the Arctic and Antarctic slightly but strongly cooling the northern hemisphere hurricane belt.

So what have we done?

 Imposed strict restrictions on NOx. As of 2011, for all sizable engines NOx emissions had to be reduced by about 20% which forces about a 2% increase in CO2 and prevents further improvements in CO2 efficiency when better materials allow higher peak temperatures. In 2016, NOx is supposed to be reduced by a factor of 5 in the Emissions Control Areas which include pretty much all the heavily traveled coastlines in the northern hemisphere out to about 200 miles. In reducing NOx we have both reduced cooling and increased heating.  Virtually banned SO2 emissions. Under present IMO regulations, the max allowable sulfur in BFO will go from 4.5% in 2007 (really no limit) to 0.5% in 2020. We will lose essentially all the -0.1 W/m2 from sulfur. In the near term, this is roughly equivalent to tripling ship-borne CO2 emissions in little more than a decade. Thanks to the thermal inertia of the planet, it will take a while for this loss to show up in global temperatures. But if we go out 50 years, this loss of cooling will result in about a 0.05C increase in global mean temperature.5 A twentieth of a degree might not seem like a lot, but Hansen et al argue that it will result in a 1 meter rise in sea level.6  And we generated a substantial increase in refinery CO2 emissions. For a medium quality crude such as Urals, Stockle and Knight estimate going from 4.5%S to a mix of 3.5% and 1.5%S fuel oil, will increase CO2 emissions for a 200,000 BPD refinery from about 4000 tpd to about 5000 tpd, or from about 0.8 tons CO2/per ton of BFO to about 1.0.7 Since combustion of a ton of fuel generates about 3.1 tons of CO2, a 0.2 ton per ton increase at the refinery is equivalent to about a 7% increase overall. 0.5%S will be much tougher. In fact, it is not at all clear we can feasibly convert all resid to low sulfur fuel.

Meanwhile we have done nothing about CO2, except propose an unsafe, absurdly inefficient, and nearly totally ineffective index called EEDI.8 The problem is that it is relatively easy to reduce SO2, and easier to reduce NOx than CO2. So that’s what we do. There are good reasons to be concerned about NOx and SO2 other than global warming. NOx is the key factor in smog and smog is not good for human health, certainly not in concentrated form. SO2 produces acidification of forests can change the biological make- up of fresh water lakes, and has its own health effects. CTX is not saying we should forget about these impacts. They must be considered, but also we must consider and think rationally about the cooling benefits of these emissions. Ships have an interesting and nearly unique property when they are regarded as aerosol injectors: they can inject their aerosols a long way from population centers. NOx for example has a half-life in the atmosphere of about a day. If a ship is more than a couple of days upwind of a population center, the smog cost of the pollution is near zero; but we still get the full cooling benefit. Sulfur’s a little tougher but still there are large areas of the ocean where SO2 emissions will have little societal impact in terms of acidification, etc, but we still get the full cooling benefit, that is, 100 to possibly 160 tons worth of CO2 for every ton of SO2. In the past, we have legislated each form of pollution separately. A rational approach would consider them together, and synchronize the reductions. If we monitored stack gas emissions, as suggested in Direct Taxation of Stack CO2 Emissions, we could develop ship location dependent regulation which takes into account the relationship between the pollutants. What we are doing now is just about the worst possible approach to global warming.

1 Marintek et al, Second IMO GHG Study, 2009-04-09, MEPC 59/24/Add.1, Annex 14, Chapter 8. 2 The other major ship-borne pollutant NOx also has a net negative RF. Ships put out about 0.5% as much NOx as CO2, but that relatively small amount of material both creates ozone with a positive RF of +0.026 W/m2 and reduces the powerful greenhouse gas methane with a negative RF of -0.033 W/m2. The net effect of -0.007 W/m2 is an order of magnitude smaller than SO2 and CO2 but not negligible. Up to now, a ton of NOx is about a 28 times more effective cooling agent than a ton of CO2 is a heating agent. 3 Fuglestvedt et al, Shipping Emissions from Cooling to Warming of Climate, Environmental Science and Technology, Vol43, No 24, 2009. 4 Hansen, J, et al, Earth’s Energy Imbalance and Implications. Hansen of course is the man who called the world’s attention to global warming. 5 Fuglestvedt et al, Shipping Emissions from Cooling to Warming of Climate, Environmental Science and Technology, Vol43, No 24, 2009 6 Hansen, ibid, p 14. 7 Stockle and Knight, Impact of low-sulphur bunkers on refineries, PTQ Catalysis, 2009, p 27-31. IPIECA came up with similar figures for additional refinery CO2, plus a 38 billion dollar additional capital cost for EU refineries alone. See Global environmental impact and marine fuel supply impact of proposed options to revise Marpol Annex VI, BLG 11/5/14, 2007-02-09. These dollars represent real resources and of course more emissions in the manufacturing and construction process. 8 Devanney, J, EEDI Absurdities Center for Tankship Excellence, 2011. Devanney, J, EEDI Won’t Work Center for Tankship Excellence, 2010.

INSERE 20/12/15 NIEUWS NEWS NOUVELLES ENLEVE 20/01/16

5000 DWT Flettner Freighter

Binnen het Europese project SAIL is de 5000 DWT Flettner Freighter ontwikkeld. Een belangrijke uitkomst van het project is dat door de afhankelijkheid van wind een volledig zeilend schip zonder motor binnen de commerciële vrachtvaart economisch niet haalbaar is. Er is breed onderzoek gedaan naar haalbare alternatieven, waarbij windkracht de voortstuwing assisteert, de zogenaamde hybride hter heeft een waterverplaatsing van bijna 8000 ton en ruiminhoud van 6320 m3. Verder is het schip uitgevoerd met één hoofdmotor van 4000 kW en heeft het schip een geladen dienstsnelheid van 13 knopen. De Flettner Freighter is een zeer goed varend vrachtschip waarbij gebruik wordt gemaakt van 4 moderne Flettner Rotors (ontworpen door Anton Flettner in 1928). De Flettner Rotors creëren een voorwaartse lift door de rotatie van de rotors en de wind. Gemiddeld genomen resulteert het gebruik van de Flettner Rotors in een brandstofbesparing van zeker 18% ten opzichte van conventionele vrachtschepen in dezelfde DWT-range. De grootste innovatie van de Flettner Freigher zit hem in de mogelijkheid om de achterste twee Flettner Rotors in langsrichting te kunnen verplaatsen om daarmee de juiste zeilbalans in het schip te brengen en daarmee de windkracht en windrichting optimaal te benutten. SAIL is een internationaal Europees Interreg IVB samenwerkingsproject in de Noordzeeregio onder leiding van de Provincie Friesland en eindigt in 2015. De Flettner Freighter is ontwikkeld in samenwerking met een reder en ontworpen door C-Job Naval Architects. C-Job is bekend om eerdere innovatieve scheepsontwerpen zoals de MS. Texelstroom voor TESO N.V. en de serie van Heavy Lift Vessels voor Hartman Shipping en Abis Shipping. De ambitie van de SAIL projectpartners is om de scheepvaart te verrijken met innovatieve en duurzame schepen zoals de Flettner Freighter.

Flettner Freighter by C-Job Naval Architects Working principle of rotors

The cylinders are rotated with aid of an electric motor. The air attaches to the cylinder surface and is lead in a curve. By bending the air stream lift arises. This is the so-called Magnus effect. With a rotating cylinder 8 – 10 times more power can be absorbed from the wind compared to sails or wing-shaped structures of similar size. This makes Flettner rotors especially suitable for wind assisted propulsion of ships.

Fuel Saving • While sailing at 13 knots of speed, fuel can be saved on headings between 30 – 170 degrees relative to the true wind. The greatest contribution can be obtained at headings between 80 – 100 degrees; • The rotor applied on a vessel is effective from windspeeds starting from 2 Bft and its effectiveness increases significantly with the wind speed; • In fully loaded condition while sailing in 4 Bft wind, the average power contribution over all headings of four Flettner rotors can be approximately 18% of the normal upright resistance, with a maximum of 38% when sailing at half wind headings (power delivered to rotors subtracted in calculations). In 6 Bft wind, the average contribution can be approximately 50% with a maximum of 95%; • The aft set of rotors can be moved longitudinally over the hold. This feature ensures the sail balance can be obtained in all headings and wind speeds resulting in the optimum forward thrust andminimum resistance; • Another side effect which can also contribute to fuel savings is the gyroscopic force that is generated by the rotors while rotating, which may contribute to the damping of undesirable rolling motions.

Practical advantages • The size of the rigging can be greatly reduced compared to sails or wing-shaped structures, by the use of rotating cylinders. This is due to the high effectiveness of the rotor, since they produce 8 – 10 times more lift force per unit area of the projection; • Another great advantage of the rotors is that they need no adjustment for changes in the direction of the wind. This makes them very easy to handle; • Flettner ships are highly manoeuvrable. When rotating the two sets of rotors in opposite directions, the ship can turn in place; • Also from a safety point of view, Flettner ships perform better in strong winds. The force on a rotor increases more slowly than on sails, due to constant circulation of the air dictated by the rotation speed of the rotor. Further lift decrease is possible by reducing the rotational speed; • In a heavy storm, the power can be entirely switched off. The adverse effect of the wind on the rotors is then very small.

INSERE 22/12/15 DOSSIER ENLEVE 22/01/16

Lives in Peril: seafarers health and safety at risk

An essay by Carolyn Graham (Jamaica) for Friends of WMU, Japan Website, September 2014

Seafaring remains among the most dangerous types of work. “Lives in Peril: profit or safety in the global maritime industry” is a recent publication by Walters and Bailey (2013), that gets to the core of occupational health and safety issues on board ships; from the risks to the remedies. It concludes that there is a need for political and administrative will to address the neglect of seafarers’ occupational health and safety which is intricately tied to the nature, structure and organization of seafaring work. In 2003 the International Labour Organization’s (ILO) “Global Strategy on Occupational Health and Safety,” also recognized a general need for political and administrative will to actively develop, implement and enforce global occupational health and safety standards. Then Director General of the ILO, Juan Somavia, reiterated the principle that “decent work must be safe work.” In the preamble to the Global Strategy, he said: Occupational accidents and diseases cause great human suffering and loss. The economic cost is high. Yet public awareness of occupational safety and health tends to be low. All too frequently it does not get the priority it merits. This must change and action needs to be stimulated and accelerated nationally and internationally.

Eleven years hence, that statement remains valid, and strikingly so for the seafaring labour force. Health and Safety at Sea Seafarers’ occupational risks result from the nature, organization and structure of seafaring work. As Sampson (2013) reveals in her book looking at close to 15 years of ethnographic research into the lives of seafarers, seafarers work long hours, at times over 18 hour days, 7 days per week. Work on board is demanding and needs constant attention to machinery, navigation, cargo work, and so on. There are safety drills and maintenance duties to be carried out, in addition to emergencies that may arise. Further, there is the paper work to be completed, security arrangements to prevent stowaways and robbery in port and pirates at sea and much more, making for work that places constant demands on seafarers’ physical, mental and psychological faculties. It is therefore not surprising that fatigue is high on the list of major psychosocial risks of seafaring work. Fatigue has been isolated from other risks and given much attention due to studies and casualty investigations linking fatigue to accidents at sea. However, the underlying causes driven by economic and commercial imperatives, coupled with weak regulatory enforcement, remain. As such, any attempt to address fatigue without addressing those factors underpinning poor occupational health and safety arrangements, will be futile. Additionally, seafarers’ face other equally, if not more serious occupational risks. Heart disease, injuries, stress and overall ill-health have been highlighted by Walters and Bailey, Sampson and others. Suicide figures were found to be high among seafarers for whom such data were available. In the UK merchant fleet, for example, relative risk of mortality from accidents at work was 26 times greater than for all other workers. Fatal accident rates in the Danish fleet was 11 times higher than for those ashore (Walters and Bailey, 2013). It is believed that these figures may be much higher, moreso for other groups for whom data is not available. Additionally, geo-political hazards of piratical attacks, and criminalization, abandonment, combined with naturally occurring risks from the elements, amalgamate to make for perilous work. While some hazards are intrinsic to the nature of seafaring work, such as natural disasters, others are directly attributed to the lack of arrangements to safeguard seafarers’ health and safety. Substantial provisions are in place in the form of international conventions, codes and guidelines, developed and promulgated by the ILO and the International Maritime Organization (IMO) (to a lesser extent), but, how many of these are implemented in practise? Cumulative research covering almost 20 years at the Seafarers International Research Centre (SIRC), has revealed that seafarers, as an occupational group, are in dire need of arrangements to safeguard their safety, health and overall welfare. It is encouraging to see that the Maritime Labour Convention (MLC) 2006 has come into force. Also attempts to consolidate the work of the ILO and the IMO to promote seafarers’ health and safety is noteworthy; it remains for the development of national laws and policies to give complete effect to these provisions.

The Maritime Labour Convention August 2014 marks one year since the MLC 2006 came into force, having received ratifications in July 2012 to fulfill the entry into force criteria of 30 member States commanding 33% combined share in the global gross tonnage of ships. To date the MLC is in force for 47 countries.2 The MLC is the ILO’s instrument which outlines minimum standards for seafarers’ welfare including occupational health and safety. It seeks to achieve decent working conditions for seafarers, while securing economic interests through fair competition. The MLC takes a broad definition of seafarers to include all persons working in any capacity on board a ship to which the convention applies. This therefore includes, in addition to the navigating and engineering officers and crew involved in the direct operation of the ship, the hospitality and entertainment staff on passenger and cruise ships as well as yachts. While it may be early days yet to evaluate any effects of the MLC, the slow pace of ratification is perhaps indicative of the priority placed on issues directly affecting seafarers’ occupational health and safety. As the question being asked, is it profit or safety in the global maritime industry? Indeed the response to the MLC, as the “fourth pillar” in the international regulatory regime to ensure safe, secure ships in a clean maritime environment, may be juxtaposed with the response to the other conventions making up this regime. These core conventions of the IMO regulate marine pollution prevention, seafarers’ training and the more technical aspects of ship construction and navigation. These represent the more tangible areas of shipping, developed in response to maritime casualties and perhaps explains their apparent priority over the more intangible psychosocial issues manifesting at the individual level.

Heightened Consciousness Against this background, the ILO’s call of 11 years ago warrants reiteration. There needs to be a global heightening of consciousness regarding health and safety at work across all labour markets, and I might add, seafaring is in very urgent need. In response, the ILO has introduced Convention No. 187 – Promotional Framework for Occupational Safety and Health - which has been incorporated into the MLC. However, such provisions will only gain purchase when member States demonstrate the political and administrative will by ratification and passing enabling national laws; exercising vigilance in implementing and enforcing port, flag and coastal state arrangements; promoting the standards; and importantly, continue the ILO’s tradition of tripartite consultations among government, shipowners’ and seafarers’ organizations, necessary to ensure all players are on board.

Conclusion Seafaring is critical to global commerce, but remains one of the most perilous professions. Seafarers’ all live and work in the same environment, their lives have been likened to being in a prison, even more adverse in some circumstances. The ILO has sought to strengthen previous provisions on health and safety by including more specific standards in the MLC. These provisions seeking accountability, enforcement and cooperation, should be substantiated by the promotional framework and contribute to bringing seafarers’ issues to shore. Seafarers’ health and safety is everybody’s business. It is said, half the world would starve and the other half would freeze were it not for shipping, but ships do not drive themselves, global commerce owes much to the men and women who labour on board. It is hoped that co-opting land based support and so integrating seafarers’ labour issues into general labour issues may assist in more attention given to seafarers’ health and safety towards more positive labour market outcomes.

1 IMO (2008). Go to sea: a campaign to attract entrants to the shipping industry. Available at: http://www.imo.org/OurWork/HumanElement/GoToSea/Documents/Gotosea!campaigndo cument.pdf 2 See ILO website http://www.ilo.org/dyn/normlex/en/f?p=1000:11300:0::no::p11300_instrument_id: 312331.

References Sampson, H. (2013). International seafarers and transnationalism in the twenty-first century. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Walters, D. and Bailey, N. (2013). Lives in Peril: Profit or safety in the global maritime industry. London: Palgrave Macmillian.

INSERE 24/12/15 BOEKEN LIVRES ENLEVE 24/01/16

“Looking Back at Traditional Cargo Ships”.

B O O K R E V I E W by : Frank NEYTS Coastal Shipping Publications recently published “Looking Back at Traditional Cargo Ships”, written by Andrew Wiltshire. In this world of container ships and bulk carriers, the traditional cargo ship in 2015 is now but a distant memory on our oceans. This book will bring back many happy memories, especially for those readers who were lucky enough to sail on or work with traditional cargo ships. The traditional cargo ships has been gradually phased out over the last fifty years or so by the modern efficiencies of containerization and carriage of goods in bulk. For the purpose of this book, a ‘traditional’ cargo ship is defined as a dry-cargo vessel that has cargo accommodation both forward and aft of its machinery space. Therefore, this book covers cargo ships that are termed mid-ships layout, three-quarters aft layout and also those with a split superstructure. The book looks at cargo liners, former cargo liners and tramp ships in service under a wide variety of flags. Some ships date back as far as 1914 and some of the classic designs that appeared through to the early 1980s are also covered. “Looking Back at Traditional Cargo Ships” (ISBN 978-1-902953-69-4) is a hardback book, handy size, of 80 pages, lavishly illustrated. The price is £17.00 plus £3 European postage. Ordering via the bookshop, or directly via the publisher, Coastal Shipping, 400 Nore Road, Portishead, Bristol BS20 8EZ, UK. Tel/Fax: +44(0)1275.846178, www.coastalshipping.co.uk , e-mail: [email protected].

INSERE 24/12/15 NIEUWS NOUVELLES ENLEVE 24/01/16

A new EU regulation

A new EU regulation(EU)2015/757 adds to existing obligations of shipping companies whose vessels call in France Following the agreement reached between the negotiators of the European Parliament and the European Council on the regulation setting out new EU-wide rules for monitoring, reporting and verification of CO2 emissions from vessels, last 17 December, a new regulation (EU) 2015/757 on the monitoring, reporting and verification of carbon dioxide emissions from maritime transport, and amending directive 2009/16/EC was adopted on 29 April 2015 and entered into force on 1 July 2015. This new regulation will be applicable to shipping activities carried out from 1 January 2018 in relation to vessels above 5,000 gross tonnes calling in a European member state. It will oblige the shipowners or operators of such vessels, whatever the flag of the vessel, wherever their registered office is based, to monitor and to report CO2 emissions for each vessel on a per voyage and annual basis. The annual reports will be verified by an independent entity (the “verifiers”), which shall issue a document of compliance to be kept on board the vessel. Prior to the actual monitoring, shipping companies will also have to submit to the verifiers a monitoring plan for each of their ships by 31 August 2017. Some information included in the reports will also be made available to the public. It is also expressly provided that the European member states will have to set up a system of penalties for failure to comply with these new obligations. There were previously no European obligations in relation to the provision of CO2 information or declarations imposed on the shipping industry as the European regulation 525/2013² had excluded shipping from its scope. However, this does not mean no CO2 information or declarations are compulsory until 2018. Certain countries, such as France, have enacted legislation in advance of European laws to show their commitment to the protection of the environment – France will be hosting at the end of this year the international Climate Conference COP 21 – and has already enacted certain provisions regarding CO2 emissions which have come into force as from 1 October 2013 and are applicable, amongst others, to maritime carriers. The relevant French legal provisions essentially provide for the obligation of all carriers, whether of goods or passengers, to supply to cargo interests or passengers, information relating to the quantity of carbon dioxide emitted by the mode(s) of transport used to provide this service, so long as the carriage has its origin or its destination in the French territory (which also includes French overseas departments and territories). The fact the carrier is registered abroad does not exonerate it from these obligations. The CO2 information to be provided - at the latest 2 months after the end of the carriage - is the total quantity of CO2 emitted for both the “upstream” and “operating” phases of carriage. The CO2 emitted for the “upstream phase” of the carriage (i.e. before the fuel is actually consumed) includes - for fuels - any CO2 emitted to extract the crude oil, its refining operations and any fuel transport operations. The “operating phase” includes all operations of carriage from the origin to the destination, as well as the emissions during the repositioning of the vessel, the movements made while the vessel is in ballast, and emissions while the vessel is stopped, with the engine functioning, linked to these operations. There are various methods of calculation that may be used to determine the CO2 emissions information to be provided, which are more or less complicated, and the French government has issued guidance to assist carriers. Upon request from the passenger / cargo interests, the carrier has to advise the method of calculation. While these provisions have been in force for more than a year now, it is obvious that a large number of operators have not started implementing procedures allowing them to provide the CO2 information on a regular basis.This is probably due to the administrative burden the provision of the CO2 information creates. However, the fact there are currently no criminal or financial sanctions/penalties for failure to comply with the obligations set out in the French legal provisions is also a relevant factor. The absence of a sanction is a political decision probably linked to the fact the obligations set out in the decree place a heavy burden on all companies involved in transport and there are a number of uncertainties/difficulties to overcome before any sanction can be applied. It is planned a report is to be issued by the Ministry of Transport to evaluate the application of the law/decree in 2016 and no sanction is to be put in place before 2016. It is possible the French government will use the pretext of the obligation of the State members to set out penalties for non-compliance with the European regulation, to also impose sanctions for non compliance with domestic legislation on CO2 emission information. In conclusion, while the sets of existing French provisions and the European provisions to be applicable both aim at providing users with better information on the CO2 emissions and limiting the CO2 emissions, their contents are different. It is likely that any procedure put in place to comply with French law will be helpful once the European regulation is applicable. However, it will be necessary to ascertain there are no inconsistencies between the information required to be provided under French law and that required under the European regulation, in particular as far as methods of calculation are concerned.

Source: Lewis & Co AARPI

INSERE 26/12/15 HISTORIEK HISTORIQUE ENLEVE 26/01/16

Endeavour, le navire du Capitaine Cook par Jenny Bennett

Au début de l'année 1768, alors que la Royal Navy vient d'acheter l'Earl of Pembroke à Thomas Milner moyennant 2 800 livres sterling, les inspecteurs de l'amirauté britannique décrivent le navire comme un "collier-cat" gréé en trois-mâts barque, doté "d'un arrière à tableau carré et de formes pleines [...] augurant d'un bon comportement sous voiles, et convenant à l'embarquement d'une importante cargaison de provisions et fournitures". Long de 33,22 mètres au pont pour une largeur de 8,91 mètres, ce charbonnier n'est guère imposant avec ses 370 tonnes et son tirant d'eau en charge de 4,27 mètres. Pourtant, c'est lui que l'Amirauté a retenu pour transporter le fameux Charles Green jusqu'à Tahiti. Là, sur cette île qui vient tout juste d'être découverte, l'astronome de la Société royale doit observer le passage de Vénus devant le Soleil. A côté de cet aspect du voyage tout à fait officiel, existe toutefois une autre mission bien plus confidentielle : mettre le cap au Sud- Ouest à la recherche de la "Grande Terre du Sud". Pour accomplir une telle expédition, le trois-mâts barque, rebaptisé Endeavour, doit subir toute une série de travaux. C'est ainsi qu'il entre en avril 1768 à l'arsenal de la Royal Navy à Deptford "pour y être doublé, calfaté et équipé pour un voyage vers le Sud". Le tour du monde laissant prévoir une absence d'Angleterre d'environ trois ans — dont plusieurs mois passés dans des eaux tropicales infestées de tarets, ces vers particulièrement nuisibles aux coques —, les oeuvres vives doivent être bien protégées. Il faut également revoir le gréement du navire, ainsi que ses emménagements qui devront accueillir un grand nombre de personnes, équipage, officiers, mais également scientifiques et troupes de marine. Dans l'immense cale, un nouveau pont est installé entre le pont supérieur et les ponts inférieurs. Là, l'équipage sera logé des deux côtés du grand panneau, un gros fourneau en fonte côtoyant une petite table destinée à la préparation des repas en avant de la descente. Les cabines et magasins du maître d'équipage, du voilier et du charpentier sont installés de chaque bord, tandis qu'en arrière de la descente, on ménage sur toute la largeur du bâtiment un grand poste muni de tables suspendues aux barrots et, sous chacune d'entre elles, on place les coffres des marins qui serviront aussi de sièges . C'est ici que les soixante matelots prendront leurs repas — à raison de six hommes par table — et qu'ils dormiront. Pour cela, on suspend des hamacs à des crochets fixés aux barrots, de manière à ce que chaque couche soit espacée de 36 centimètres. Quant aux fusiliers marins, bien qu'ils partagent la table des matelots, on installe leurs cabines plus à l'arrière, entre celles de l'équipage et celles des officiers, cette disposition étant alors de règle en prévision des mutineries. A cet endroit, la hauteur sous barrots n'excède pas 1,40 mètre, alors qu'elle est de 2,10 mètres à l'avant. Outre cet inconvénient, les fusiliers auront aussi à souffrir de l'exiguïté des cabines — 1,83 mètre de long pour 1,50 mètre de large — et, comme si cela ne suffisait pas, d'un manque total d'aération, les deux écoutilles arrière devant rester fermées en permanence à moins que le navire ne soit au mouillage... On imagine aisément le manque de confort des lieux, notamment sous les Tropiques !

A l'origine, les emménagements réservés aux officiers et gentlemen devaient compter plusieurs cabines, un carré pour les officiers et, à l'usage exclusif du capitaine, une vaste cabine à l'arrière. Pourtant, deux mois après le début des travaux, cette configuration doit être modifiée, l'Amirauté ayant annoncé un supplément de huit passagers : Joseph Banks, membre de la Société royale, son ami le naturaliste suédois Daniel Solander, les artistes Sydney Parkinson et Alexander Buchan, ainsi que quelques assistants et domestiques. Des modifications vont donc s'imposer, au détriment de Cook et de ses officiers. Désormais, le commandant partagera sa cabine avec les naturalistes et les artistes, abandonnant la sienne à Banks, qui décrira l'endroit comme "une retraite pouvant à peine contenir quelques livres et nos papiers". Une autre cabine est raccourcie afin de faire place à un office; deux nouvelles cabines sont ainsi créées, chacune d'entre elles disposant d'équipets contre la muraille, d'un hamac, d'un hublot (à l'exception de celle de M. Banks) et des meubles ordinaires — une table et une chaise — saisis au pont ou aux cloisons. Le carré des officiers se voit réduit, et leurs cabines sont descendues d'un pont. Entre celles-ci, on installe le mess des jeunes officiers — aspirants et lieutenants —, lesquels, comme les matelots, mangeront à une table basse assis sur des coffres et dormiront dans des hamacs accrochés chaque soir aux barrots. Pour ces derniers, bien qu'ils n'aient pas la place de se tenir debout, le fait d'être séparés des "hommes" est considéré comme un privilège, et comme le véritable reflet de leur statut au sein de l'équipage.

Le grand voyage L'Endeavour fin prêt, on procède à son avitaillement. Celui-ci fait état de 15 700 kg de pain, 4 700 kg de farine, 5 455 litres de bière, 7 274 litres d'alcool, 10000 morceaux de viande salée — boeuf et porc —, 362 kg de graisse de boeuf, 4711 kg de raisins secs, 187 boisseaux de pois cassés et autant de flocons d'avoine, 120 boisseaux de blé, 545 litres d'huile, 680 kg de sucre, 2 273 litres de vinaigre, 40 boisseaux de malt et autant de sel (la Marine n'avait initialement prévu que la moitié de cette quantité, mais Cook avait insisté pour l'augmenter), 72 kg de moutarde, 453 kg de "soupe portative" et 3 560 kg de choucroute. Celle- ci ne faisait en principe pas partie de l'avitaillement, mais on comptait sur son effet antiscorbutique. Ladite choucroute étant très fermentée, l'équipage ne l'aimera guère mais, à l'arrivée à Tahiti sept mois plus tard, le bord n'aura pas enregistré un seul cas mortel de scorbut, fait pratiquement sans précédent au xvuie siècle. Outre ces denrées, on embarque également un certain nombre d'animaux, moutons, porcs, chèvres (dont la mascotte du HMS Dolphin, commandant Samuel Wallis, qui vient de finir un tour du monde), poulets, canards et oies, ainsi que deux chiens de chasse appartenant à Joseph Banks et plusieurs chats chargés d'éviter la prolifération des rongeurs. Au total, l'Endeavour embarque quatre-vingt-quatorze personnes à son bord, des hommes qui pour la majorité n'ont pas trente ans et qui, pour certains, n'ont jamais pris la mer. C'est notamment le cas de Robert Molyneux et de son serviteur Isaac George Manley, respectivement âgés de vingt-deux et douze ans au moment du départ. Quant au lieutenant James Cook, âgé de quarante ans, c'est son premier commandement important.

Le lieutenant James Cook et l'expédition de la Société royale Né en 1728 à Marton, un village du Yorkshire, Cook est d'humble extraction. Fort de ses premières bases de lecture, d'écriture et de calcul, l'enfant complète ses connaissances en autodidacte avant de devenir mercier à Staithes. En 1746, Cook entre comme apprenti chez John Walker, un armateur de Whitby spécialisé dans le cabotage du charbon sur la côte Est. Dès 1752, ce fils de journalier est devenu un vrai marin, commandant en second un des navires de Walker. Mais la marine marchande ne suffit pas à assouvir les ambitions du jeune Cook. Au bout de trois ans, il s'enrôle dans la Royal Navy et, en 1757, reçoit le commandement du HMS Solebay. Rapidement repéré par l'Amirauté — qui a eu vent de son remarquable talent, notamment lors du relevé hydrographique du fleuve Saint-Laurent et des côtes de Terre-Neuve et de la Nouvelle-Ecosse —, on lui confie en 1763 le commandement de la goélette Grenville, en mission vers Terre-Neuve. Trois ans plus tard, alors qu'il navigue encore le long des côtes canadiennes, Cook observe une éclipse de Soleil et fait suivre ses calculs et ses obervations à la Société royale de Londres.

Dans les années 1760, la Société royale exerce un rayonnement de premier plan. Cette institution centenaire a pour objectif d'encourager et de promouvoir toutes les disciplines scientifiques. Dans ce cadre, ses membres recherchent, collectent et étudient des informations provenant des régions les plus éloignées de la planète. En cette époque de grande activité intellectuelle, philosophes, physiologistes, botanistes et hommes de lettres se réunissent pour débattre et tenter de résoudre les grandes questions de l'univers. La Société royale compte alors quelques personnages influents, tels que Sir Joshua Reynolds, premier président de l'Académie royale, le baron Clive of Plassey (dit "Clive de l'Inde"), l'homme d'Etat et scientifique américain Benjamin Franklin, François-Marie Arouet, dit Voltaire, le poète et physicien Erasmus Darwin, l'architecte Robert Adam, les physiologistes John Hunter et Albertus Haller, ainsi que William Pitt père et fils. Ces hommes, passionnés par l'étude de l'histoire de la Terre, cherchent également à en préciser la position au sein du cosmos. Ainsi, en 1761,1e passage de Vénus devant le disque solaire est suivi par plus de cent observateurs répartis dans le monde entier. Grâce à leurs calculs, on espérait que les astronomes pourraient calculer la distance séparant la Terre du Soleil et, peut-être, la taille de l'univers tout entier. Malheureusement, les contradictions des mesures d'un pays à l'autre ne permettront de tirer aucune conclusion. Pourtant, tout n'est pas perdu puisque huit ans plus tard, en 1769, Vénus doit effectuer un nouveau passage... le dernier avant cent quatre ans. Pour les membres de la Société royale — qui considère ses savants comme les plus qualifiés au monde —, l'occasion est à ne pas manquer. C'est ainsi que trois groupes d'observateurs sont dépêchés, l'un au cap Nord en Norvège, le second à Fort Churchill sur la baie d'Hudson au Canada et le troisième à Tahiti, dans l'océan Pacifique. Pour ces derniers, la mission sera double: tant qu'à déplacer des explorateurs et des savants dans les mers du Sud, pourquoi ne pas en profiter pour y chercher le Grand continent austral, la fameuse Terra australis incognita? Sous la présidence de James Douglas, quatorzième comte de Morton, les membres de la Société adressent une requête à leur protecteur, le roi George III, pour obtenir soutien et appui financier. Le souverain accorde 4000 livres sterling et ordonne par décret à ses amiraux de "faire préparer un navire idoine". Charles Green, membre de la Société royale, est nommé astronome de l'expédition tandis que le commandement du navire est confié à Alexander Dalrymple, tout juste rentré des Indes orientales et qui croit fermement en l'existence du Grand continent austral. Pourtant, cette nomination suscite un tollé général à l'Amirauté. Comment? confier le commandement d'un navire de la Royal Navy à un civil! De fait, le 3 avril 1768, le président de la Société royale rend compte à son conseil qu'il "avait recommandé M. Dalrymple aux lords de l'Amirauté pour commander le navire, mais on lui a rétorqué que cette nomination était en contradiction flagrante avec les règles de la Marine. M. Dalrymple, qui assistait au conseil, refusa le poste d'observateur qu'on lui pro- posait, sauf s'il était également nommé commandant; par conséquent, le conseil a décidé d'envisager son remplacement par une personne convenant mieux à ces fonctions." Ecarté, Dalrymple — qui sera nommé en 1795 premier hydrographe de la Marine —, témoigne de son mécontentement par courrier à la Société royale: "Il est nécessaire d'observer que je n'envisage nullement de participer à cette expédition en qualité de passager ni en toute autre qualité, sauf à avoir le commandement intégral du navire..." La Société royale voulait que l'expédition compte plus d'un observateur; les amiraux, de leur côté, exigeaient que le commandement soit confié à un officier de marine. Ce sera James Cook. Le 25 août 1768, l'Endeavour appareille de Plymouth. Il faudra huit mois à l'ancien charbonnier pour atteindre Tahiti, non sans que le voyage ait été émaillé de quelques incidents. Ainsi, au Brésil, le navire sera arraisonné et retenu dans le port portugais de Rio de Janeiro sous la double accusation de contrebande et d'espionnage. Plus tard, au cours d'une exploration de la Terre de Feu, les deux domestiques de Banks, Thomas Richmond et George Dalton, décéderont. Le cap Horn doublé par un temps relativement clément succédant à une série de violentes tempêtes, Banks fera la joie de quelques-uns en abattant un albatros d'un coup de carabine ; l'animal sera préparé en ragoût et "servi avec une sauce à la sarriette". Sur l'ensemble du trajet, seuls trois hommes d'équipage disparaîtront : le quartier-maître Alexander Weir, trente-cinq ans, au large de Madère le 14 septembre 1768; le matelot Peter Flower, quatorze ans, lors du départ de Rio le 2 décembre 1768 ; et le fusilier marin William Greenslade, qui a probablement mis fin à ses jours en sautant par-dessus bord le 23 mars 1769.

Arrivé à Tahiti en avril 1769, dans les délais prévus, l'Endeavour est fort bien accueilli par les insulaires. Il y reste trois mois, une période au cours de laquelle Charles Green et James Cook auront la joie d'observer le passage de Vénus devant le Soleil dans d'excellentes conditions. Au terme de l'escale, le trois-mâts poursuit comme prévu sa route vers l'Ouest, dans des eaux inconnues, à la recherche de l'insaisissable Continent austral. Deux mois après avoir traversé l'archipel de la Société, l'Endeavour atterrit sur la côte orientale de l'île Nord de la Nouvelle-Zélande en octobre 1769. Ce n'est pas la première fois que des Européens débarquent sur cette terre lointaine — le navigateur hollandais Abel Janszoon Tasman y était passé en 1642 —, mais Cook va accomplir autour des deux îles un périple complet qui permet de les cartographier, prouvant une fois pour toutes qu'elles ne constituent pas l'extrémité Nord d'un plus vaste continent. Six mois après être entré dans les eaux néo- zélandaises, l'Endeavour remet le cap à l'Ouest en avril 1770, cette fois pour explorer et cartographier la côte Est de la "Nouvelle- Hollande". Arrivé à la pointe Hicks le 21 avril, le navire longe la côte en direction du Nord, tout en la relevant. Les hommes débarquent à Botany Bay, ainsi baptisée en raison de "la grande quantité de plantes nouvelles que M. Banks et le docteur Solander cueillirent en cet endroit". Ils y font aiguade et consacrent une semaine à de petites réparations avant de mettre le cap au Nord... Et c'est la catastrophe. Cook ne sait pas que la distance entre la côte et la grande barrière de corail va en diminuant. Ainsi, dans la nuit du 11 juin, l'Endeavour talonne et s'empale sur un écueil. A plus de vingt milles de la terre et avec très peu de fond devant le navire, la situation semble désespérée, d'autant plus que la houle bouscule l'Endeavour contre les pointes aiguës du corail qui mordent sa carène. Quelques minutes après l'échouage, on doit mettre les pompes en marche. Les hommes s'y relayeront toute la nuit. Le 12 juin, Cook ordonne d'alléger le navire en jetant pardessus bord lest, canons, provisions avariées et tonneaux vides. A la tombée de la nuit, les espoirs de tout l'équipage ne reposent plus que sur la prochaine marée: si l'Endeavour ne flotte pas à la pleine mer, il faudra l'abandonner sur le récif. Et chacun sait à bord que les embarcations permettront à peine d'embarquer la moitié de l'équipage...

Au flot, les pompes n'étalent toujours pas les voies d'eau. Cook fait alors mouiller des ancres loin sur l'arrière, tout l'équipage tentant de déhaler le navire au cabestan, avec l'aide de toutes les embarcations du bord faisant force d'aviron. Et soudain, peu après 22 heures, les efforts sont récompensés: la marée soulève l'Endeavour. Aussitôt, Cook se hâte de faire étancher les voies d'eau en glissant une voile sous la carène, tandis que le cap est mis sur la terre. Le 17 juin, alors que le vent forcit, le trois-mâts en avarie embouque enfin l'estuaire d'un fleuve. Plus tard, on le nommera Endeavour.

Le retour Une fois le navire complètement remis en état, Cook et son équipage appareillent le 3 août vers le Nord. Dix-huit jours durant, le récif leur tendra de multiples pièges, semblant totalement impénétrable, jusqu'à ce qu'enfin le 21 août, l'Endeavour double le cap York et embouque le détroit de l'Endeavour pour rejoindre des eaux cartographiées. Il atteint le 11 octobre 1770 le comptoir néerlandais de Batavia, sur l'île de Java. Entre Tahiti et Batavia, l'Endeavour n'a perdu que deux hommes: John Reading victime d'un coma éthylique le 28 août 1769, et Forby Sutherland mort de tuberculose en baie de Botany le 1er mai 1770... Mais Batavia constitue un piège mortel. Là, sept hommes vont mourir du paludisme avant Noël. Le 24 janvier 1771, huit jours après l'appareillage, le caporal-chef John Truslove succombe à la dysenterie. Fin février, alors que le navire n'a pas encore atteint Le Cap, trente autres hommes, dont l'astronome Charles Green, l'ont suivi. En qualité d'officier de marine, Cook a pourtant toujours pris le plus grand soin de la santé de son équipage, parvenant à convaincre ses matelots de manger la choucroute pourtant prévue pour les officiers: cette série de décès a dû le marquer cruellement. Pour l'Amirauté et la Société royale en revanche, l'expédition se solde par un triomphe... Même si Cook n'a pas découvert de continent nouveau, il a observé le passage de Vénus, cartographié la Nouvelle-Zélande et pris possession de l'Australie orientale au nom du roi George III. Banks et Solander ont recueilli plus de 30 000 échantillons végétaux et un millier d'animaux; ils seront accueillis en héros par le Tout-Londres. Quant à James Cook, reçu en audience par le roi, il est nommé capitaine de frégate. Dès 1772, il repartira dans les mers du Sud pour un second voyage d'exploration. Son troisième voyage, commencé en 1776, le conduira à Hawaii où il sera tué le 14 février 1779 par des indigènes. L'Endeavour survivra moins d'un an au décès de son commandant, et la fin de sa carrière ne sera guère héroïque. Affecté par l'Amirauté aux liaisons à destination des Malouines, puis revendu et rebaptisé Lord Sandwich, il servira de transport de troupes en Amérique du Nord pendant la guerre d'Indépendance. Enfin, incapable de reprendre la mer, il deviendra navire-prison à Newport, dans l'Etat de Rhode Island. C'est là qu'en 1780 il sera sabordé par les Britanniques en même temps que douze autres unités, pour tenter d'interdire l'accès du port à la flotte française. Récemment, dans le cadre d'un projet d'archéologie sous-marine de Rhode Island parrainé par le musée maritime national australien et dirigé par Kathy Abbass, plusieurs équipes de plongeurs ont exploré différents sites de la rade devant Newport pour tenter de localiser l'épave de l'humble navire charbonnier baptisé à son lancement Earl of Pembroke...

INSERE 28/12/15 NIEUWS ENLEVE 28/01/16 The Entry Into Force Of The Nairobi Convention On Wreck Removal: Is It A Big Deal?

The Nairobi Convention will come into force in April 2015. It provides a strict liability regime for the removal of hazardous wrecks in Exclusive Economic Zones, with states able to pursue owners for compensation when forced to carry out remedial measures themselves. Direct action against insurers is also permitted but the relevant states’ powers are curbed by the requirement to ensure that measures taken are proportionate to the hazard. The immediate impact of the Convention is likely to be limited but it nonetheless represents a step towards global uniformity in this currently inconsistent area of law and practice.

Origins and early controversy

The Convention comes into force on 14 April 2015, some thirty years after the wrecking of the Mont Louis focused governments’ attention on the lack of a coherent international system for coping with the aftermath of maritime disasters that occur within countries’ Exclusive Economic Zones (“EEZs”) – the area outside a state’s 12 nautical mile territorial waters, usually extending to 200 nautical miles from a baseline that generally follows the coastline. In 1984, the Roll On-Roll Off vessel Mont Louis was carrying an extremely hazardous cargo of uranium hexafluoride when she collided with the ferry Olau Brittania and sank off Ostend. The Belgian authorities were left powerless, as the wreck was just outside territorial waters. The Nairobi Convention is the result of many years of hard work by the IMO Legal Committee Although the Convention aims primarily to remove the uncertainty over states’ powers over wrecks within their EEZs, the seemingly common sense suggestion that it might be extended to cover territorial waters caused great controversy. In 2007, Lloyd’s List reported “heated exchanges, which are rare in the legal committee”, with opposition to the “opt-in” clause whereby state parties could choose to extend the Convention’s effect to their territorial waters. Ultimately, the opters-in carried the day, although, as at 20 January 2015, only Antigua & Barbuda, Bulgaria, Denmark, Liberia, the Marshall Islands and the UK (less than half of the current state parties) have decided to apply the Convention to territorial waters, where the majority of wrecks of course occur.

Rising wreck removal expenses

The Convention’s potential importance has grown in recent years because of the significant escalation of wreck removal costs. It is discomforting that the MSC Napoli and the MV Rena were both a fraction of the size of the current generation of giant container ships, yet cost USD135 million and USD244 million to remove respectively. Environmental concerns and intervention by local authorities are probably the key factors: for example, the Italian authorities’ order that the Costa Concordia be refloated and towed, rather than dismantled in place, greatly increased the total wreck removal bill in that case. How the Convention works If a ship is involved in a maritime casualty and becomes a wreck within a state’s EEZ, the master or the ship’s operator must report it without delay to the affected state. A “wreck” may include, amongst other things, drifting ships (if measures are not in hand to assist them) and floating debris. An assessment by an affected state that a wreck poses a navigational or major environmental hazard triggers the Convention’s provisions. Once a hazard is declared, states have powers to locate and mark wrecks, warn mariners and “facilitate the removal of wrecks”. Shipowners and their insurers can take some comfort from the fact that the Convention provides that owners may contract with whichever contractor they choose, and that if measures are in hand then states may do no more than set “a reasonable deadline in writing” for removal. Non-compliance permits the state to remove the wreck at the owner’s expense, but only by “the most practical and expeditious means available”.

Other features

The Convention imposes a strict liability on shipowners for the costs of locating, marking and removing wrecks, with only the narrow exceptions of war; natural phenomena of “exceptional, inevitable and irresistible character”; intentional acts and omissions of third parties; and negligence of the authorities responsible for lights and other navigational aids. Although tonnage limitation regimes will still apply, this will often not help owners because most states do not include wreck removal within their limitation regime. The Convention also provides that all ships over 300 GT must carry insurance up to the limits of the 1996 Protocol to the London Convention on tonnage limitation and provides for direct action against insurers up to this limit. This will allow states to recover at least some costs even when vessels belonging to single ship companies with no other assets are wrecked. Ships must also obtain certificates to prove their insurance cover and the UK, Germany, Denmark, Liberia and the Marshall Islands are taking the lead in issuing certificates to ships flagged in countries that are not parties to the Convention. The International Group of P&I clubs have all agreed to issue “Blue Cards”, which demonstrate that ships have the cover mandated by the Convention and thus allow them to apply for the required certificate. The International Group has also signed memoranda of understanding with the Australian and South African governments, as part of an outreach programme aiming to raise awareness of the role of P&I clubs and improve relations with state authorities. As at 20 January 2015, discussions were also ongoing with the US, Canada, Malaysia, Singapore and EU states grouped together as the European Maritime Safety Agency. To balance the heavy obligations placed on shipowners, the Convention also provides that measures taken by states shall be proportionate to the hazard, and “shall not unnecessarily interfere with the rights and interests of other States including the State of the ship’s registry, and of any person, physical or corporate, concerned”.

Significance of the Convention

Where it applies, the Convention may lead to owners being able to take a more assertive approach when faced with a wreck removal situation. Although questioning the decisions of state bodies through judicial review or the administrative courts is often an uphill struggle, the Convention gives clear grounds for resisting unreasonable actions taken by states. The strict liability regime may also help to reduce the number of wrecks that occur in the first place by encouraging states to provide ports of refuge rather than turn ships away, because they will be more likely to provide refuge when they are confident that someone will pay if they do become wrecks. Currently the Convention’s effect is limited by the small number of states – fifteen – that have incorporated it into their law, and by the fact that only six of those have applied it to territorial waters. Its effect in the short term is therefore likely to be limited, but greater adoption and “opting-in” by states to extend its effect to territorial waters, which may prove to be an attractive step since it gives them an agreed right of direct action against insurers, could bring much-needed uniformity and clarity. The delegates at a Salvage and Wreck Conference in London in December 2014 summed the situation up well by voting that although the Convention will not change the situation overnight, it is nonetheless a move forward and deserves the support of the shipping industry and the world’s maritime nations. Source: Ince & Co.

INSERE 30/12/15 NIEUWS NEWS NOUVELLES ENLEVE 30/01/16

China's lighthouses in Spratlys beckon recognition from passing ships

By Greg Torode

The next time the United States sends warships by China’s man-made islands in the disputed South China, officers aboard will have to decide how, if at all, they will engage with a pair of giant lighthouses that Beijing lit up there this month. Chinese officials say the lighthouses on Cuarteron Reef and Johnson South Reef in the disputed Spratly islands officers say, however, the lighthouses represent a shrewd move to help buttress China's territorial claims in the South China Sea. While the U.S. and other navies mostly rely on electronic instruments to confirm their ships' positions, visual fixes from lighthouses are still used in certain conditions. Any such moves would play into a strategy "geared to bolstering China's claims by forcing other countries to effectively recognise Chinese sovereignty by their actions," said Ian Storey, a South China Sea expert at Singapore's Institute of South East Asian Studies. "If naval and other ships from other countries, including the U.S. would be obliged to use and log them, it could be taken as de facto recognition of China's sovereignty," Storey said. U.S. officials have not confirmed or denied reports that the U.S. Navy will soon conduct freedom-of-navigation operations within 12 nautical miles of the artificial islands. Asked about those reports on Tuesday, U.S. Secretary of Defense Ash Carter said the United States would sail or fly wherever international law allows.China claims most of the energy- rich South China Sea, which links the Indian and Pacific Oceans. About $5 trillion in shipborne trade passes through its strategic sea lanes every year. References to the lighthouses are likely to find their way into international shipping charts and registers and the logbooks of foreign navies. That would help China to potentially build a long-term legal picture of effective occupation, despite any formal diplomatic objections of rival claimantsThe lighthouses reinforce Beijing's continued strategy of gradually "changing the facts on the water", Storey said. China has extensively reclaimed seven islets and atolls in the Spratlys over the last two years. The runways and other facilities China is building on them have alarmed the United States and its partners in the region, who say they could be used for military purposes. Washington has repeatedly stated it does not recognise any Chinese claim of territorial waters around the reclamations built on previously submerged reefs. Both serving and retired Western naval officers say modern electronic navigation devices, including the U.S.-created Global Positioning System, mean that lighthouses are of declining value to all kinds of shipping But, when sailing within several miles of ocean features such as reefs, or when electronic devices fail, ships rely on them to help fix and log a position visually. Commander Bill Clinton, a spokesman for the U.S. 7th Fleet, did not detail the circumstances under which U.S. ships would use the lighthouses. But, he said, they had "no impact on 7th Fleet's ability to fly, sail and operate in international waters of the South China Sea." Trevor Hollingsbee, a retired naval intelligence analyst with Britain's defense ministry, said building lighthouses on the reclaimed reefs was a "rather cunning" move by China."The use of lighthouses is declining everywhere, but there will always be times when their use is unavoidable, and that goes for all mariners in the South China Sea," Hollingsbee said. The 2014 "Sailing Directions" for the South China Sea produced by the U.S. National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency gives extensive details on the Spratlys, including lighthouses, visible wrecks and lagoon entrances - but without citing who has sovereignty over them. It declares some 52,000 square miles (135,000 sq km) as "Dangerous Ground" due to inadequate surveys and bad weather. It also noting that sovereignty in the area is "subject to competing claims which may be supported by a force of arms."China "will never recklessly resort to the use of force, even on issues of sovereignty," said Fan Changlong, one of the vice chairmen of the Central Military Commission which controls the Chinese armed forces. He was speaking to defense ministers from the 10-member Association of South East Asian Nations at a security forum in Beijing. The artificial islands in the Spratlys "will not affect freedom of navigation in the South China Sea", Fan said. The new lighthouses "have already begun to provide navigation services to all nations", he added Four ASEAN member nations - the Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia and Brunei - have overlapping claims in the Spratlys. Taiwan also claims the Spratlys. Malaysia's Armed Forces chief Zulkefli Mohd Zin expressed concern at the security forum over "the unwarranted provocation by the Chinese over the construction on the garrisoned islands of the South China Sea".Time will tell what China's intention is, he said. But Malaysia has to accept China's explanation that the reclamation and construction activities in the Spratlys is "for good purposes and the purposes of all human kind." Source: Reuters (Additional reporting by JR Wu in TAIPEI, Michael Martina and Ben Blanchard in BEIJING and My Pham in HANOI. Editing by Bill Tarrant)

Malaysia slams China's "provocation" in South China Sea

China's construction work on islands in the disputed South China Sea is "unwarranted provocation", Malaysia's armed forces chief said on Sunday, in a rare public comment about the spat from a country which has its own claims in the seas.China's relations with several Southeast Asian countries, especially the Philippines and Vietnam who have competing claims in the South China Sea, have been strained by Beijing's increasingly assertive tone in an area through which $5 trillion in ship-borne trade passes annually.Beijing's move last year to step up the creation of artificial islands, which it says are mostly for civilian purposes, has also drawn strong criticism from Washington. "I would like to address the issue of the unwarranted provocation by the Chinese over the construction on the garrisoned islands of the South China Sea," Malaysia Armed Forces chief Zulkefli Mohd Zin told a security forum in Beijing. China has offered assurances that their building work is also for civilian purposes, maritime research and to facilitate safe navigation of ships in that area, he added."So time will tell as to what China's intention is. In the meantime we have got to accept the reasons given by the government of the People's Republic of China as to the purpose of the development of these islands," Zulkefli said. "I hope that it is for good purposes and the purposes of all human kind."Malaysia has generally adopted a cautious line in its dealings with Beijing over disputed territory in the South China Sea, in contrast to Vietnam and the Philippines, which have railed against perceived Chinese expansionism.But two Chinese naval exercises in quick succession around the James Shoal, which lies inside Malaysia's exclusive economic zone, prompted Kuala Lumpur to change its approach last year, senior diplomats have previously told Reuters. Earlier this month China said it had completed lighthouses on Cuarteron Reef and Johnson South Reef in the Spratly islands which will help maritime search and rescue, navigational security and disaster relief. Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Liu Zhenmin, speaking to the same military forum late on Saturday, said these lighhouses would greatly help safety in the South China Sea.China will continue to build such facilities, he added, without elaborating.

Source : Reuters (Reporting by Ben Blanchard; Editing by Richard Pullin)

INSERE 01/01/16 NIEUWS ENLEVE 01/02/16

“Geschiedenis van de Waddenzee”

B O E K B E S P R E K I N G door : Frank NEYTS

Bij Walburg Pers verscheen zopas ‘Geschiedenis van de Waddenzee - De CANON van de Waddeneilanden”. Anne Doedens en Jan Houter tekenden als auteurs. Er is al veel geschreven over de natuur en de geschiedenis van ieder eiland apart. ‘Geschiedenis van de Wadden – De CANON van de Waddeneilanden’ is het eerste boek dat vijftig historische hoogtepunten en hoofdzaken van de Nederlandse Waddeneilanden weergeeft. In hun samenhang en apart. Van Texel, Vlieland en Terschelling tot Ameland, Schiermonnikoog en Rottumeroog. Het water verbond de eilanders. Hun blik was gericht op de Noord-, de Zuider- en de Waddenzee, op de Oostzee en Indië, zonder zeevaart en visserij kon geen eiland bestaan. De floklore kent overeenkomsten. De aanleg van bossen maakt op alle eilanden deel uit van één proces. Opvallend is de aanwezigheid van doopsgezinden. De rol van kerken en kloosters is bepalend voor de Waddengeschiedenis. Veranderingen van het landschap voltrekken zich hier sneller dan elders. Aparte staatjes als Ameland, beroemde Nederlanders als kardinaal De Jong, Willem Barentsz en Willem de Vlamingh komen aan bod. De betekenis voor onze nationale defensie is en was groot. Meer dan elders vindt en vond men er kunstenaars van allerlei soort, zoals Wolkers op Texel en Slauerhoff op Vlieland.Er werd overlegd met tal van kenners van de eilanden zelf om een evenwichtig beeld te scheppen. Een totale geschiedenis in hoofdzaken is het resultaat. Een aanrader! “Geschiedenis van de Waddeneilanden” (ISBN 978-90-5730-429-3) telt 192 pagina’s, werd als hardback uitgegeven, en kost 29.95 euro. Aankopen kan via de boekhandel of rechtstreeks bij Uitgeversmaatschappij Walburg Pers, Postbus 4159, 7200BD Zutphen. Tel. +32(0)575.510522, Fax +31(0)575.542289. . In België wordt het boek verdeeld door Agora Uitgeverscentrum, Aalst/Erembodegem. Tel. 0032(0)53.78.87.00, Fax 0032(0)53.78.26.91, www.boekenbank.be , E-mail: [email protected].

INSERE 01/01/16 DOSSIER ENLEVE 01/02/16

Shipping issues arising out of the Ukraine crisis

The background facts The situation in Ukraine remains fluid and, with events moving quickly, very little is certain. Attention is focused on the Crimea with rumours in early March of Russian naval vessels at times blockading the Kerch Straits which, if true, would quickly isolate the main port of Mariupol. At present, the US and EU appear committed to achieving a nonmilitary solution to the ongoing crisis. Limited sanctions have been introduced by both, aimed at freezing and/or seizing the assets of persons designated under the sanctions for their involvement in undermining the democratic process in Ukraine or misappropriating assets of the State. Russia has introduced its own limited sanctions in response. No-one wants to see any kind of armed escalation, but we can expect a period of uncertainty as Russia decides how it will react. Ukraine’s importance in terms of wheat and corn supplies is significant. It is also a key exporter of metals and minerals to Europe, Russia and beyond. Ukraine ranks as the world’s fourth and fifth largest exporter of corn and wheat respectively and it is the world’s fifth largest steel exporter. It is also a vital gateway for Russian natural gas to Western Europe, with approximately a fifth of the gas used in Europe flowing across the country. Together with Russia, Ukraine forms the northern coast of the Black Sea, an important shipping route for agricultural products, metals and energy. The potential disruption for the corn, wheat, gas and steel industries, together with the resulting rise in prices, is causing considerable concern. An escalation of tensions and any military action may have repercussions for shipowners, charterers, crews and insurers alike. We outline below some of the legal issues that the shipping industry may face if the situation in Ukraine escalates.

Charterparties War Risk clauses Charterparties often include specific provisions relating to the outbreak of war or warlike situations. Such clauses generally provide that the contract should be cancelled/terminated in the event of war/hostilities/warlike operations breaking out, either between “two or more” of a list of specified nations (often including Russia and “any country in the EC”), or involving the flag state of the vessel. What constitutes “war” in this context was the subject of an arbitration in 2002 (Northern Pioneer) where limited German participation in the NATO bombing operations in Kosovo led to charterers purporting to terminate charterparties involving German flagged ships. The Tribunal found that the action was not “war” and that, in any event, Germany was not “involved” (in what was a war between Kosovo and Yugoslavia) for the purposes of the clause. The matter found its way to the Court of Appeal ([2002] EWCA Civ 1878) primarily on points of procedure but the Court confirmed that any right to terminate must be exercised within a reasonable time of war breaking out and doing so a month later was too late. In the context of a war involving only Russia and Ukraine, then any reliance on a similar termination clause will probably be restricted to charterparties involving vessels flagged in those countries. Whether military intervention by the EU (or individual countries) or the US would be enough to widen the effect of the clause to allow a more general right of termination is likely to turn on the degree of their involvement. In order for War Risk clauses to be relied upon, it is generally not necessary for war to be formally declared. Whether a state of war (including “hostilities/warlike operations”) exists for the purposes of these clauses will be a question of fact. The meaning of “hostilities/warlike operations” is, of course, wider in scope than “war”. One other key question for owners will be whether they have to go there. As we saw during the height of the piracy problem, issues may arise over the right to refuse orders to Ukraine. In the wake of the Triton Lark ([2012] EWHC 70), BIMCO reissued the War Risks Clause (Conwartime and Conwarvoy 2013) and whilst that case was focused on the piracy threat off Africa, deterioration of the situation in Ukraine may see an early test of the principles set out by the Court in the consideration of whether a vessel is exposed to War Risks and whether those War Risks “...may be dangerous or may become dangerous to the vessel, cargo or crew”. In this context, War Risks include: “...act of war, civil war or hostilities; ....warlike operations;... blockades (whether imposed against all vessels or imposed selectively against vessels of certain flags or ownership...) by any person....or the government of any state...” What is “dangerous” will depend on the facts and will depend on both quantitative factors (the degree of likelihood that a particular peril may occur) and qualitative factors (the seriousness or otherwise of the consequences of that peril to the vessel). Issues may arise therefore as to whether an owner or master can refuse to go to an area where a War Risk exists and, because of that peril, will be dangerous at the time the vessel arrives there. The Conwartime clause expressly provides that a vessel does not have to pass through a blockade. It should also be noted that whilst some War Risk clauses will operate to exclude the charterers’ safe port warranty, others will not. Furthermore, unless the off-hire clause in the charterparty expressly provides otherwise, hire will generally continue to run during any periods of delay associated with war risks. When a War Risk clause is invoked and discharge occurs at an alternative port to the one originally nominated, whether the owners will be entitled to additional freight will depend on whether or not the substitute port is within the range specified in the charter. If it is, then freight may be paid as per the charterparty but, if it is not, then the charterers will be obliged to pay all of the additional costs associated with proceeding to and discharging at the alternative port.

Port safety Charterparties may contain either express or implied safe port warranties. It is well established in law that a port will be safe where, at the relevant time, the vessel can reach it, use it and leave it without, in the absence of some abnormal occurrence, being exposed to danger which cannot be avoided by good navigation and seamanship. The time for assessing the safety of the port is the time at which the charterer nominates the port (i.e. it must be “prospectively” safe). Safety means both physical safety and political safety. A port may, therefore, be unsafe if there is a risk of seizure or attack, or if the vessel may be detained, impounded, blacklisted or confiscated. The question of whether a blockade to Ukrainian ports by the Russian naval forces would amount to an “abnormal occurrence” for the purposes of a safe port warranty is complicated. Following the House of Lords decision in The Evia (No.2)[1983] 1 AC 736, the test for an “abnormal occurrence” in these circumstances would be one of foreseeability. An event can be abnormal but foreseeable. The deemed foreseeability or otherwise of any blockade would be key to the question of whether or not damages might be available to shipowners for breaches of charterers’ safe port warranties. Where charterers nominate an unsafe port, owners are entitled to reject that nomination on the basis that it is invalid. In the event that a valid nomination is made but, prior to the arrival of the vessel the port becomes unsafe, a time charterer will be obliged to nominate a new port. Under a voyage charter, the position is less clear and, unless the charterparty specifically provides for it, the charterer may not be able to change its nomination without the express consent of the owner. That is why voyage charters will often provide for a vessel to proceed to the nominated port “...or so near thereto as she may safely get...”. Considerations as to whether a charterparty is frustrated may arise if a vessel cannot get close to the nominated port at all.

Frustration If the situation escalates, or if the Russian naval forces do blockade Ukrainian ports and prevent commercial vessels from entering or leaving, shipowners and/or charterers might seek to argue that their charterparty is frustrated on the basis that the vessel is unable to navigate to Ukrainian ports. It must be noted, though, that frustration is difficult to argue successfully under English law. It would require the party claiming frustration to show that the event relied on had fundamentally changed the performance obligations originally contemplated by the parties and had made further performance under the charterparty impossible, illegal or radically different from that which was originally contemplated by the parties. Whether there is frustration will depend on the nature of the charterparty and the length of the delay caused. Those entering into charterparties that might be affected by blockades of Ukrainian ports should consider incorporating terms that allocate the risks associated with such occurrence e.g. for delays, extra expenses etc. The fact that contractual obligations become more onerous or expensive to perform is unlikely in itself to frustrate the contract. So if, for example, access to Crimean ports were blocked for a period of time otherwise sufficient to frustrate the charterparty, the charterparty may not be frustrated if another route would be available, i.e. delivery to another Ukrainian port which is not blocked and onward transportation by road/rail to the original destination port.

Deviation Charterparties should be reviewed to see whether they allow deviation to a different port although, absent an express provision, the shipowner/master has an implied right to deviate to avoid danger to the vessel, cargo and those on board. Parties may wish to vary their charterparties to allow for discharge at other Ukrainian ports, or even ports outside Ukraine. Conwartime for example, expressly provides for this. Bills of ladingIf it has been agreed that cargo is to be delivered at an alternative port, owners and carriers should be aware of the potential problems posed by an issued bill of lading which names a specific discharge port. It may be that a bill of lading incorporates the terms of the charterparty, or permits discharge at a port other than the one named on the bill. If no such provision exists, however, delivery to an alternative port may constitute a breach of the bill of lading contract. The parties should also bear in mind that even where a bill of lading appears to incorporate the charterparty provisions, proceedings might be commenced in a jurisdiction in which different principles may apply.

Obligation to pay for and arrange insurance In the absence of express provisions to the contrary, responsibility for, and the costs associated with, insuring the vessel will fall upon owners rather than charterers. Should charterers wish to order the vessel to, or through, an area of heightened war risk, the vessel’s insurers may require the payment of additional premiums to compensate for the additional risk. In these circumstances, the issue will arise as to who is responsible for any additional premium and it will depend on the charterparty provisions whether the charterers are to reimburse the owners for any additional premium paid.

Comment The situation in Ukraine remains in a “watch and see” phase. There is a lot of tension but seemingly a willingness on all sides to resolve things diplomatically. It is to be hoped that that resolve holds good. However, the introduction of sanctions by both the US and EU could give rise to a tit for tat escalation that may yet impact on commercial shipping even if both sides avoid any kind of military action. It remains to be seen whether sanctions will be increased and, in particular, whether any will be imposed against companies or indeed ports operating in the Crimea region. If military action does happen, then that is likely to be considered as a war or warlike situation with repercussions for the various stakeholders involved in any charterparty or contract of carriage. Those transacting business in the region should keep up-to-date with matters in order to minimise any risks to their commercial operations and ensure that any contracts are drafted to take account of the risks that may develop in the future. This article is intended to provide only a general overview of the types of legal issues which may arise in the event of an escalation of the situation in Ukraine. For further information, please contact Stephen Askins, Michelle Linderman or your usual contact at Ince & Co. Stephen Askins Michelle Linderman Amanda Urwin

INSERE 03/01/16 NIEUWS ENLEVE 03/02/16

Revolutionary RAmora Brings Tele-Operated Capability to Ship Handling

Imagine the impact of a workboat designed to operate in hazardous environments, but without risk to crew. One that can fight a fire for extended periods and more closely than a conventional fire-fighting vessel, without danger to life or limb. Picture an ultra-manoeuvrable high-performance tug in the command of an experienced tug master that can work safely at LNG terminals, within confined channels or locks, or under the bow of a ship while underway. Yes, drone technologies have opened up a new realm of possibilities for tug ship handling operations. As a result of research and development over more than a year, Robert Allan Ltd. is pleased to announce its new autonomous tug concept, the RAmora. The flagship vessel of Robert Allan Ltd.’s new TOWBoT (Tele-Operated Workboat or Tug) series, the RAmora 2400 is a versatile towing platform designed primarily for ship assist and berthing operations. A high-performance tug with a bollard pull of 55 tonnes, the RAmora 2400 features a hybrid propulsion system and substantial battery storage capacity to enable extended operation even in potentially hazardous environments such as LNG terminals or fire-fighting situations.RAmora is designed to leverage - not lose - the capabilities of a traditional tug and operator by working in tandem with a conventional 'command tug'. An experienced tug Master, operating RAmora remotely from the command tug, will use the ‘immersive telepresence’ features built into the RAmora console, including live 360 degree video and real-time electronic position-sensing from RAmora to capture a continuous on-board perspective for safe and effective ship handling. An advanced real-time control system provides the interface for the operator, as well as on-board manoeuvring/positioning controls, equipment and workspace monitoring and safety management functionality. This control system design has been developed in partnership with International Submarine Engineering of Port Coquitlam, Canada, and is derived from proven remotely operated vehicle, autonomous underwater vehicle and surface vessel applications. It gives RAmora unparalleled flexibility for operation at various levels of autonomy suited to the situation – from a low level where the operator can pilot RAmora directly, to a high level where RAmora can be left to undertake work functions semi-autonomously under the operator’s supervisory control. In keeping with Robert Allan Ltd.’s commitment to design top performing workboats, RAmora is fitted with Voith Schneider Propeller (VSP) drives arranged in a fore/aft configuration for exceptional omni-directional manoeuvrability, profiting from experience gained with Robert Allan Ltd.'s new RAVE tug concept. The hull form, designed for high stability and good seakeeping performance in waves, is the product of extensive development work including CFD and towing tank testing. Yet, being a TOWBoT with no need for a conventional wheelhouse, crew accommodations, domestic systems or lifesaving equipment, RAmora is simpler and more compact than any conventional tug of comparable performance.Additionally, the RAmora 2400 has several resourceful and innovative features. Heavy-duty cylindrical fendering is installed about the entire deck perimeter to allow RAmora to push from any point. A stabilized line-handling crane is used to pass the end of the towline to the ship, a feature actually originally introduced by Robert Allan Ltd. to manned tugs in the late 1970’s! The hawser winch is installed forward in a well-protected deckhouse. A unique curved and slotted towing staple positioned near midships keeps the towline close to the deck and leading outboard to minimize heeling when towing from the side. The combination of the clear working deck, slotted staple design and fore/aft VSP configuration makes RAmora extremely versatile, and more importantly, safer for ship handling operations which pose higher risk to crewed tugs, such as working in close proximity to the bow of a ship that is underway, or within confined channels or locks.Likewise, RAmora’s crucial secondary functions bring emergency capabilities to the harbour environment that are not readily available from crewed tugs. In addition to being equipped with off-ship fire-fighting (fi-fi) capability to "Fi-Fi 1" standard, RAmora has two 1200 m³/hr fire monitors supplied by electrically-driven fire-fighting pumps, and the crane boom can be optionally fitted with a smaller 600 m³/hr fire monitor and camera. Also, since it has no crew RAmora can fight a fire more closely and for longer periods than is possible with conventional fire-fighting vessels, while keeping crew out of harm’s way.Robert Allan Ltd. is determined to provide only a high quality, well-researched design product, and has been working with operator clients, a major Classification Society, Voith and other supplier partners to ensure the RAmora TOWBoT system is fully viable, safe, highly reliable and meets the requirements of local authorities.The possibilities for RAmora and other vessels in the TOWBoT series are seemingly endless. With its fundamentally simple arrangement and a control system that is adaptable to future applications which require even higher levels of autonomous operation, the door is now open to tailoring further TOWBoT designs derived from RAmora to closely suit any client’s specific operational requirements – not only for tug operations, but also for other workboat applications such as rescue/salvage assistance, oil spill response, long-distance line towing or remote intervention tasks. As a first of its type, the RAmora is set to become a powerful new player in the modern tug fleet in the years to come.For more information on RAmora, the latest innovation from the design team at Robert Allan Ltd., contact [email protected].

INSERE 05/01/16 DOSSIER ENLEVE 05/02/16

En 1682, le Rouennais Robert Cavelier descend le Mississippi et fonde la Louisiane. Deux ans après, il tente d'y retourner par la voie maritime pour y établir une place forte. Mais le rêve tourne vite au cauchemar. Le delta du fleuve est introuvable. Les colons sont décimés par les fièvres ou les Indiens. L'explorateur est assassiné par ses compagnons. Quant aux quatre navires de l'expédition, un seul reviendra à La Rochelle... Trois siècles plus tard, de l'un des disparus a été retrouvée au Texas. C'était une barque longue qui s'appelait la "Belle" Taciturne jusqu'à la mélancolie, obstiné jusqu'à l'absurde, ce Don Quichotte du Mississippi a sans doute inspiré autant de dévotion que de haine. Comme l'écrit son ami Henri Joutel, "toutes ses belles qualités estoient balancées par des manières trop hautaines qui le rendoient bien souvent insupportable." Fils d'un "mercier grossier", Robert Cavelier naît à Rouen le 21 novembre 1643. Comme beaucoup d'enfants de la bourgeoisie, il est destiné à la prêtrise, sans que sa vocation ne semble toutefois très assurée. En effet, le jésuite a tout juste. vingt-quatre ans que déjà il jette son froc aux orties pour s'échapper vers la Nouvelle-France. Il y rejoint son frère aîné, l'abbé Jean Cavelier, établi chez les sulpiciens de la Ville-Marie (Montréal). Relevé de ses voeux et déshérité par son père, le jeune homme se fait "coureur des bois". En 1669, il se lance à corps perdu dans l'exploration du cours de l'Ohio, espérant découvrir la route mythique vers la Chine. Il sillonne alors les environs du lac Ontario mais, abandonné par ses guides et ses porteurs, doit rebrousser chemin et regagner Montréal. Pendant les deux années suivantes, il écume la région des Grands Lacs en compagnie de deux ou trois Indiens. N'ayant plus rien à perdre, il se livre au commerce risqué des pelleteries. En 1672, le nouveau gouverneur général du Canada, le comte de Frontenac, lui confie le commandement d'un comptoir français sur les rives du lac Ontario. Ce fortin, auquel Robert Cavelier donnera le nom de son bienfaiteur, est très bien administré et devient peu à peu la plaque tournante du commerce des peaux de la région. Et le Normand est aussitôt accusé de s'enrichir aux dépens des différentes factions — missionnaires, aventuriers ou militaires — qui espèrent gagner titres et fortune en se partageant le très lucratif trafic des fourrures du Canada. Mais Cavelier ne pense déjà plus qu'à explorer la Nouvelle-France et à ouvrir une voie menant de l'intérieur des terres jusqu'à la mer. Pour en préparer la réalisation, il rallie la France le 14 novembre 1674. Grâce au prince de Conti, il obtient la cession de la seigneurie de Frontenac et se fait anoblir. On l'appelle désormais Robert Cavelier sieur de La Salle, nom d'une terre familiale proche de Rouen. En revanche, aucun subside ne lui est accordé et c'est de sa famille qu'il tiendra les premiers fonds nécessaires à son entreprise. De retour au Canada, il crée deux villages, l'un de douze familles françaises auxquelles il a concédé des terres et des logements, et l'autre de cent familles indiennes qu'il est parvenu à rassembler. Une garnison de douze soldats basée dans le fort voisin protège ces populations. Il a ainsi réalisé, au-delà de toute espérance, les projets exposés à ses créanciers. Le fort Frontenac est l'une des colonies les plus florissantes de la Nouvelle- France. Cette œuvre accomplie, La Salle veut à présent bâtir de nouvelles places fortes sur les Grands Lacs. Il envisage aussi de reconnaître le cours de la "Grande Rivière", le Mississippi que l'espagnol Hernando de Soto avait découvert en 1541 et baptisé et Rio Escandido (le fleuve caché). Ne pouvant toutefois rien entreprendre sans l'autorisation du roi, il quitte Québec pour La Rochelle en novembre 1677. A Versailles, Colbert se laisse convaincre et accorde à La Salle "l'autorisation de descouvrir la partie occidentale de la Nouvelle-France". Afin de réunir l'argent indispensable à son expédition, il hypothèque son domaine de Frontenac et emprunte 34 000 livres à plusieurs personnalités, le tiers de cette somme étant aussitôt consacré à l'achat de marchandises. Vingt-trois compatriotes, soldats, marins et artisans, jeunes pour la plupart, l'accompagnent. L'explorateur sera en outre secondé par Henry de Tonty, un ancien garde- marine, fils d'un banquier napolitain, et par Nika, un indien Chaouanon qui lui voue une fidélité indéfectible. L'expédition quitte La Rochelle le 14 juillet 1678 et atteint Québec le 13 septembre. Deux mois plus tard, La Salle et ses hommes sont au fort Frontenac. Pendant plus de deux ans, ils vont explorer le bassin de l'Illinois (rivière entre le lac Michigan et le Mississippi).

La découverte du fleuve Colbert Partis séparément de la rive Sud du lac Michigan à la fin du mois de décembre 1681, La Salle et Tonty se rejoignent deux semaines plus tard. Tous les cours d'eau étant alors gelés, il faut construire des traîneaux pour transporter canots et bagages sur la rivière. C'est donc à pied que le Mississippi est atteint, et aussitôt baptisé fleuve Colbert. Lorsque celui-ci est enfin libéré des glaces, l'expédition entame sa descente à bord de six canots d'écorce de fabrication indienne. Deux mois plus tard, les explorateurs pénètrent dans le delta du Mississippi. Parvenu à son embouchure, La Salle observe, à l'aide de son astrolabe, que le fleuve en crue s'avance très loin (entre le 27e et le 28e degré de latitude) dans le golfe du Mexique. Au cours d'une théâtrale cérémonie, l'immense territoire irrigué par le delta est solennellement baptisé Louisiane. Vêtu d'un habit écarlate galonné d'or et coiffé d'un large chapeau, La Salle fait planter au sommet d'une colline un gros tronc équarri portant l'inscription : "Louis le Grand Roy de France et de Navarre règne le 9 avril 1682". Le fût porte aussi un blason royal, découpé dans le cuivre d'une marmite. Une grande croix est également érigée à cet endroit tandis que les explorateurs entonnent le Te Deum. Le lendemain, l'expédition repart vers le Nord à travers les territoires indiens. Mais La Salle est retardé par des fièvres 'et ne rejoindra l'Illinois que le 15 juillet 1682. Dès son arrivée, il expédie à Québec le père Zénobé Membré pour y porter la nouvelle de sa conquête. Il ordonne alors la construction d'un nouveau poste et, comme il l'a déjà fait au fort Frontenac, se consacre à y rassembler les tribus indigènes des alentours. Henry de Tonty sera le commandant de cet établissement, baptisé fort SaintLouis-des-Illinois. Si l'on en juge par la lettre adressée par l'explorateur à Colbert, la région découverte est un véritable jardin des délices : "Le blé d'Inde (le maïs) et le tabac y sont d'une grandeur extraordinaire, les melons y viennent aussi gros que les moyennes citrouilles de France, les pommes semblables à celles que les sauvageons y produisent ; les noix, les mûriers noirs, les prunelles, les chastaignes et le raisin y sont en très grande abondance ; tous les bordages des rivières sont couverts d'excellent houblon. On y voit partout en immense quantité des poules d'Inde, bécasses, perroquets, chevreuils, cerfs, biches, ours et du gibier de toute sorte."

Ayant sollicité une audience auprès du nouveau gouverneur, Lefebvre de la Barre, La Salle s'attend à être félicité pour son expédition, selon lui, "la plus importante et la plus difficile qui avait jamais esté faite par aucun François sans avoir perdu un seul homme". Mais le successeur de Frontenac n'apprécie guère les initiatives de l'aventurier normand et refuse de le recevoir. Peu après le départ du comte, il avait rappelé la garnison du fort Frontenac, puis s'était emparé peu à peu de la seigneurie. Et maintenant, tandis que La Salle fait antichambre à Québec, il profite de l'occasion pour retirer à Tonty le commandement du fort SaintLouis-des-Illinois et confisquer les marchandises qui lui sont destinées. Pour se justifier, le gouverneur écrira au ministre de la Marine que la "teste a tourné audit sieur de La Salle, qui a esté assez hardi pour donner avis d'une descouverte fausse pour tascher de se faire un royaume imaginaire en débauchant tous les banqueroutiers et les fainéants de ce pays". Ulcéré, l'explorateur décide d'aller plaider sa cause à Versailles. Il rallie La Rochelle le 23 décembre 1683 et prend le premier coche pour Paris. Colbert est mort, mais son fils Seignelay, qui lui a succédé, obtient pour lui une audience auprès du roi. Une bienveillance qui s'explique peut-être par la situation politique du moment. Si la paix règne sur les Pyrénées depuis la signature du traité de Nimègue (1678), les escadres espagnoles n'en continuent pas moins de harceler les navires français dans le golfe du Mexique et dans la mer des Antilles. La tension monte entre les deux pays et, en politique avisé, La Salle espère bien en tirer parti.

Etablir une colonie en Louisiane Dans un premier mémoire, il suggère non seulement l'établissement d'une colonie en Louisiane, mais aussi la construction d'un port militaire, afin de "faire des conquestes par terre et par mer, les provinces dont on peut s'emparer étant riches en mines d'argent, voisines du fleuve Colbert". Il envisage aussi "d'establir un port de radoub et de retraite à l'embouchure dudit fleuve, d'où l'on pourra tirer les matériaux nécessaires à la construction et à la réparation des vaisseaux". Enflammé par son enthousiasme, il rédige un second mémoire où il propose sans détour d'affronter directement les Espagnols pour prendre par la force leurs colonies du Nouveau-Mexique. Il lui suffirait pour cela de disposer de deux cent cinquante soldats et de cinquante flibustiers recrutés à Saint- Domingue, forces auxquelles s'adjoindraient quatre mille "sauvages". L'explorateur prévoit d'amener ses troupes par la mer à l'embouchure du Mississippi et d'y bâtir plusieurs fortins en guise de base arrière. Géographe approximatif, La Salle joint à son mémoire une carte erronée situant l'embouchure du fleuve à six cents kilomètres de sa position réelle. Sans doute La Salle a-t-il su convaincre car il obtient du roi la promesse d'un vaisseau, le Joly, et de deux cents hommes. Le 14 avril 1684, il est nommé "vice-roi de la Louisiane, depuis le fort Saint-Louis jusqu'à la Nouvelle Biscaye", tandis que son ami Henry de Tonty se voit restituer le commandement du fort Saint-Louis-des-Illinois. La Salle n'attend plus désormais que l'ordre d'appareiller. Mais l'intérêt suscité par son projet belliqueux s'amenuise à mesure que progressent les pourparlers avec l'Espagne — qui conduiront bientôt à la trêve de Ratisbonne (août 1684). En définitive, la mission assignée à La Salle par Louis xiv se réduit à la création d'un fort le plus près possible du Nouveau-Mexique.

Capitaine ombrageux Basé à La Rochelle, comme de nombreux navires en partance pour la Nouvelle-France, le Joly, un vaisseau à deux ponts de 400 tonneaux et 34 canons, est placé sous les ordres du capitaine Le Gallois de Beaujeu. La Salle rencontre à Rochefort ce vétéran de la Marine royale, et les deux hommes, immédiatement, se haïssent. Leur inimitié est telle que Seignelay tente d'en limiter les effets prévisibles en définissant leurs responsabilités respectives : "ledit sieur de Beaujeu commande dans le vaisseau pour ce qui regarde la manœuvre, mais pour ce qui regarde la route, l'intention de sa Majesté est qu'il exécute tout ce que le sieur de La Salle désirera". La tension est si vive que le roi lui-même ordonne de veiller "aux disputes qui pourvoient naistre entre ces deux officiers". "J'ay bien de la peine à me soumettre aux ordres du sieur de La Salle que je crois brave homme, se plaint Beaujeu à son ministre, mais enfin qui n'a jamais fait la guerre qu'à des Sauvages et qui n'a aucun caractère, au lieu qu'il y a treize ans que je suis capitaine de vaisseau et trente que je sers tant par mer que par terre." L'intransigeance hautaine de La Salle et la rancœur de Beaujeu, tombé en disgrâce quelques années auparavant pour "incapacité de service" et contraint maintenant d'obéir à un homme encore jeune dont il met en doute l'expérience, n'augurent rien de bon. Et ce, d'autant plus que le capitaine du Joly n'est guère convaincu de l'utilité de l'expédition. "Quant à moy, lance-t-il deux semaines avant de lever l'ancre, de quelque manière que la chose tourne, cela ne me fait rien. (...) Je vay dans un pays inconnu chercher une chose presque aussi difficile à trouver que la pierre philosophale."

Les hommes enrôlés à bord du Joly et des trois autres navires que La Salle a finalement obtenus pour son expédition sont des marins, des charpentiers ou des soldats originaires de La Rochelle, de l'île d'Oléron, de Rochefort ou de Bordeaux. A cette époque, le recrutement incombait généralement au capitaine, mais il arrivait aussi que cette tâche soit confiée aux sous-officiers de marine. Le plus souvent, ces derniers se contentaient de lever, de gré ou de force, les premiers hommes rencontrés, afin de toucher au plus vite leur prime de "raccolement". C'est probablement ce qui se passe pour les navires de la future expédition, car Seignelay se plaint auprès de Beaujeu que "les soldats qui ont été levez pour le sieur de La Salle estaient fort mauvais et peu en estat de servir". Le capitaine semble pourtant satisfait de ses recrues, car la veille du départ il affirme n'avoir `jamais vu meilleure troupe". De son côté, La Salle rassemble ses propres hommes à Paris et à Rouen. Outre son frère Jean, plusieurs parents et amis acceptent de l'accompagner, comme ses neveux Nicolas Cavelier et Crevel de Moranger, ou Henry Joutel, le fils du jardinier des Cavelier. Cet ancien soldat, ami d'enfance de l'explorateur, tiendra le journal de l'expédition. Quelques Rouennais décident aussi de tenter l'aventure : des marchands comme Le Gros ou les frères Duhaut, qui espèrent faire fortune en Louisiane et participent au financement du voyage, ainsi que deux familles au complet qui formeront le noyau de la colonie. Le Joly emportera également plusieurs missionnaires. Parmi eux, le père Zénobé Membré, qui était de la précédente expédition, deux autres récollets, dont le père Anastase Douay, et trois sulpiciens. Enfin, le chirurgien provençal Liotot, engagé comme médecin personnel de La Salle, et l'ingénieur militaire Minet, chargé par le roi de dessiner les futures fortifications du fort français, complètent le corps expéditionnaire. Le 24 juillet 1684, une foule compacte se presse sur les quais de La Rochelle pour assister au départ de l'expédition. Près de trois cents hommes, femmes et enfants ont embarqué à bord des quatre bâtiments en partance : le Joly, l'Aimable, une flûte de 180 tonneaux affrétée par Jean Massiot le jeune pour une durée de quatre mois, la Belle, une barque longue de 50 tonneaux armée de six canons, et le Saint-François, un petit ketch de transport à un pont, "sur lequel, écrit Joutel, M. de La Salle avoit fait embarquer la charge d'environ trente tonneaux en vins, viandes et légumes qui devoient estre portez jusqu'à l'île Saint-Domingue".

Cap sur Saint-Domingue Après quatre jours de navigation par vent portant, le beaupré du Joly se brise et la flottille doit rebrousser chemin jusqu'à Rochefort. Le 1er août au soir, les quatre navires peuvent de nouveau lever l'ancre. Ils doublent le cap Finisterre trois jours plus tard et le 20 août Madère est en vue. Le capitaine Beaujeu demande alors l'autorisation de relâcher dans ces îles "pour y faire de l'eau et y prendre quelques rafraîchissements". Mais La Salle, impatient de toucher au but, jugeant les réserves suffisantes et craignant que le secret de son voyage ne soit éventé, refuse de perdre une semaine au mouillage. La traversée de l'Atlantique sera éprouvante. Aménagé pour cent vingt-cinq hommes, le Joly transporte en fait deux cent quarante personnes. Selon Joutel, "l'encombrement des deux ponts et des postes d'esquipage par les caisses de marchandises de M. de La Salle ou des commanditaires et l'attribution de tout ce qui peut servir de logement aux officiers, missionnaires et volontaires et à quelques femmes obligent la plupart des matelots et des soldats à passer tout le voyage sur le pont d'en haut, le jour au soleil et la nuit à la pluye". A l'approche du Tropique du Cancer, des cuves d'eau sont disposées sur le pont et les hommes du bord s'apprêtent à baptiser ceux qui n'ont pas encore franchi cette ligne. Mais, à la surprise générale, La Salle interdit "que ses gens fussent exposés à cette cérémonie". En lui refusant cette occasion traditionnelle d'égayer le voyage, il se met à dos tout l'équipage. Le 11 septembre, par mer calme, la flottille approche de Saint-Domingue. Mais bientôt le temps se détériore. Le Joly réduit la toile pour affronter la tempête, et les trois autres bâtiments peinent à le suivre. Sans les attendre, le capitaine de Beaujeu décide de doubler l'île de la Tortue et vient mouiller, le 27 septembre, au Petit-Goave alors qu'il était convenu de rallier Port-de-paix. La traversée aura duré cinquante-huit jours. De nombreux passagers sont malades, accablés par la chaleur, la soif et la fièvre des tropiques. Le 2 octobre, l'Aimable et la Belle arrivent à leur tour. Hélas, le Saint-François a été capturé par des corsaires espagnols ; la majeure partie des vivres, ustensiles de cuisine, munitions et autres marchandises indispensables à la future colonie est perdue. La Salle, épuisé, souffrant probablement d'une attaque de malaria, doit rester à terre pour y être soigné. Son projet, si bien monté à Versailles, commence à se déliter. L'escale s'éternise. Les matelots dépensent leurs avances, des malades meurent et quelques soldats désertent, dont leur chef, M. de Veligny. "L'air est mauvais, se lamente Joutel, les fruits de mesme et l'on trouve là quantité de femmes pires encore que l'air et les fruits !" De son côté, Beaujeu ne fait rien pour maintenir la discipline de son équipage. Dans ce climat délétère, il écrit à Seignelay d'interminables lettres pour charger son rival : "Si vous me permettez de dire mon sentiment, M. de La Salle pourroit se contenter d'avoir descouvert sa rivière, sans se charger de conduire trois vaisseaux et des troupes à deux milles lieues au travers tant de climats différents et par des mers qui lui estoit tout à fait inconnues." A sa décharge, il faut convenir que la tâche du capitaine n'est pas facile. En effet, ses connaissances sont limitées, ses instruments sommaires et les cartes de La Salle pour le moins imprécises. De plus, la trêve de Ratisbonne, dont les explorateurs prennent alors connaissance, rend caduc l'ordre royal de conquête de la Nouvelle-Biscaye. Le départ étant sans cesse ajourné faute de vents favorables, La Salle se saisit de cette opportunité pour tenter, vainement, de se séparer de son capitaine, l'assurant "que s'il jugeoit à Saint-Domingue la saison trop avancée, qu'il pourroit s'en revenir ; que, pour luy, il continueroit son chemin avec ses gens, sa barque et sa flotte, et qu'il périroit ou qu'il réussiroit". Mais où est donc passé le Mississippi ? Les trois navires lèvent l'ancre le 25 novembre à la première heure du matin. Cette fois, La Salle et ses officiers ont faussé compagnie à de Beaujeu pour embarquer sur l'Aimable que commande le capitaine Aigron. Peu à peu distancés par le Joly, l'Aimable et la Belle suivent la même route. Les trois bâtiments se retrouveront au passage de Cuba et, le 12 décembre 1684, entrent ensemble dans le golfe du Mexique. Deux semaines plus tard, la terre est en vue. La Salle est désemparé, il ne reconnaît pas la côte, rien, absolument rien ne lui rappelle l'embouchure du Mississippi qu'il est censé connaître. Pourquoi s'en étonner ? On se souvient qu'en 1682, l'explorateur s'était trompé de deux degrés en latitude sur la position de cette embouchure. A cette inexactitude se sera sans doute ajoutée une erreur de longitude des navigateurs. En effet, à cette époque où le chronomètre n'avait pas encore remplacé le sablier, les marins étaient incapables de se situer correctement en longitude. Faute de pouvoir mesurer le temps, ils avaient coutume de se caler sur un même parallèle et d'estimer la marche du navire pour déterminer leur progression. Mais plus la traversée était longue et moins l'estime était fiable. Les erreurs de navigation pouvaient donc être considérables, et celle de La Salle est d'autant plus pardonnable qu'un fort courant pénétrant dans le golfe du Mexique a dû fausser l'estime. Le 1ier janvier 1685, la flottille atteint une série de petites îles barrant l'entrée d'une large baie. "Le bord de la mer, écrit l'ingénieur Minet, estoit une digue de sable, que la mer jette et forme là, élevée de quastre pieds ; le derrière est un marais vaseux où il y a de petits joncs." La Salle débarque immédiatement en chaloupe, accompagné de Joutel et de l'ingénieur. Il rejoint son bord quelques heures plus tard. Sur son ordre, la flottille met alors le cap à l'Ouest, longeant la côte pendant deux semaines. La Belle peut naviguer au plus près du rivage, grâce à son faible tirant d'eau ; son équipage a reçu l'ordre de signaler la moindre trace d'eau douce sur la mer. Au cours de cette exploration, la barque longue et l'Aimable perdent de vue le Joly dans la brume. Le vaisseau tire quelques coups de canons, mais poursuit sa route, gagnant toujours plus vers l'Ouest. Le 19, le Joly est à nouveau en vue et les trois navires peuvent faire leur jonction. Ne voulant pas "s'affaler davantage vers le couchant" et pensant avoir dépassé l'embouchure du fleuve, La Salle demande à Beaujeu de virer de bord et de faire cap à l'Est. Mais comme les vivres sont presque épuisés, le capitaine exige de débarquer. Le 4 février, après trois jours d'attente dans le brouillard, cent trente hommes descendent à terre à bord des chaloupes sous le commandement de Joutel et de Crevel de Moranger. Ils ont pour mission de marcher le long de la côte jusqu'à ce qu'ils trouvent une rivière. La Belle suivra leur progression en demeurant en vue de terre, suivie au large par les deux autres bâtiments. Le 16, les trois navires rejoignent le détachement devant une assez large baie. La Salle assure qu'il s'agit bien d'un bras du fleuve Colbert et décide d'y faire entrer l'Aimable et la Belle dès que la mer sera haute.

L'Aimable sombre et le Jolly s'en va La manœuvre est aisée pour la barque longue, mais l'explorateur craint que la flûte ne s'échoue. L'Aimable porte à son bord la grande majorité des vivres, des armes, des munitions et des outils destinés à la future colonie. Afin de réduire son tirant d'eau, on en décharge huit pièces de canon et plusieurs milliers de balles et de boulets, jusqu'au moment où le capitaine Aigron signale que son navire ne cale plus que huit pieds d'eau et qu'il pourra donc aisément sillonner les eaux de la baie. Une affirmation bien optimiste car la flûte, poussée par un fort vent d'Est, heurte brutalement un haut-fond. Pour stabiliser son bâtiment, Aigron fait abattre les mâts et l'équipage tente de sauver la cargaison, en commençant par la poudre et les farines. Las ! Dans la panique, la chaloupe trop chargée part à la dérive. Quant à la flûte, elle ne résiste pas longtemps à l'assaut des vagues : sa coque s'ouvre et sombre, entraînant dans les profondeurs la majeure partie des munitions, la viande, le vin et quatre pièces de canon demeurées à bord.

Outre la perte de son chargement, le naufrage de l'Aimable — dont La Salle rend Aigron responsable — compromet gravement l'avenir. En effet, après l'expédition, la flûte devait assurer une liaison commerciale entre la Martinique et la nouvelle colonie. Pour autant, l'explorateur poursuit son objectif. Le 5 mars 1685, il installe ses troupes dans une baie aussitôt baptisée Saint-Bernard (aujourd'hui, Garcitas Creek), tandis que le capitaine Beaujeu reste à bord du Joly. Pendant une semaine, les incorrigibles antagonistes échangeront une correspondance aigre-douce exacerbant leur différend. Tandis que La Salle presse son capitaine de faire décharger le vaisseau, Beaujeu refuse obstinément, prétextant que les vivres lui seront indispensables pour le voyage du retour. Estimant sa mission accomplie, il a en effet décidé de rentrer en France. Il emmènera avec lui quelques émigrants découragés ou jugés incapables, ainsi que le capitaine Aigron et l'ingénieur Minet tombés en disgrâce — ces derniers seront emprisonnés sur ordre de Seignelay dès leur arrivée à La Rochelle. Le Joly appareille le 12 mars 1685. Beau joueur, le capitaine a promis à La Salle de revenir lui signaler l'embouchure du Mississippi si d'aventure il la trouvait. Mais l'explorateur s'obstine dans son erreur. Pressé d'en finir, il ne fait rien pour le retenir et dédaigne sa proposition. Ironie de l'histoire, Beaujeu trouvera effectivement l'embouchure du fleuve, à sept cents kilomètres à l'Est de la baie Saint-Bernard ; il en dressera la carte et la remettra à Versailles. A peine le vaisseau a-t-il levé l'ancre, que déjà éclatent les premiers incidents avec les indiens Karankawa. Plusieurs soldats sont tués, d'autres désertent, beaucoup regrettent amèrement de n'être pas rentrés en France. La cohésion du groupe, réduit à moins de deux cents hommes, vole en éclats. La troupe autoritairement levée à La Rochelle n'a rien de commun avec les familles rouennaises qui rêvaient d'une vie nouvelle, sans en mesurer les difficultés. En dépit des tensions, La Salle s'efforce de galvaniser son petit monde pour défricher la terre alentour, élever des enclos pour le bétail et creuser les fondations du futur fort Saint- Louis, en attendant l'arrivée des éclaireurs qu'Henry de Tonty doit lui envoyer du fort SaintLouis-des-Illinois. Ces travaux lancés, l'explorateur quitte la colonie pour partir à la recherche de sa fameuse embouchure. Une errance insensée et épuisante qui va durer une année entière ! Accompagné d'une cinquantaine d'hommes, il quitte la baie Saint-Bernard au milieu du mois d'octobre 1685. A bord de canots d'écorce, il sillonne inlassablement la côte déchiquetée qui s'étend devant lui à perte de vue. De son côté, la Belle, armée par vingt- sept hommes et commandée par le maître Richaud, suit lentement l'expédition. Pendant un mois La Salle poursuit son but en solitaire, sans aucune nouvelle du navire. Le 30 décembre, un groupe parti sur son ordre à la rencontre de la barque longue découvre les corps de Richaud et de cinq hommes, assassinés dans leur sommeil par des Indiens, à quelques pas de leur canot échoué. La mort dans l'âme, La Salle, confie la Belle au pilote Teissier, un homme en qui il n'a aucune confiance, et décide de poursuivre à pied avec une vingtaine d'hommes son exploration vers l'Est.

La Belle en perdition Au début du mois de janvier 1686, la Belle navigue dans la partie Nord-Est de la baie de Matagorda, à quelques milles de la passe de Cavallo (presque en face de l'actuelle ville de Palacio au Texas). Tessier a reçu des consignes strictes : il doit manoeuvrer avec une extrême prudence en sondant régulièrement les eaux troubles de la baie, serrer au plus près le rivage et, une fois à l'abri, attendre au mouillage le retour de La Salle, prévu dix jours plus tard.

Passé ce délai, l'explorateur ne donne toujours pas signe de vie. Privé de nouvelles, de ravitaillement et de l'autorité d'un chef digne de ce nom, l'équipage livré à lui-même est désemparé. La brûlure du soleil, l'humidité constante des vêtements, le manque d'aliments frais et la pénurie d'eau l'affaiblissent graduellement. Et tandis que ses hommes meurent de soif, Teissier passe le plus clair de son temps à vider la réserve de vin de messe embarquée sur son navire. Dès lors, raconte Henry Joutel, "il n'y eut plus un jour sans qu'il ne soit ivre". Un soir, alors que quelques marins quittent la Belle à bord de l'unique canot pour aller chercher de l'eau douce, le pilote, ivre-mort, néglige d'accrocher une lanterne à l'extrémité d'une vergue, préférant allumer une pauvre chandelle, rapidement soufflée par le vent. Aucun des hommes du canot ne reverra la barque longue. Excédés, les survivants fomentent une mutinerie pour gagner le rivage et y chercher de l'eau potable. Mais ils s'avèrent incapables de diriger seuls le navire, et doivent finalement supplier Teissier de conduire la manoeuvre. Le vent passe au Nord et se met à forcir. Plus saoul que jamais, le pilote inconscient du danger ne parvient pas à tenir la Belle dans les rafales qui menacent à tout instant de la chavirer. Ballottée par la houle, la barque longue part à la dérive. L'équipage tente désespérément de mouiller l'ancre, mais la Belle donne de la bande et s'échoue brutalement sur un haut-fond. Ignorant tout du drame, dès son retour au fort Saint- Louis, La Salle envoie son neveu, Crevel de Moranger, et quelques hommes à la rencontre de la Belle, qu'il croit toujours au mouillage dans la baie. Le détachement rentre bredouille, une semaine avant l'arrivée des six rescapés du naufrage, épuisés par trois mois d'errance. L'explorateur a perdu son dernier navire et avec lui son dernier espoir de rejoindre le Mississippi par la mer. Qu'à cela ne tienne ! Il rassemble sa troupe dépenaillée et repart à pied à la poursuite de sa chimère. "Leurs habits, raconte Joutel, étaient tout déchiquetez. La soutanelle de monsieur Cavelier étoit à bandes, et l'on auroit eu de la peine à y trouver un morceau pour envelopper deux liards de sel". Rompu de fatigue, souffrant d'une grave hernie, l'explorateur ne ramènera au fort que huit hommes sur les vingt que comptait la troupe au départ. Il revient aussi avec quelques chevaux, troqués contre des haches à des Indiens qui les avaient volés aux Espagnols. Quant au Mississippi, il n'a toujours pas révélé le secret de son embouchure. Des deux cent quatre-vingts émigrants partis de La Rochelle deux ans plus tôt, il ne reste que trente-sept rescapés, parmi lesquels sept femmes et une demi-douzaine d'enfants. Trente personnes sont mortes dès leur arrivée, victimes des fièvres contractées à Saint- Domingue. D'autres ont déserté ou sont rentrés en France avec Beaujeu. Beaucoup n'ont pas survécu aux difficiles conditions de vie de la colonie. "La cause, prétend La Salle, estoit que les soldats levez à Rochefort ayant presque tous esté pris à la porte des esglises, où ils avoient gueusé toute leur vie, estoient incapables de discipline, et, malgré les défenses et les punitions, mangeoient des fruits, des herbes et d'autres vilénies, dont l'effet estoit si violent que les remèdes y estoient inutiles, sans que l'exemple de ceux qui mourroient rendist les autres plus sages." Après quelques jours de repos, La Salle parvient à décider seize compagnons à se lancer une nouvelle fois avec lui, à travers forêts et rivières, pour rejoindre l'Illinois et tenter de faire enfin la jonction avec Henry de Tonty. Le 12 janvier 1687, la petite colonne est sur le départ, laissant une vingtaine de personnes au fort Saint-Louis. "Nous nous séparasmes les uns des autres, écrit Joutel, d'une manière si tendre et si triste, qu'il sembloit que nous avions tous le secret pressentiment que nous ne nous reverrions jamais." Devant eux, les partants ont environ six mille kilomètres à parcourir... Mais ils connaissent déjà une partie de l'itinéraire, ils savent que le gibier y est abondant et que les tribus indiennes amies offriront des relais sûrs. De plus, ils disposent cette fois de chevaux pour porter armes et bagages.

Tragique randonnée Tout se passe relativement bien pendant les deux premiers mois. Mais, sentant la tension monter et son autorité en péril, La Salle devient de plus en plus cassant. Selon Joutel, ses "manières trop hautaines qui le rendoient bien souvent insupportable", cette "dureté envers ceux qui lui estoient soumis" lui valent "une haine implacable". A tel point que, le 15 mars, la colonne se scinde en deux groupes distincts. Deux jours plus tard, Crevel de Moranger et le fidèle Nika sont sauvagement assassinés à coups de hache par le chirurgien Liotot. Ne voyant pas revenir son neveu et son compagnon indigène, La Salle part à leur recherche. Mais Liotot et Duhaut — dont le frère a été tué un an plus tôt par des Indiens — lui tendent une embuscade et l'abattent d'une balle de mousquet en pleine tête. Dépouillé de ses vêtements, le corps de l'explorateur est abandonné au bord de la rivière Trinity (à une centaine de kilomètres au Nord-Est de Houston au Texas). Robert Cavelier, sieur de La Salle, avait tout juste quarante-trois ans. Seuls six de ses hommes parviendront finalement à rallier le Saint-Laurent, dont son frère Jean, son neveu Nicolas, son ami d'enfance Henry Joutel et le père Anastase Douay. Pour s'approprier la fortune de son frère et éviter ses créanciers, l'abbé Jean Cavelier attendra un an avant de révéler à Seignelay la mort de l'explorateur, laissant ainsi sans soutien les familles restées au fort Saint-Louis. Que sont-elles devenues ? Le 22 avril 1689, des éclaireurs espagnols de l'armée du général Alonso de Leon, guidés par un déserteur français, atteindront le fort. Au milieu des décombres du poste incendié, ils découvriront les dépouilles des derniers émigrants, massacrés par des indiens Karankawa lors des fêtes de Noël 1688. Seuls quatre enfants auront échappé à la tuerie. Recueillis par des femmes de la tribu, ils seront donnés ensuite aux Espagnols en échange de haches et d'outils. Dix ans plus tard, le 13 janvier 1699, une nouvelle expédition maritime, dirigée par le Canadien-français Pierre Lemoyne d'Iberville, mouillait dans la baie de Mobile et installait une petite colonie près du Mississippi. A son bord se trouvait l'un des derniers compagnons de La Salle, le père Anastase Douay.

INSERE 07/01/16 DOSSIER ENLEVE 07/02/16

Gearing up for the Polar Code

The International Code of Safety for Ships Operating in Polar Waters (Polar Code) should enter into force with the SOLAS amendments on 1st January 2017, under the tacit acceptance procedure, the IMO has decreed. It will apply to new ships constructed after that date. Those constructed before 1st January, 2017 will be required to meet the relevant requirements by the first intermediate or renewal survey, whichever occurs first, after 1st January, 2018. The Polar Code and SOLAS amendments were adopted during the 94th session of IMO’s Maritime Safety Committee (MSC), in November 2014. As the Code contains both safety and environment related provisions, it will be mandatory under both SOLAS and MARPOL. In October of last year, IMO’s Marine Environment Protection Committee (MEPC) approved the necessary draft amendments to make the environmental provisions in the Code mandatory under MARPOL. MEPC is expected to adopt the Code and associated MARPOL amendments at its next session in May, 2015, with an entry-into-force date to be aligned with the SOLAS amendments. As has already been well documented but worth repeating, the Code is intended to cover ship design, construction and equipment; operational and training concerns; search and rescue; and, equally important, the protection of the unique environment and eco-systems of the polar regions. The draft Polar Code includes mandatory measures covering safety part (part I-A) and pollution prevention (part II-A) and recommendatory provisions for both (parts I-B and II-

B). Once it has entered into force, it will require ships intending to operating in Antarctic and Arctic waters to apply for a Polar Ship Certificate, which would classify the vessel as Category A ship, ie a ship designed for operation in polar waters at least in medium first- year ice, which may include old ice inclusions; a Category B ship - one that is not included in Category A, but designed for operation in at least thin first-year ice, which may include old ice inclusions; or a Category C ship - one designed to operate in open water or in ice conditions less severe than those included in Categories A and B. To qualify for a certificate, a vessel will require an assessment, taking into account the anticipated range of operating conditions and hazards the ship may encounter in the polar waters. This assessment would include information on identified operational limitations, and plans or procedures or additional safety equipment necessary, to mitigate incidents with potential safety or environmental consequences. Ships would also need to carry a Polar Water Operational Manual, to provide the owner, operator, Master and crew with sufficient information regarding the ship's operational capabilities and limitations in order to support their decision-making process. Each chapter in the Code sets out goals and functional requirements and will include those covering ship structure; stability and subdivision; watertight and weathertight integrity; machinery installations; operational safety; fire safety/protection; life-saving appliances and arrangements; safety of navigation; communications; voyage planning; manning and training; prevention of oil pollution; prevention of pollution from noxious liquid substances from ships; prevention of pollution by sewage and prevention of pollution by discharge of garbage. Ships operating in the Polar regions are exposed to a number of unique risks. These include poor weather conditions and the relative lack of good charts, communication systems and other navigational aids. The remoteness of the areas makes rescue or clean up operations difficult and costly. Cold temperatures may reduce the effectiveness of vessels equipment, ranging from deck machinery and emergency equipment to sea suctions. When ice is present, it can impose additional loads on the hull, propulsion system and appendages. In November 2012, the MSC adopted a new mandatory ship reporting system in the Barents Area, proposed by Norway and then Russia, which entered into force on 1st June, 2013. This involves tankers, which have to report either to Vardø or Murmansk VTS centres. Trends and forecasts indicate that the numbers of vessels entering the Polar areas, primarily the Arctic in the case of tankers, will grow, despite the apparent stand-off between the West and Russia. For example, gas and condensate cargoes should start to be loaded at the Sabetta terminal on the Yamal Peninsular the same year that the Code enters into force. In addition, shuttle tanker activity from the Arct offshore terminals to Murmansk for onward shipment will no doubt increase in the next five to 10 years, while it will be interesting to see whether the Northern Sea route (NSR) becomes competitive during that period. In March, the Oslo Arctic Summit, organised by The Economist Events, brought together over 150 government and industry leaders, indigenous groups and intergovernmental organisations to discuss the key issues, challenges and opportunities concerning commercial interests and operations in the Arctic. "Conflict with Russia, the slumping oil price and more dramatic evidence of human-induced warming in the Arctic makes this an exceptionally important moment to discuss the Arctic," said James Astill, Political Editor, The Economist and Arctic Summit chairman. As accessibility to the Arctic region increases due to climate change, the volume of shipping in the region is also gradually increasing. Currently this is primarily in support of energy exploration, but also involves increased destination transport between Arctic ports and the rest of the world. "The Arctic is the last realm where the West and Russia can co-operate together in a healthy, diplomatic way," said Astill We are seeing the beginnings of the commercially viable use of the Northern Sea Route (NSR); a route that Russia expects to increase five-fold in the next decade. “Transit shipping can save up to 30% by passing through the Arctic and the security challenges of the Suez Canal makes the northern route even more attractive,”said Peter Hinchliffe, Secretary-General, International Chamber of Shipping (ICS). If they cannot solve their differences, tension and mistrust between Russia and the West could rapidly turn into an obstacle for development in the Arctic. “The foundation of the Putin business model is that world politics is a chess game, and hence Russia is mistrustful of win-win solutions,” said Edward Lucas, Energy, Commodities and Natural Resources editor, The Economist. At the summit, the ICS highlighted important issues associated with the growth of Arctic shipping and expressed confidence in the industry’s environmental performance. The chamber stressed the critical importance of a mandatory and uniform regulatory framework to ensure maritime safety and environmental protection, as the volume of Arctic shipping gradually increases in response to new interest in developing the region’s natural resources. Hinchliffe, explained: “The IMO is the appropriate forum for developing standards for ships operating in the Arctic, as it has the necessary legal and technical expertise to take full account of the interests of all maritime nations including those with an Arctic coastline.”

Polar Code backing He added that the shipping industry is fully committed to the implementation of the mandatory IMO Polar Code, following its recent adoption by the member states. “The Polar Code will deliver an even greater level of confidence in the environmental performance of shipping using a risk-based approach, which addresses the hazards relevant to the type of ship operation, the ship’s location and the season of operation,” Hinchliffe said. ICS stressed that the shipping industry’s environmental performance is very impressive. But the industry fully recognises the concern about the potential sensitivity of Arctic ecosystems and the need for a high degree of care when ships navigate Arctic waters, which is fully reflected in the new IMO Polar Code. With respect to society’s concern about the negative impact of CO2 emissions on climate and the delicate environmental balance that exists within the Arctic region, ICS emphasised that shipping is the only industrial sector already covered by a binding global agreement, at the IMO, to reduce CO2 through technical and operational measures. According to the latest IMO Green House Gas Study published in 2014, the global shipping industry had reduced its total emissions by more than 10% between 2007 and 2012. With regard to the future governance of Arctic waters, ICS believed that Arctic coastal states should avoid imposing discriminatory treatment that might prejudice the rights of ships registered with non-Arctic nations, and highlights the importance of appropriate fees for services. The chamber suggested that there was a need for greater clarity regarding the legal status of Arctic waters as determined by the UN Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). “As remote Arctic sea routes become accessible these once academic issues are becoming increasingly important,” Hinchliffe explained, arguing that the UNCLOS regime of ‘transit passage’ for straits used in international navigation takes precedence over the rights of coastal states to enact unilateral measures against international shipping. The classification society DNV GL also used the Arctic Summit to discuss safety issues within the offshore industry in the Barents Sea. In its report, ‘Emergency response for offshore operations in the Barents Sea,’ DNV GL examined the feasibility of emergency preparedness solutions and called for the offshore industry to collaborate on new response concepts. This also applies to the commercial shipping either arriving or departing Arctic ports, which is set to grow considerably, or transiting through the NSR.

INSERE 09/01/16 BOEKEN LIVRES BOOKS ENLEVE 09/02/16

“De Raid op Zeebrugge”

B O E K B E S P R E K I N G door : Frank NEYTS

Bij Roularta Books verscheen eind april het interessante boek “De Raid op Zeebrugge. 23 april 1918, door de ogen van kapitein Alfred Carpenter, VC”. Maritiem archeoloog Tomas Termote en Carl Decaluwé, Provinciegouverneur van West-Vlaanderen tekenden als auteurs.Het boek is gebaseerd op een recente vondst van de persoonlijke collectie van 80 glasplaten van de kapitein van het HMS ‘Vindictive’, het leadship tijdens de aanval op de havens van Zeebrugge en Oostende. Deze glasplaten geven een unieke en nieuwe kijk op de ‘blokkade van Zeebrugge’, waarvoor meer Victoria Crosses werden toegekend dan ooit ervoren of erna. De raid op Zeebrugge was de meest gedurfde aanval van de Royal Navy en de Royal Marines tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Het was een poging om de grootste Duitse duikbootbasis buiten Duitsland te blokkeren. De Duitse U-boten die vertrokken vanuit Brugge via Zeebrugge en (minder) via Oostende waren verantwoordelijk voor het zinken van één derde van de geallieerde schepen tijdens Wereldoorlog I. Een kleine vloot van blokschepen voer over het kanaal om de opdracht te voltrekken. In twee uur tijd vochten duizend vrijwilligers de strijd die Winston Churchill ooit “het fijnste wapenfeit uit de Grote Oorlog” noemde. ‘De Raid op Zeebrugge’ (ISBN 978 90 8679 496 6) werd als een hardback op landscape formaat uitgeven en telt 145 pagina’s. Het boek kost 29,90 euro.

INSERE 09/01/16 NIEUWS ENLEVE 09/02/16

Dry bulk ship owner optimistic about future prospects of the market

Dry bulk ship owner Golden Ocean appeared optimistic on the long term prospects of the dry bulk market, mainly thanks to an expected resolution of the oversupply problems of the market. The owner added in its second quarter report that the average spot rates so far in the third quarter are higher than the rates in the first half of 2015, which means that the company’s revenues are expected to improve compared to the two previous quarters. Golden Ocean noted that following two very weak quarters, the third quarter started with more optimism, in particular, for the Capesize segment. With a spot market close to $20,000 per day it was questionable whether it was a structurally damaged market balance due to oversupply. “Then a three step devaluation by the Chinese Central Bank and a very nervous Chinese stock market removed all signs of optimism over a fortnight. With falling commodity prices and growing uncertainty in general, activity among dry bulk charterers is low at present. Short term this could be painful for owners of dry bulk assets, but in a longer term perspective the supply side should repair itself faster than previously anticipated”, Golden Ocean said.In any case, according to the shipowner, the dry bulk spot market in the second quarter of 2015 did not give owners of dry bulk vessels any relief. “Rates ended up more or less at similar levels as in the pervious quarter and with limited volatility. According to the Baltic Exchange, average earnings for the Supramax segment were $6,766 per day compared to $6,434 per day in the previous quarter and $8,982 per day in the same quarter last year. Capesize vessels were again facing the lowest earnings with an average of $4,600 per day against $4,582 per day the previous quarter and $11,901 per day in the same quarter last year. Panamaxes earned on average $5,183 per day compared to $4,815 during the first quarter and $6,304 in the same quarter in 2014″.

FLEET SUPPLY According to Golden Ocean though, the low utilization of the dry bulk fleet the first six months of the year has been due to demand issues rather than increased supply. “Actual deliveries for the first six months amounted to 110 Handysize vessels, 159 Handymaxes/Supramaxes, 88 Panamaxes/Kamsarmaxes and 57 Capesize vessels. During the first half of 2015 less than 27 mdwt were delivered. Even though the delivery rate picked up slightly during the month of July it is unlikely that the delivery ratio will exceed 65 per cent of the official order book this year. At the same time scrapping prior the monsoon season in June/July was beating most analysts’ expectations. For the entire sector above 10,000dwt, 300 vessels have been scrapped. The net effect of this is that after seven months into the year there is still zero net fleet growth for Handysize and Capesize”, said Golden Ocean.The ship owner added that “historically, limited number of vessels will be delivered during the fourth quarter and in spite of fewer removals due to a combination of improved spot market and lower scrap prices, net fleet growth in 2015 will most likely end up at less than 3 per cent of additional capacity. In aggregate the total order book to fleet ratio fell below 18 per cent at the end of the second quarter, which marks the lowest level since 2003. Still many analysts believe that the official order book is bigger than reality. The positive trend on the supply side is definitely needed due to softer demand for dry bulk commodities”.

DRY BULK DEMAND In terms of demand, Golden Ocean said in its report that “we witnessed a slight improvement in total demand in the second quarter of the year compared to the previous slow quarter. Measured in tonne miles demand for dry bulkcommodities grew by one per cent compared to first quarter, but still one per cent lower than same quarter last year. Uncertainty and conflicting information from the most important country for dry bulk transportation is still making the headlines. The devaluation of the renminbi by the Chinese Central Bank took many by surprise. It is not expected that this will have a significant impact on import levels. Compared to the average exchange rate in January this year, the currency is trading 4 per cent lower while the average spot price for iron ore is 15 per cent lower than the January average price. Chinese steel consumption (observed) was 4.3 per cent lower in the second quarter compared to the same quarter last year, but increased by 3.5 per cent compared to the previous quarter. Chinese iron ore imports for the first half the year ended at 453 million mt, followed by a strong 86 million mt in July. This is 15 per cent up from previous month and the highest monthly import figure seen in 2015. It is interesting to note that iron ore inventories remain at relatively low levels and almost 30 million mt lower than same time last year. Australia and Brazil continue taking market share from marginal producers and are up 30 million and 10 million tons, respectively, in the first seven months of 2015. New capacity from both countries is expected to be made available in the coming months represented by Roy Hill in Australia and new production from Vale. Coal imports to China continue to be the most negative contributor to dry bulk demand and are 34 per cent lower year-on-year for the first seven months of 2015. July showed a similar uptick in imports as for iron ore and for the last few weeks Chinas southwestern regions received less rain than usual. As a consequence hydro power production in July fell for the first time since October 2013. Given that China imports only six per cent of the coal it consumes, the sensitivity and uncertainty is substantial. Limited new hydro power capacity will be introduced over the next five years. India’s growth in coal imports is steady, but at a slower pace last two months. In the first half of 2015, the country imported 120 million mt which is almost 30 million mt more than the same period previous year”, Golden Ocean noted.

Ship prices The soft freight market continued to put downward pressure on asset values for all vessel classes during the second quarter. According to industry sources, prices fell by 7.5 percent to 12.5 percent depending on the country of construction. Asset prices have reacted positively so far in third quarter to the improved spot market freight environment and most analysts are of the opinion that the industry has seen the bottom in this cycle”, the shipowner concluded.

Source: Nikos Roussanoglou, Hellenic Shipping News Worldwide

INSERE 11/01/16 DOSSIER ENLEVE 11/02/16

The art of navigation in a digital future

Navigation has long been considered by many to be an ‘art’, a complex combination of information, knowledge and intuition – but as technology advances we will need to reconcile the art of navigation with the calculated nature of decisions taken by machines, writes Dr Andy Norris The safe navigation of a vessel is a highly complex task requiring knowledge and experience. To become proficient it needs a good mixture of intelligence and hard work, as well as, not least, supervised experience gained on simulators and at sea. Official publications and text books provide essential information that has to become engrained into the mindset of the intending navigator. However, the true subtleties can really only be learnt from ‘on the job’ experience. Compliance with the Colregs stands as the overriding commitment for marine navigators. Decisions fundamentally based on these have to be made quickly, not least on very complex situations that need subtle interpretation of the rules. If all goes wrong and an accident occurs, it can be debated for days by lawyers and experts – and maybe end up with the navigator being criminalised. Quite rightly, experienced navigators are proud of their skills, which many consider to be proficiency in the art of navigation, generally meant to portray the subtle skills that experienced navigators develop, in addition to encompassing a deep understanding of the rules and technology of navigation. There is no way that any particular complex situation being experienced at sea would have been preanalysed, learnt and instantly recalled by the navigator when meeting an identical situation. Instead, the mindset of the navigator comes up with a strategy based on many aspects, some of them rule-based but others just because it becomes obvious what the situation requires – the true art of navigation. For this reason many believe that even into the extended future, humans will have to play a major role in the safe navigation of vessels.

Position fixing At present, assessing position fixing integrity is an important part of the art. Although GNSS-given position is normally of high accuracy the navigator has to keep an ongoing check that it remains valid. Regular formal checks, for instance using radar and optical based sights on charted objects in coastal waters are important, but the experienced navigator would normally sense any significant discrepancy through good situation awareness, not least observing the view from the bridge windows and maintaining an eye on the radar, compass, log and echo sounder – and, of course, the chart. The skill set needed to be able to physically perform positional checks using radar, optical and dead reckoning techniques is learnable at college but the acquired art includes deciding how much time should be focussed on it in any particular situation and, ultimately, in achieving an early realisation that something is ‘not quite right’. This particular art appeared to decline amongst some with the advent of GNSS use in the 1990s but growing publicity during the present century about its potential problems has led to a resharpening of the essential skills, not least through improved training. Maybe this is why accidents to SOLAS vessels arising from electronic positional errors currently remain very rare, even though an appreciable number of bridge staff can recount occasions when GNSS position has been lost or was in error, often over periods of several hours and longer. However, the world’s ever-increasing emphasis on high integrity automated positioning will remove the need for any human involvement in the assessment process in the relatively near future. This is because electronic systems will be performing continuous automatic integrity checks, taking into account primary and secondary positional sources, such as GNSS and DGNSS services, other RF-based positioning systems, radar, gyro, log, echo sounder and, into the future, even optically derived data. Such automatic checks are likely to be far more effective than those that could be performed by any human and hence the navigator’s role in assessing the integrity and accuracy of position fixing will effectively become redundant. The system will alert bridge staff if the positional error probability has exceeded normal values but will continue to provide the most accurate position, together with an estimate of its error, by using the best available techniques.

The consequences? A good human-machine interface for such a system will keep the navigator well informed of the current position and dynamics of own vessel. On the ECDIS display there would be a visual indication of the determined error, perhaps as an error ellipse, providing vital information to the decisions of the human navigator. But when position and related parameters, such as ground track, heading, STW, SOG, drift, etc, become just a set of numbers with automatic consolidation into a complete high integrity model of the vessel’s position and dynamics, does it change the broader art of navigation? Any art associated with manually assessing position integrity will inevitably fall away through lack of a real requirement. Eventually, teaching of manual positional skills at college is likely to be considered archaic, except as part of demonstrating how machines perform the processes involved. Significantly, no longer being the prime decider of positional integrity could diminish the overall situational awareness of the navigator. Tasks currently undertaken to fulfil this role naturally increase such awareness. A mindset change will be needed to compensate for this change. In actuality, it gives more time for the navigator to concentrate on improving overall awareness. A more fundamental aspect of the change, however, is that it gives information to machines that is presently confined only to humans. Consequently, it allows machines to become even more involved in the navigational process. For instance, automated analysis taking into account the integrity of all data could readily merge positional and dynamic information with data that is already available digitally, such as ENCs, maritime safety information, meteorological and tidal predictions, etc. For decisions not involving other vessels, it potentially allows some very sophisticated decision-making processes concerning navigation to be automated. Many accidents today are caused by poor human decisions when integrating such data. It is quite feasible that such automated decision making would considerably reduce groundings.

Visual detection Of course, a particularly important and demanding part of human navigational art is in making the right decisions when there are other vessels in the vicinity. Humans generally remain as the only detector and user of visual information for navigation purposes onboard a vessel. They have to assess the complete situation by correlating the visual view with the information coming from radar, AIS, the chart and all other navigational aids. Then, with good practical understanding of the Colregs and the handling of own vessel, their role is to react safely and efficiently to the ever-evolving situation. But developing technology is poised to change even this situation. Electronic surveillance and processing of visual data is already being exploited in the maritime world for defence against piracy. It is also a central feature of evolving autonomous platforms across all transport sectors. In principle, optical information could be collected more quickly, accurately and consistently by an automated process than by a human. Existing digital processing power could readily make a good job of comparing the collected optical information with radar, AIS and other sensor information and make an assessment of the complete situation. Evolving technology will be able to determine the appropriate action to be taken by own vessel taking into account all the known information, not least the collision regulations and the detailed manoeuvring characteristics of own vessel. The uncertainties that accompany the raw data will be equally apparent to the machine as to a human. The navigational decisions taken would necessarily reflect the integrity of the data. For instance, decisions based on a target just observed by radar would have much greater error margins than those made that correlate with optical and AIS data. The process could potentially utilise an extensive database of scenarios developed from a digital analysis of how humans react in similar situations. It would necessarily model the consequences of all possible reactions from the other involved vessels to determine the best course of action at any time. The equipment would need to be designed to meet exacting standards such that its own integrity would never be compromised and that any instances of total failure would be an extremely rare event. Maybe the human art of navigation is the clever process that we use to compensate for our (grateful) inability to mechanically store and consistently process huge amounts of data – but perhaps that is what navigation is mainly about. Machines are maybe better suited for such a task – but is that the future we really want?

DS

INSERE 13/01/16 NIEUWS ENLEVE 13/02/16 ClassNK to release world-first Guidelines on Composite Propellers

Leading classification society ClassNK has announced that it will release the world’s first Guidelines on Composite Propellers (Part on Manufacturing/Product Inspection) on 31 August. The strength and corrosion resistance of composite materials makes them widely used in fields such as aerospace, automobiles, and wind power generation, and their scope of application has been further expanded due to their usefulness.The substitute composite material carbon fiber reinforced plastic (CFRP) weighs in at around just 1/5 of aluminum- bronze. Despite its ultra-lightweight composition, CFRP exhibits the same or more strength compared to the aluminum-bronze composite materials used in conventional propellers. Due to its lightweight, CFRP propeller shafts can be manufactured with smaller diameters, reducing costs. In addition, by taking advantage of CFRP’s strength, it is possible to produce thinner propellers with smaller blade areas, potentially increasing the propeller’s efficiency. In order to apply a composite propeller to ships, the material must have the required performance at least equal to existing aluminum-bronze composite materials, and it is necessary to confirm in advance that the composite propeller as an industrial product can be manufactured with uniform quality.In May 2014, ClassNK granted approval for the design and manufacturing process of the CFRP propeller. The propeller was developed with support from the ClassNK Joint R&D for Industry Program and marked the world’s first installation of a CFRP propeller on a merchant vessel.Based on the knowledge obtained through this joint R&D project, ClassNK comprehensively summarized the requirements for the approval of the manufacturing process for composite propellers and the testing/inspection of the product in the form of guidelines to assist in the effective use of composite material propellers on ships.

INSERE 15/01/16 HISTORIEK HISTORIQUE ENLEVE 15/02/16

Une mission à l'Ile de France en 1809-1810

Les aventures de la Mouche n° 23 et de l'enseigne de vaisseau Maximilien Gautier

Par Roger LEPELLEY

Au cours des mois qu'il passa à Bayonne en 1808, au moment où allait se déclencher la funeste guerre d'Espagne, Napoléon eut le temps de s'intéresser aux problèmes de sa marine, traités avec quelque négligence par son ministre Decrès dont la force d'inertie n'était pas négligeable. Une des questions auxquelles l'empereur prêta son attention fut celle des liaisons maritimes avec nos rares colonies, principalement celles situées dans la lointaine mer des Indes. Il était en effet de la plus haute importance de renseigner le général Decaen, capitaine général des Etablissements français à l'est du cap de Bonne-Espérance, sur les événements dont l'Espagne allait être le théâtre, et cela afin d'informer lui-même le gouverneur de la colonie espagnole des Philippines avec lequel Decaen avait noué des relations utiles et profitables aux deux nations. Lorsque celui-ci apprit l'ouverture des hostilités, il chercha à devancer l'action que les Anglais n'allaient pas manquer d'entreprendre pour attirer dans leur mouvance les territoires espagnols. Mais il n'y parvint pas et les Philippines passèrent dans la zone anglaise. Cependant l'empereur avait ordonné l'envoi à l'Ile de France de petits bâtiments bons marcheurs pour y porter le courrier et les journaux de France. D'anciennes goélettes américaines, des balaous, furent armées pour ces missions qui débutèrent en 1808. L'année suivante, ces expéditions se poursuivirent et c'est l'histoire de la Mouche n° 23 qui va être relatée ici. La Mouche n° 23 fut construite à Bayonne en juillet 1809. Lancée le 2 août, elle avait un équipage de douze hommes et était armée de huit espingoles d'une livre. L'enseigne de vaisseau Maximilien Gautier [1] s'en vit confier le commandement le 4 août et fit une première sortie dès le 14 (son armement ayant été achevé le 8). Le chef maritime de Bayonne jugea la mouche de bonne qualité et d'une marche supérieure. Le 22 août, elle rentrait à Bayonne après avoir éprouvé plusieurs chasses [2]. Elle avait été désignée pour porter des dépêches à l'Ile de France. Ayant reçu six mois de vivres, elle appareilla le 17 septembre mais dut relâcher au port du Passage (Pasajes, près de Saint-Sébastien) le lendemain à cause du mauvais temps, pour en repartir enfin le 3 octobre par des vents de sud-est. Conformément aux instructions reçues, Gautier passa à 45 lieues du cap Finisterre, suivant ensuite la route du sud-ouest, mais les vents l'empêchèrent de poursuivre dans cette direction et il fut poussé jusqu'aux abords de l'île Sainte-Marie, dans l'archipel des Açores [3]. Le vent étant passé au nord- est, la mouche put alors faire route au sud puis, obliquant vers l'est pour passer entre les îles du Cap-Vert et la côte d'Afrique, reconnut cette dernière par 13° de latitude nord [4]. La ligne fut coupée par les 19° de longitude est [5]. Poursuivant vers le sud, Gautier bénéficia d'une bonne brise jusqu'au 36° de latitude sud, c'est-à-dire à la hauteur du sud de l'Afrique. Les vents du sud-est se maintenant, il reconnut le cap de Bonne-Espérance le 24 décembre et reprit la route du sud jusqu'au 37° avant de prendre la direction du nord- est. Une mer grosse et de grands vents rencontrés par le travers du canal de Mozambique l'incitèrent à remonter par les parallèles du 33° et du 34° d'où il fit son chemin à l'ouest. Dans la région des vents généraux, écrit-il dans son rapport, j'eus des vents du NE et d'ENE qui ne me permirent d'atterrer à l'Ile de France que le 30 janvier 1810 soit après cent vingt jours de navigation. A 7 heures du matin, les montagnes de Grand-Port furent reconnues à l'ouest. Sous toutes voiles possibles, il était à dix heures au travers de l'île de la Passe pour attendre le pilote. Une frégate (anglaise) était près de l'îlot du Coin de Mire (au nord de l'île). Les vigies installées sur les montagnes lui faisaient des signaux qu'il ne pouvait comprendre, n'ayant pas le code en vigueur. La frégate ennemie approchant, il donna dans la passe du Grand-Port ; le pilote arriva et la Mouche n° 23 put mouiller près de Mahébourg. L'enseigne de vaisseau Gautier se rendit sans tarder, par la route, au Port-Napoléon [6] pour remettre à Decaen ses dépêches. Au cours de sa traversée, il n'avait rencontré qu'une frégate par le travers du cap Finisterre et une corvette près de Sainte-Marie (Açores) que la marche avantageuse de la Mouche, sur vent arrière et largue (l') a mis à même d'éviter. Aucune avarie n'était à signaler, les vivres s'étaient bien conservés et l'état de santé de l'équipage était bon. En ce mois de janvier 1810, une grande activité régnait au Port- Napoléon. Nos frégates avaient fait du bon travail. La division Hamelin, composée des frégates la Vénus et la Manche et de la corvette le Créole, s'était emparée près des îles Nicobar de trois vaisseaux de la Compagnie anglaise des Indes, dont deux étaient arrivés à l'Ile de France sous l'escorte de la Manche [7] tandis que Duperré, commandant la Bellone, avait capturé la frégate portugaise de 52 canons la Minerve puis le brick anglais le Victor qui n'était autre que l'ancien corsaire le Revenant (de Surcouf). Les magasins et l'arsenal du chef-lieu de la colonie avaient besoin de vivres et de marchandises entreposés à Grand-Port ; la Mouche n° 23 et plusieurs bâtiments les chargèrent et les transportèrent en convoi au Port- Napoléon. Puis Gautier reçut l'ordre de porter des poudres à l'île Bonaparte et d'en ramener quarante-cinq matelots destinés à l'armement de la Minerve ; cette mission fut exécutée avec succès malgré la croisière ennemie. Une nouvelle campagne s'organisait : celle de la Bellone qui devait repartir en mars 1810 avec la Minerve et le Victor. Pour armer ces deux derniers bâtiments, il fallait en désarmer d'autres : ce fut le cas de la Mouche n° 23. Avec beaucoup de regrets, Gautier dut sacrifier ses hommes. Cependant Decaen, qui avait besoin de l'aviso, réussit à lui constituer un nouvel équipage avec dix matelots des frégates restés à l'hôpital, dont trois Portugais et un Danois. Début mai, le capitaine général voulant connaître la situation à l'île Bonaparte, soumise à un blocus rigoureux (préalable à une attaque générale prochaine) qui avait suspendu les communications entre les deux îles, décida d'y envoyer Gautier et son bâtiment avec un chargement de fer, de poudre et de gargousses. Parti le 7 à neuf heures du soir, à la faveur d'un grain malgré la présence de trois frégates bloquant Port-Napoléon, Gautier mit sous voiles et le lendemain 8 mai, à son arrivée, le vent étant à l'est sud-est, il trouva la frégate anglaise la Magicienne à la hauteur de Sainte- Suzanne, sur la côte du vent, battant pavillon français (comme il se doit). Grâce à d'habiles manoeuvres, Gautier fit route vers la terre et hissa pavillon français. La Magicienne l'attaqua mais il n'amena pas et réussit à gagner sur la frégate puis mouilla à Sainte-Rose où il déposa les « effets » dont il était chargé. Contournant l'île par le sud, il se rendit à la rivière d'Abord pour y attendre le courrier destiné à Decaen. Au bout de huit jours, il gagna Saint-Paul pour être plus en sûreté et laisser passer la pleine lune. Le 27, m'élevant à petits bords le long de la côte, l'ennemi qui m'observait de près envoya cinq embarcations pour me prendre. Je relâchai à la Possession sous la batterie ; ce port me fournit un détachement pour défendre mon bâtiment et les embarcations furent repoussées. Le 29 mai, la Mouche remit sous voiles pour l'Ile de France avec trois passagers. Le 3 juin, à la pointe du jour, se trouvant au sud de l'Ile de France, sur la côte de la Savane, entre la baie du Cap et le poste Jacotet, l'enseigne de vaisseau Gautier eut connaissance d'une frégate dans le sud sud-est, à une lieue et demie au large. La Mouche se couvrit aussitôt de voiles et fit route vers la baie du Cap, seul abri qu'elle pouvait atteindre avant d'être rejointe par la frégate qui avait meilleure brise qu'elle. A six heures et demie, étant à l'intérieur des récifs, à proximité d'une faible batterie (de deux canons) par vent calme, ne pouvant étaler le courant avec les avirons pour pénétrer plus avant dans la baie, le bâtiment mouilla et hissa le pavillon français pour être reconnu de la batterie. Tout fut disposé pour le combat. Gautier héla la batterie de lui envoyer un canot et de prévenir le commandant du quartier de l'identité de la frégate, mais rien ne sera fait pour le secourir. A sept heures, l'ennemi étant à l'entrée de la baie, près des récifs et à demi portée de canon, hissa son pavillon, mit à la mer deux embarcations montées chacune par vingt-cinq hommes et fit feu de toutes ses pièces pendant une heure. Les embarcations approchaient ; lorsqu'elles furent à une encablure, Gautier fit ouvrir le feu sur les péniches qui ripostèrent. Au bout d'une demi-heure, ne voyant rien venir, il jeta à la mer signaux, instructions et journaux, envoya un matelot à la nage porter à Decaen les dépêches du commandant de l'île Bonaparte (le colonel Sainte-Suzanne) et celles de Duperré arrivées à Saint-Denis par une prise, puis fit couper le câble, échoua le bâtiment, enfin essaya mais en vain d'abattre le mât de misaine. Les Anglais arrivaient, ils montèrent à bord de la Mouche et abattirent le pavillon français. Alors les quatre matelots étrangers s'enfuirent à la nage. Gautier, n'ayant plus que quatre hommes à bord dont trois blessés, dut mettre bas les armes et se constitua prisonnier.

Les Anglais travaillèrent à tirer l'aviso de la côte et réussirent à l'entraîner au large. Alors que la Mouche et les péniches sortaient des passes, la batterie tira quelques coups de canon en leur direction, après être restée totalement inactive pendant le combat, négligeant même d'envoyer au bâtiment français un canot à l'ancre près du rivage. Les Anglais eurent quatre tués et six blessés, les Français trois blessés parmi ceux faits prisonniers. La frégate anglaise l'Iphigénie portait 48 canons ; elle était commandée par le capitaine de vaisseau Lambert. La lutte menée par l'Angleterre pour s'emparer des dernières possessions de la France, débris du grand empire colonial créé par la royauté et dont le démantèlement avait été entrepris dès la fin du grand règne (je veux dire celui de Louis XIV) touchait à sa fin. En ce milieu de l'an 1810, les colonies orientales du Premier Empire, situées dans l'océan Indien et dont Decaen était capitaine général, étaient les seules terres où flottât encore le drapeau français. Mais la fin était proche. Les Anglais tenaces, organisés et possédant, dans ces mers, une marine de guerre très supérieure à la nôtre (représentée seulement par quelques frégates et leurs capitaines courageux) [8] avaient lancé leur offensive dès 1809 en s'emparant de l'île Rodrigues qui constituait pour eux une excellente base. De là, les opérations devaient atteindre en premier lieu l'île Bonaparte (à laquelle les Anglais avaient conservé son ancien nom d'île Bourbon). Aux mains des Anglais, la Mouche n° 23 va prendre part à la lutte. Dès le 11 juin, sa présence est signalée sur les côtes de l'île Bonaparte où l'on ignore encore sa capture. Mais le lendemain, le Journal de la présence de l'ennemi sur les côtes la signale comme étant un bâtiment ennemi, dont la présence est encore mentionnée le 15. La Mouche se rendit ensuite aux abords de l'Ile de France puisque, le 5 juillet, Decaen avait remarqué que les forces anglaises constituées par trois frégates, la Mouche n° 23 et l'Estafette (autre prise) avaient disparu la nuit précédente, signe avantcoureur de l'offensive contre l'île voisine. La flotte anglaise de débarquement, venue de l'Inde via Rodrigues, se présenta en effet devant l'île Bonaparte le 7 juillet et s'en rendit maître rapidement puisque la capitulation fut signée le 8. Après ces événements, les Anglais regagnèrent l'île Rodrigues mais ils maintinrent le blocus de l'Ile de France et préparèrent des coups de main contre les îlots qui l'entouraient, afin d'y établir un point d'appui. C'est ainsi que l'île de la Passe, dont le fort commandait l'entrée du chenal menant au Grand-Port (au sud-est de l'île) fut assaillie et enlevée dans la nuit du 14 au 15 août par un commando venant de la frégate l'Iphigénie, qui mouilla alors à l'intérieur des récifs dans l'anse du Fer à Cheval. Peu après, le 20, le commandant Duperré rentrait de croisière avec la Bellone, la Minerve, le Victor et deux vaisseaux de la Compagnie anglaise des Indes, le Ceylan et le Windham [9] capturés début juillet près de l'île de Mayotte (archipel des Comores). Il se présentait à l'entrée de la passe qu'il réussit à forcer. Avec ses quatre bâtiments embossés devant Mahébourg, la division française forte de 144 canons allait livrer du 23 au 28 août une bataille victorieuse contre quatre frégates anglaises : l'Iphigénie et trois autres assurant avec celle-ci le blocus de l'Ile de France ; la Néréide, la Magicienne et le Syrius, totalisant 174 canons. Les deux premières amenèrent leur pavillon, les deux autres s'incendièrent. Il ne restait alors aux Anglais, autour des îles françaises, qu'une frégate, la Bodicea alors à Bourbon. Mais durant toute cette période, qu'était devenu l'enseigne de vaisseau Gautier ? Le 3 juin, il fut transféré sur la frégate l'Iphigénie dont la croisière s'était établie sur la côte ouest de l'Ile de France, devant la Rivière noire. Dix jours plus tard, la division anglaise reçut, par une autre frégate, l'avis que les troupes destinées à opérer le débarquement sur l'île Bonaparte étaient arrivées à Rodrigues. Le 14, cette frégate repartit pour l'Inde tandis qu'une corvette, l'Otter, se dirigeait vers le Cap. Le 15, Gautier et ses hommes passèrent sur la frégate la Bodicea, aux ordres du commandant de la station, Rowley, qui fit le tour de l'île pour communiquer avec les autres bâtiments anglais avant de prendre la direction de Rodrigues où elle mouilla le 24 juin. Il y avait alors en rade deux corvettes et dix-sept transports chargés de 3000 cipayes et de 1500 européens. Ces troupes étaient exercées tous les jours à tirer sur des barriques ; on exerçait également des matelots à la mousquetterie à bord des frégates [10]. Le 26, les corvettes et un transport repartirent pour l'Inde. Les prisonniers français furent débarqués sur l'île. Au nombre de dix-sept, ils provenaient de la Mouche n° 23 et du vaisseau de compagnie le Windham capturé par la Vénus (du commandant Hamelin) en novembre 1809, mais séparé de la frégate preneuse par un violent cyclone et repris par un bâtiment anglais. Le 30 la frégate la Néréide arriva à Rodrigues et le 3 juillet, l'expédition comprenant seize transports et deux frégates, fit voiles pour l'île Bonaparte qui fut prise, on l'a vu, le 8 juillet. Les Anglais n'avaient laissé aucun bâtiment à Rodrigues, pas même un canot, craignant de voir les prisonniers français tenter une évasion. Des cipayes montaient la garde aux vigies et dans trois postes situés aux extrémités de l'île. Logés sous des tentes, beaucoup tombèrent malades et les pertes furent importantes. Une seule batterie d'environ six pièces défendait l'île dont tout l'approvisionnement (sauf le bois et l'eau) venait de l'Inde. Le 20 août, arrivèrent de Madras quatre transports escortés par une frégate qui, sans même avoir mouillé, repartit pour l'Inde. Sans instructions, les quatre bâtiments anglais restèrent à Rodrigues. Le 26, le transport anglais la Vénus y arriva également, venant de Bourbon, et annonça la capitulation de cette île, la prise du brick français l'Aventurier et d'un bâtiment arrivé de Nantes en soixante-six jours et envoyé aussitôt au Cap pour y porter nouvelles et instructions sur la suite prévue de l'offensive anglaise en direction de l'île de la Passe, puis de toute l'Ile de France. Le 30 août, les quatre transports mirent sous voiles pour Bourbon avec à leur bord tous les prisonniers français à l'exception de l'enseigne Gautier, autorisé à embarquer sur la Vénus. Le 9 septembre arrivait à Rodrigues la frégate l'Africaine, aux ordres de Corbett, après onze semaines de navigation, et destinée à Madras. Mais Corbett décida de se rendre sans délai à Bourbon, dont il venait d'apprendre la chute, afin de prendre contact avec le colonel Keating, commandant des forces anglaises. Le 10 au matin, le transport la Vénus mit sous voiles avec à son bord Gautier, ainsi que les équipages et chevaux de Keating et de nombreux effets pour Bourbon, ainsi que des cipayes destinés à la garnison de l'île de la Passe ; le bâtiment devait donc mouiller à l'île Plate [11] et y attendre les ordres avant d'y transporter ses troupes [12]. Voici la fin du rapport de l'enseigne de vaisseau Gautier : Le 12, le transport la Vénus a mouillé à l'île Plate et a appareillé le 13, son câble ayant cassé ; il a fait route sur le Victor [13] qu'il a pris d'abord pour frégate anglaise mais après l'avoir reconnu, il a pris chasse et a amené son pavillon à 5 h ½ étant à portée de canon du Victor. Je me suis aussitôt emparé du commandement de ce bâtiment, fait mettre les cipayes dans l'entrepont et fermer les panneaux, ordonné aux officiers de rester dans la chambre et resté sous les huniers ; mais le Victor ayant encore tiré un coup de canon, ne s'apercevant pas que le pavillon était amené, j'ai fait amener les huniers et, le canot du Victor étant arrivé, j'ai remis le commandement à l'officier désigné par le capitaine. Le 14 septembre, mouillé en rade de Port-Napoléon. Les papiers publics qui étaient à bord n'ont pas été trouvés. Je pense qu'ils ont été jetés à la mer. Telles furent les circonstances dans lesquelles l'enseigne de vaisseau Gautier recouvra la liberté. Mais qu'était devenu son ancien bâtiment ? Malgré l'élimination, lors de la victoire de Grand-Port, des principales forces anglaises bloquant l'Ile de France, quelques petits bâtiments ennemis poursuivaient leurs patrouilles dans ses eaux. La frégate anglaise l'Astrée et la corvette l'Entreprenant, qui avaient pris part à la phase finale de la bataille, reçurent l'ordre de regagner Port-Napoléon tout en croisant pendant cinq jours dans les îles du nord pour y chercher l'ennemi. Et c'est ainsi que nos bâtiments se trouvèrent en contact avec la Mouche n° 23 qui opérait dans ces parages. Ayant réussi à échapper à l'Entreprenant qui l'avait prise en chasse, elle fut rejointe le 30 août par l'Astrée, à laquelle elle dut se rendre. Ramenée au chef-lieu, elle fut réarmée et confiée à l'enseigne de vaisseau Massieur. Début septembre, chargée d'effets divers destinés à la division Duperré, toujours à Grand- Port en cours de remise en état, la Mouche n° 23 partit pour Port-Impérial. Sortie le 10 du Port-Napoléon, elle se trouvait le 11 au matin sur la côte de la Poudre d'or. Elle était alors chassée par une frégate anglaise, l'Africaine, se rendant de Rodrigues à l'île Bourbon. L'enseigne de vaisseau Massieur manoeuvra habilement et, bien que poursuivi par les péniches de la frégate, réussit à se réfugier et à s'échouer dans une crique. Le commandant du quartier de la rivière du Rempart, M. Hubert Martin, homme courageux et actif, témoin des événements, réunit promptement la garde nationale qui se porta au secours de l'aviso et parvint à repousser l'ennemi. Remis en état sans délai, il put accomplir sa mission et parvint à Grand-Port [14]. Avec cette mission s'achève l'histoire de la Mouche n° 23, dont on ne trouve plus trace dans les archives. Resta-t-elle à Grand-Port ? Rejoignit-elle quelques semaines plus tard le cheflieu de la colonie en même temps que la division Duperré qui y fut de retour seulement le 16 octobre ? C'est vraisemblable et même si on constate qu'elle ne figure pas dans la liste des bâtiments de guerre français remis à l'ennemi lors de la capitulation du 3 décembre1810, il est certain qu'elle le fut néanmoins, comme tous les autres [15]. Après la victoire de Grand-Port, le général Decaen hésita beaucoup sur la direction à donner aux frégates françaises. Certains, comme Bouvet, à qui le commandement de l'Iphigénie avait été confié, préconisaient l'envoi de nos bâtiments vers Rodrigues afin d'y attaquer d'éventuelles concentrations des escadres destinées à l'attaque de l'Ile de France. Mais le capitaine général était enclin à penser que l'offensive partirait plutôt de l'île Bonaparte où se trouvaient déjà des forces importantes. Et c'est dans ce sens qu'il donna ses instructions. Seules étaient disponibles l'Iphigénie (livrée intacte), l'Astrée (arrivée de Cherbourg en avril à l'état neuf) et la Vénus qui vont opérer vers Bourbon. Or c'était une erreur : l'île Rodrigues était bien en effet le centre de rendez-vous des forces expéditionnaires anglaises venant de Madras et de Bombay. L'événement qui conduisit et confirma Decaen dans son erreur est le suivant. L'enseigne Gautier, à son retour à Port- Napoléon, fut entendu par le capitaine général qu'il informa de tout ce qu'il avait vu et appris. Il n'y avait aucune force anglaise importante à Rodrigues (quelques centaines de cipayes seulement) le 10 septembre au matin lorsque le transport la Vénus, dont la destination finale était l'île Bourbon (tout comme celle des quatre transports récemment partis) mit sous voiles. Mais, et cela Gautier ne le savait pas, le soir même du 10 septembre, quelques heures après son départ, les premiers convois venant de l'Inde, chargés de troupes destinées au débarquement sur l'Ile de France, étaient en vue de l'île Rodrigues où ils allaient se concentrer jusqu'à l'ordre de départ qui sera donné à la fin de novembre. Ainsi, sans l'avoir voulu, bien entendu, l'enseigne Gautier avait donné à Decaen un renseignement exact sans doute, mais qui orienta son action dans le mauvais sens. Et aucun bâtiment français ne prit la direction de Rodrigues pour essayer de savoir ce qui s'y passait exactement. Le capitaine général n'avait aucun commandement à donner à Gautier ; aussi fut-il embarqué, sur sa demande, sur l'aventurier la Gazelle [16] avec des dépêches pour le ministre de la Marine. Il arriva à Morlaix le 12 décembre 1810 et se rendit à Paris remettre ses dépêches. A cette date, l'Ile de France avait déjà capitulé. Gautier fut versé dans la Garde impériale et, à ce titre, servit sur plusieurs vaisseaux : le Majestueux, le Wagram, le Sceptre et sur la frégate la Cornalie (en 1822 à Constantinople). Il fut admis à la retraite le 4 août 1824 avec le grade honorifique de capitaine de frégate. Il avait obtenu la croix de Saint-Louis en 1818, malgré les sentiments bonapartistes qui l'animaient (disaient ses ennemis). Peu après le départ de la Gazelle, le blocus de l'Ile de France s'intensifia. Comme Decaen le redoutait, la flotte anglaise destinée à l'attaque de la colonie parut devant l'île le 26 novembre et le débarquement eut lieu le 30, dans le nord, entre le Coin de Mire et la côte du Mapou. Le 3 décembre 1810, la capitulation fut signée à 2 heures du matin. L'Île de France était, pour toujours, rayée de la carte.

Notes : [1] Né à La Valette (près de Toulon) le 31 décembre 1778. Entré dans la Marine comme mousse en 1792, Gautier servit sur de nombreux bâtiments. Aspirant le 18 avril 1798, il participa à la bataille d'Aboukir, fut prisonnier des Anglais pendant un mois et demi en 1799 et servit sur la frégate la Justice sous les ordres de Villeneuve en 1801. Enseigne de vaisseau le 26 octobre 1803, il était sur le brick le Basque (de Bayonne) avant d'être nommé commandant de la Mouche n° 23. [2] Son tirant d'eau était : à l'arrière de 7 pieds 10 pouces et à l'avant de 4 pieds 6 pouces. Le prix de construction d'une mouche s'établissait aux environs de 31 000 francs. [3] Les noms de lieux cités dans cette étude sont soulignés sur les cartes. [4] C'est-à-dire à la latitude de l'embouchure de la Gambie au sud de Dakar. [5] Du méridien de Paris. [6] Ex-Port-Louis ; le Grand-Port avait reçu le nom de Port-Impérial et la Réunion était devenue l'île Bonaparte. [7] Voir mon livre Marins de l'Isle de France 1803-1810. [8] Contrairement à la théorie fantaisiste émise par l'écrivain anglo-irlandais Patrick O'Brian dans son roman pseudo-historique Expédition à l'île Maurice, au demeurant passionnant à lire, surtout lorsqu'on ignore l'histoire vraie. [9] Ce dernier manqua l'entrée de la passe et fut repris le lendemain par l'ennemi devant la Rivière Noire. [10] Les extraits rapportés ici proviennent du rapport de Gautier au général Decaen. On verra plus loin les circonstances de son retour à l'Ile de France. [11] Petite île située au nord de l'Ile de France. [12] Voici le chargement de la Vénus : 350 cipayes, des munitions de guerre (dont 40 milliers de poudre) ainsi que 30 000 piastres en argent. [13] Brick français envoyé par Decaen pour contrôler et au besoin attaquer la Vénus si ce navire était reconnu comme ennemi. [14] Tous les événements maritimes de septembre 1810, en particulier ceux concernant la Mouche n° 23, se trouvent dans la lettre de Decaen à Decrès datée du 26 septembre et publiée dans le Moniteur universel du 18 décembre 1810. [15] Le fait est mentionné dans le registre-matricule des Mouches conservé dans le fonds Marine des Archives nationales (sous-série BB5 12). [16] On appelait aventurier un bâtiment privé, peu armé, ne possédant pas de lettre de marque (contrairement au corsaire) et qui naviguait entièrement à ses risques et périls. Il n'attaquait jamais l'ennemi. La Gazelle était arrivée de Saint-Malo début juillet. Elle fit une brève escale à l'île Bonaparte au moment de l'attaque anglaise mais réussit à s'échapper et à rejoindre l'Ile de France.

INSERE 17/01/16 DOSSIER ENLEVE 17/02/16

ECDIS – still some problems?

The ECDIS concept is one that promises great benefits for the maritime sector – but despite the technology having been around for many years the shipping industry is still struggling to implement the system in a way that truly delivers on that promise, writes Dr Andy Norris

ECDIS has had quite an unfortunate history. Sadly, it is still not in a position that really guarantees smooth operation into the future. This is a huge shame – the issues divert us from the inherent advantages of using electronic charts when compared to traditional means. Despite the longevity of the digital age, a big remaining issue is simply that we are still getting to grips with the issues of software-dominated equipment that is mandatorily fitted. In retrospect, it is arguable that many of the problems of ECDIS were caused by an over- ambitious programme at the time of its inception. This actually hindered its adoption and led to problems that are still not fully resolved today. As long ago as the late 1980s the concept of ECDIS was being evolved by IMO and IHO. The first performance standards were internationally agreed in 1995. Two years later type approved equipment was starting to appear. It all made sense at the time but there are a number of reasons why it turned out to be the wrong approach. For a start, the affordable technology available then was not really able to handle the user needs of a good ECDIS. Processors were too slow, affordable memory size was low and displays were relatively small and of poor resolution. To make the concept practical, the standards were effectively compromised. For instance, new symbology was introduced to ease the use of poor resolution displays, a chart display area of just 270 x 270 mm was considered permissible and long delays in redrawing information, albeit with certain provisos, were permitted. It meant that somewhat compromised and fairly expensive ECDIS hit the initial market. Furthermore, the unfamiliar symbology usually displayed emphasised the huge learning process that would be necessary for it to be adopted onboard. All these issues negatively affected the early market.

Limited data An even bigger problem was just around the corner – as very few national hydrographic offices were ready to produce ENC data. Shipowners and operators who did make an early investment in ECDIS had planned to initially use raster or private digital data in those areas without ENCs, but they did expect a fairly rapid transformation to a fully ENC world. Unfortunately, it took around 15 years before effectively global data was available, simply because most hydrographic offices found it so difficult and expensive to produce the data. It became increasingly clear to vessel operators that the best way forward was to install an ECS and use private vector or official raster data. The significant extra cost of buying an ECDIS was not warranted. Paper charts had to remain in use as the primary means of navigation but the additional use of ECS gave some of the fundamental advantages of ECDIS, especially in being an excellent means of displaying data from an electronic positioning system. The consequences of all this meant that relatively few vessels had installed ECDIS by 2008 – ten years after systems had first appeared on the market. It meant that it was a period when few lessons were being learnt that could have led to improved ECDIS equipment requirements. It also effectively led to 1990s thinking on the best human-machine interface for ECDIS remaining embedded within the IMO requirements – which were last revised in 2006. Just as an example, should more thought been given to the three display detail categories – Display Base, Standard Display and All Other Information? Today the Standard Display is generally considered to have insufficient information for many circumstances but the All Other Information display is often too confusing. Furthermore, the Display Base has few real uses. In fact, the main changes to the IMO standards in 2006 centred around an attempt to permit the legal use of official raster charts on ECDIS in those areas where ENCs were not available. In practice, even this did little to help the adoption of ECDIS. It was optional from the start and is now an irrelevant feature for virtually all users.

Mandatory carriage The real impetus for ECDIS emerged in 2009 when SOLAS was revised to include phased carriage requirements on certain categories of vessels. The phasing commenced in 2012, effectively marking the time when ENCs were considered by IMO to be ‘sufficiently’ globally available. The phased carriage requirements for ECDIS prompted a complete re-write by IMO of Model Course 1.27. The original one, adopted in 2000, was agreed well before many of the best operational practices were fully understood. The new course was agreed in 2012. The work undertaken towards the course actually helped highlight many of the non-ideal features of ECDIS, not least the very significant operational differences between makes and models of equipment. This brought due attention to the very real need to become fully familiar with the specifically fitted equipment before navigational use. This can typically take several hours, for instance, following a formalised onboard procedure. In addition to all this a major issue was periodically raising its head, which has still to be fully resolved. It first surfaced in 2007, resulting in IMO issuing the document SN.1/Circ.266 concerning the maintenance of ECDIS software. It was prompted by requirements for the display of newly designated features such as Particularly Sensitive Sea Areas. The circular basically warned people that any ECDIS not updated to meet the latest version of IHO standards may not meet the chart carriage requirements set out in SOLAS. It also stated that “the need for safe navigation requires that manufacturers should provide a mechanism to ensure software maintenance requirements are adequate”. There was no reference to software upgrades in the 2006 IMO ECDIS performance standards but the requirements of SN.1/Circ.266 were able to be embedded in the latest (2008) version of the IEC 61174 international standards for ECDIS. This supports the IMO requirements with additional technical details for use by manufacturers and type approval bodies.

Update issues The technical ability for ECDIS to be able to accept software updates is just part of its natural computer-based makeup. SN.1/Circ.266, which had some minor revisions adopted in 2012, emphasises the need for a formal process in keeping ECDIS appropriately updated. The need for updates arises if operational faults have been found in its use or, for instance, when there are necessary changes in the standards of the ENC data that they have to read and display. In the early part of this present decade, the increasing use of ECDIS revealed that a significant proportion of equipment had operating anomalies. This caused a major stir in the ECDIS community and a lot of negativity. Many of these eventually turned out to be the result of unexpected interpretations by some ECDIS manufacturers of the IHO ENC data display requirements. Others arose because some fitted equipment had still not been updated to meet the new data requirements identified in the 2007 version of SN.1/Circ.266. Mainly in response to the ECDIS anomalies issues, the IHO is planning to make some changes to the ENC data display standards towards the end of 2015, with changes on already fitted equipment needing to be completed during 2016. If the updates really do become mandatory on pre-fitted equipment, the costs would have to be met by the ship operator, with the manufacturer needing to provide a mechanism for getting the updates installed. In the worst case, if it was not possible to perform a mandatory update, a new ECDIS would need to be purchased. The maintenance of the equipment’s type approval would also need to be assured. Currently, we do not really have the mechanisms to ensure this if the fitted equipment is no longer in production. In particular, end-users would need to know whether the equipment had been appropriately updated. Otherwise, could they inadvertently contravene the SOLAS requirement to use up-to-date charts? How would they be reliably informed about this fundamental matter? If this example actually becomes a mandatory update we do not have much time to work it all out and it would inevitably become another negative for ECDIS. Whether or not this particular change becomes mandatory for fitted equipment, we must evolve a smooth internationally-accepted process for dealing with software updates that is readily understood by all involved – and not just for ECDIS.

DS

INSERE 19/01/16 NIEUWS ENLEVE 19/02/16

Enforcing the Maritime Labour Convention – first employment case leads the way

A recent application for judicial review of the Maritime & Coastal Agency’s (MCA’s) alleged failure to enforce a key provision of the Maritime Labour Convention (MLC) brings sharply into focus how the MLC can lead to criminal proceedings against the owner of UK flagged vessels and its master in his personal capacity. By way of reminder, UK flagged vessels became subject to the terms of the MLC by regulations made in 20131 (the Regulations) after the MLC came into force. The MLC does not enable seafarers to claim compensation for breach of MLC obligations. Therefore, unless a seafarer can establish jurisdiction in the UK, which is very often not possible, that seafarer is not able to bring an Employment Tribunal claim here. This leads many to wonder whether the MLC has real “teeth”. Such MLC-deniers may start to see how its impact is being felt following a recent case brought in the UK’s High Court which started with a complaint to the MCA by a seafarer who alleged he had been dismissed because his employer had breached the MLC. Shipowners and their masters who breach the MLC could be liable to fines and/or imprisonment under the Regulations. So, if an UK flagged ship covered by the MLC proceeds to sea without a valid MLC certificate, or a person tampers with or falsifies an MLC certificate, they will be guilty of an offence. If copies of key MLC documents are not onboard the ship, they will be guilty of an offence. Finally, and most interestingly from an employment perspective, if a shipowner does not operate an MLC-compliant onboard complaints procedure, or the seafarer is subjected to a “detriment” on the grounds of lodging a complaint which concerns alleged breaches of the MLC, they will be guilty of an offence bearing a maximum penalty of a fine and/or imprisonment up to 2 years. Examples of a detriment might be dismissing the seafarer, bullying or harassment, giving menial or unpleasant tasks or reducing overtime. Therefore, whilst through this mechanism seafarers cannot initiate proceedings for compensation against the shipowner directly, they can trigger an investigation by the MCA into whether a complaint has been properly handled, and whether a seafarer has been subjected to a detriment. The only defence available to a shipowner or master is to show that all reasonable steps were taken to ensure compliance with the Regulations. If the shipowner/master is found to be in breach, the MCA can prosecute. If the seafarer is dissatisfied with the MCA’s treatment of their complaint, they can apply to the UK Courts for a judicial review to establish whether the MCA has properly carried out its enforcement powers. Whilst again this is not a direct claim against the shipowner, any finding that the MCA did not properly deal with the matter will inevitably result in another more detailed investigation of the underlying issue. All amounting to considerable management time and costs for the shipowner, as well as potential fines and imprisonment for individuals and possibly detention of the ship. The recent case of Wilson v Secretary of State for Transport (2015), which concerned such a judicial review, gives us an interesting insight into how the MCA are handling the enforcement of the obligations under the Regulations. It would appear that Mr Wilson’s complaint was the first of its kind and that the MCA was very much “feeling its way” through the process, developing a clearer understanding of its obligations, as was particularly evident by the time the case reached the appeal stage. Whether a person has suffered a “detriment” is a concept very familiar to British employment lawyers but not so much for a maritime regulator. In this case, the seafarer, Mr Wilson, was a Fleet Trainer on board a cruise vessel. In the first months of his employment, he became unhappy about the way his employer operated in a number of respects and decided to complain. He escalated that complaint to several senior figures including the company’s President. Shortly thereafter, Mr Wilson was sent home from the voyage and dismissed. He protested to the MCA that he had suffered a detriment because he had raised grievances about breaches of the MLC. When that course of action failed, he brought judicial review proceedings before the High Court. This was also unsuccessful because the Court decided that the complaints were not about breaches of the MLC at all. Rather, they were around his annoyance at his berth being moved, clerical errors with his pay and his view that the company did not comply with its own “values” which included respect for employees. None of these are covered by the MLC. This case should focus shipowners’ minds since it highlights how they might be exposed to a complaint under the Regulations and therefore to a fine and/or imprisonment. The MLC is so widely drawn that there are a myriad of ways in which a complaint could fall within the obligations in the Regulations. Say, for example, a crew member raises a complaint about something he believes amounts to a breach of health and safety regulations, or argues that she is being paid less than her male colleagues for the same work. If those seafarers subsequently find themselves treated more poorly or ostracized by the master or sent home, then there are grounds for an MCA investigation, and depending on the facts, a prosecution. The MCA are probably now well prepared for the next complaint it receives. So what can a shipowner or master do to protect itself? They will need to show that all reasonable steps were taken to comply with the obligation, such as properly training its masters to manage complaints and to avoid detriments being applied to those who complain. Of course, in this case, the shipowner’s defence was that it was not the complaint itself that caused the dismissal, it was the manner in which he raised the complaint at an inappropriately senior level which led to the detriment. This is an often cited defence in whistleblowing detriment cases in the UK Employment Tribunals and one which has had mixed success. It is often very difficult to draw the line between the manner and the substance of the complaint, and taking such action without investigating the complaint is certainly high risk. Whilst this regime is limited to ships flagged in the UK, the case also referred to the right of seafarers to make a similar complaint when a ship enters a UK port, regardless of the flag, which would add an additional circumstance when such obligations might arise. And finally, it can be assumed that other jurisdictions have enacted the MLC in a similar way so that vessels flagged in those states may be subject to similar sanctions. The International Labour Organisation (ILO), which developed the MLC was joined as an “interested party” to this case, making it clear they are watching closely how far the MLC is being applied. The seafarer unions will also be watching with interest. We can safely assume that we will see more and more complaints as seafarers and their representatives seek to test the limit of their rights under this legislation. Shipowners and masters take note: manage complaints properly onboard and ensure no retaliatory action to avoid prosecution under the MLC.

Source: Clyde & Co.

INSERE 19/01/16 LMB-BML NIEUWS

LMB - RECEPTION MARITIME du NOUVEL AN

Le jeudi 7 janvier 2016 s’est tenue en la salle Ortelius de l’Ecole Supérieure de Navigation à Anvers la réception maritime traditionnelle du Nouvel AN. Plusieurs associations maritimes – le Collège Royal Maritime Belge, l’Académie Royale de Marine de Belgique, le Mercatorkring, le Nautical Institute Belgian Branch, le Comité Organisateur de la Journée des Marins, le Koninklijk Gallois Genootschap et les Vrienden van het Nationaal Scheepvaartmuseum – avaient répondu à l’appel du Président de la LMB, le Capitaine d/v (H) Patrick Van den Bulck pour organiser conjointement à l’occasion du Nouvel An cette rencontre entre leurs membres accompagnés de leurs partenaires. Plus de 180 membres étaient présents pour échanger leurs bons vœux et formuler leurs souhaits pour une année maritime aussi prospère qu’heureuse. L’échevin du port d’Anvers Mr. Marc Van Peel, le nouvel administrateur-délégué de l’Union Royale Belge des Armateurs Mr. Wilfried Lemmens et le directeur-général de l’ESNA, le capitaine a.l.c. Patrick Blondé ensemble avec de nombreux invités du monde maritime anversois avaient tenu à rehausser cette réception de leur présence.

BML – MARITIEME NIEUWJAARSRECEPTIE.

Op donderdag 7 januari 2016 vond in de Ortelius zaal van de Hogere Zeevaartschool te Antwerpen de traditionele maritieme Nieuwjaarsreceptie plaats. Verschillende maritieme verenigingen – het Koninklijk Belgisch Zeemanscollege, de Koninklijke Belgische Marine Academie, de Mercatorkring, de Nautical Institute Belgian Branch, het Inrichtend Comité “Dag der Zeelieden “, de Koninklijke Gallois Genootschap, de Vrienden van het Nationaal Scheepvaartmuseum – waren op de uitnodiging van de voorzitter van de BML, Kapitein t/z (H) Patrick Van den Bulck, ingegaan om deze event ter gelegenheid van Nieuwjaar samen voor hun leden en hun partners te organiseren. Ruim 180 leden tekenden present om hun beste wensen uit te wisselen en om samen uiting te geven aan hun verwachtingen voor een gelukkig en voorspoedig maritiem jaar. De schepen voor de haven van Antwerpen, dhr. Marc Van Peel, de nieuwe afgevaardigd-beheerder van de Koninklijke Belgische Redersvereniging dhr. Wilfried Lemmens en de directeur-generaal van de HZS, kapitein t.l.o. Patrick Blondé gaven samen met vele genodigden uit het Antwerpse scheepvaart milieu een unieke luister aan deze receptie.

INSERE 23/01/16 NIEUWS ENLEVE 23/02/16

ECDIS – Navigational and claims issues

The mandatory introduction of electronic chart display and information systems is seen as major step forward in safe ship operation and protection of the environment.

Introduction This brochure attempts to provide a user friendly guide to the mystery surrounding electronic chart display and information systems (ECDIS). It is in three sections. The first section provides the reader with a general introduction to ECDIS and the legislation that governs its operation. The second section focuses on the operational aspects of ECDIS considering the requirements of generic and type specific training in further detail. The final section considers the legal effect of failure to meet the statutory ECDIS requirements and the effect on claims where levels of operation or knowledge of ECDIS are considered to be a factor or fundamental link in the chain of causation leading to an incident.

The background With the amendments to SOLAS Chapter V Regulation 19 governing the statutory introduction of ECDIS being adopted from January 2011, the ‘ticking time bomb’ associated with ECDIS mandating process has now taken on a level of greater urgency with the shipping fraternity ultimately coming to the end of its breath holding exercise. As with the introduction of previous mandatory requirements to fit equipment such as Radar, VDR or AIS systems onboard commercially operated vessels, many technical managers will now be faced with the task of acquiring full compliance with the ECDIS carriage regulations at the lowest possible capital expenditure. Although this approach may undoubtedly resolve the short term issues it may be prudent on this occasion to adopt a more proactive approach towards the implementation of ECDIS systems especially when taking into account that the primary function of ECDIS forms in many ways the foundation and cornerstones upon which safe navigation practices are formed. With this in mind we consider the legislation surrounding the mandatory introduction of ECDIS equipment and peer under the veil of technical magic and mystery which has enshrouded this subject over the last decade.

SOLAS Chapter V The amendments to SOLAS Chapter V Regulation 19 – Carriage Requirements for Shipborne Navigational Systems and Equipment came into effect on 1 January 2011. The amendments to the SOLAS Convention now clearly include ECDIS systems within the definition of nautical charts and publications with section 2.4 stating that “An Electronic Chart Display and Information System (ECDIS) is also accepted as meeting the chart carriage requirements of this subparagraph.” A new paragraph 2.10 further identifies a requirement for ships engaged on international voyages to be fitted with an ECDIS system under the implementation schedule shown in the chart below.

ECDIS performance standards

An area which often leads to confusion is the simple question of what makes one system an ECDIS and the other an ECS (electronic chart system). The answer to this question is simply that one system complies fully with the IMO ECDIS performance standards and can be accepted as meeting the requirements of SOLAS Chapter V regulation 19 and the other does not. These requirements are identified as follows:  The ECDIS equipment must be type approved to th performance standards as outlined in IMO Resolution A. 817 (19) as amended by MSC 64(67) & MSC 86(70) relating to back up arrangements for ECDIS systems and operation in RCDS mode  The system must use official ENC data (vectorised electronic navigational charts) to IHO S57 standard which must be supplied by or authorised by a national hydrographic office. Such ENC data must be corrected weekly  The vessel must have an adequate back-up system. This may be another ECDIS system or paper charts  IMO has ruled that ECDIS equipment having raster chart display system (RCDS) capability may operate as a primary aid to navigation in the RCDS mode. Such charts must also be corrected on a weekly basis  When ECDIS equipment is used in RCDS mode, it must be used in conjunction with an appropriate folio of paper charts. The definition of ‘appropriate’ is to be decided by national administrations. STCW – Statutory training Under the provisions of the STCW 95 Code, general training obligations relating to the use of ECDIS exist. This is indicated by Table A-II-1 of the Code where it is stated “ECDIS systems are considered to be included in the word charts.” The degree of knowledge and competency concerning the use of charts is explicitly defined within Table A-II-1 as requiring the navigational officer to posses “a thorough knowledge of and ability to use navigational charts and publications”. He must additionally show “evidence of skill and ability to prepare for and conduct a passage, including interpretation and applying information from charts”. The IMO Model Course 1.27 The Operational Use of Electronic Chart Display and Information System (ECDIS) is regarded as setting minimum requirements a candidate should have gone through to receive an ECDIS certificate and covers all relevant safety aspects and overall system knowledge expected under a generic ECDIS training course. An element of confusion has however developed relating to the need for training where an ECDIS system has been fitted but is to be operated as an aid to navigation only. Under the forthcoming Manila amendments to the STCW Code which are scheduled to enter into force on the 1 January 2012, generic and type specific training will be required even if the ECDIS equipment is to be used as an aid to navigation only.

ISM Code In addition to the generic training identified under the provisions of IMO model course 1.27 type specific training is required where the equipment used during the generic training course differs from that to be actually used onboard. This requirement is identified under the provisions of section 6.3 & 6.5 of the ISM Code which requires not only effective training but familiarisation of new equipment and regulations with respect to safety and emergency related duties. Although this requirement may be viewed as a relatively simple task, the wide range of equipment manufacturers in the market may present a daunting proposition for the ship operator with a diverse fleet equipped with several models of ECDIS systems operating varying generations of system software. The position of effective type specific training is further complicated by the various views adopted by different flag states. An example of this is with reference to computer based training systems (CBT) which requires flag state approval on a case by case basis. Additionally a CBT system approved by one flag state may be rejected by another.

Port State Control With marine casualty investigators continuing to identify ineffective ECDIS operation and substandard levels of training as a key link in the chain of causation leading to marine incidents, an increased focus on ECDIS has been observed during routine inspections completed by Port State Control officers. The following list highlights key inspection areas which are the subject of particular focus:  Documentation indicating that the ship’s navigation system complies with IMO Performance Standards for ECDIS  Written procedures on board the vessel for using the ECDIS system  The master and watch-keeping officers are able to produce appropriate documentation that generic and type-specific ECDIS familiarisation has been undertaken  The ship is equipped with the latest updates and new editions of ENCs  The ship is equipped with additional nautical publications, as defined by the national carriage requirements  There is agreement between sensor data and its presentation on the ECDIS system.  The ship is equipped with an approved back-up arrangement to ensure safe navigation for the entire voyage, in the event of an ECDIS failure  The ship is equipped with an appropriate updated collection of paper charts, if the ECDIS system is being used in RCDS mode. ECDIS acronyms The use of acronyms in the shipping industry has always been present and part of shipping’s fast pace philosophy. However this system of abbreviation doe cause great confusion especially between similar acronyms. Examples of these are where care in application and interpretation is needed are: ECDIS Electronic chart display and information system ECS Electronic chart system ENC Electronic navigational chart RNC Raster navigational chart RCDS Raster chart display system IBS Integrated bridge system NACOS Navigation and control system.

Operational aspects This section considers the operational aspects of ECDIS and the intrinsic function that electronic chart and navigation systems have to play in the commercial operated ship of the future. The mandatory requirement and introduction of ECD is seen by the regulatory bodies guiding the shipping industry as a major step forward in safe ship operation and protection of the environment. The transition to electronic navigation and the operation of a paperless bridge is however initially viewed differently by the shipping community with increased operational costs new equipment and additional training requirements. It is also becoming increasingly evident that far from reducing risk, ineffective operation of complex ECDIS systems resulting from poor management practices o training can actually increase the risk of incidents such as collision and grounding with the interface between computers extenuating the so called ‘human element reported as causative in almost every marine casualty. Automation of traditional manual navigational tasks has been observed as delaying the opportunity for error detection and recovery allowing a navigational single point failure to develop undetected into a single point catastrophic failure ultimately resulting in an incident. With the key to reducing management costs and navigational risk intrinsically linked with effective ECDIS practices and procedures we now consider ECDIS and its fundamental operational requirements.

The modern ECDIS system Electronic chart display and information systems in their simplest forms are single ‘stand alone’ units with basic sensor inputs such as course and speed displaying the ship’s ‘real time’ position on an electronic navigational chart (ENC) that complies with the performance standards outlined under the provisions of IMO Resolution A.817(19). The ENC chart must further comply with the IHO chart data transfer standard S-57 (S-100 in the future) issued by an authorised hydrographic office. The system must have an adequate back up arrangement comprising of a second independent ECDIS or an adequate up to date folio of paper charts before the system can be considered as meeting the SOLAS Chapter V Regulation 19 chart carriage requirements. Although the basic ECDIS system may be the equipment introduced during the ‘retro fit’ period for vessels presently in operation, the ship of the future will undoubtedly incorporate the electronic chart display and information system into the heart of the integrated bridge system (IBS) combining navigational equipment such as radar, differential global positioning systems, automated information systems, propulsion control and system alarms into a single monitoring station or navigation control module. Although this combination of navigational systems into a single control panel is undoubtedly the way forward, the change in navigational methodology does present new challenges in relation to the requirements of safe navigation of the modern vessel.

Electronic charts The subject of electronic charts in relation to ECDIS operation is probably an area which generates an element of confusion. This is primarily due to the fact that ECDIS can operate under the amendments to the IMO ECDIS performance standards in what is referred to as RCDS (raster chart display systems) mode utilising raster charts when vector chart coverage of the navigational area is not available. In order to fully analyse this provision and mode of operation a clear distinction between raster and vector charts must be made. ENCs or vector charts are compiled from a database of individual items (objects) of digitised chart data and displayed as a seamless chart. When used in an electronic navigation system, the data can then be re-assembled to display either the entire chart image or a user selected combination of data. ENCs are intelligent in that systems using them can be programmed to give warning of impending danger in relation to the vessel’s position and movement. RNCs or raster charts on the other hand are produced by digitally scanning a paper chart image. The resulting digital file may then be displayed in an electronic navigation system where the vessel’s position can be shown. Since the raster chart display is merely a digital photocopy of the original paper chart, the image has no intelligence and other than visually, cannot be interrogated. The fundamental differences between vector and raster charts are identified below:

 Vector charts have no defined boundaries and provide a seamless visual display where raster charts operate similar to paper charts  Raster chart data cannot itself trigger automatic alarms although some alarms may be entered manually by the user  Horizontal datum and chart projection may differ between raster charts  Chart features cannot be simplified or removed to suit particular navigational circumstances  Without selecting different scale charts the ‘look ahead’ capability of raster charts may be somewhat restricted  Orientation of the raster display to other than chart up display may affect the readability of the chart  Display of a ship specific safety contour or safety depth cannot be highlighted on a raster chart unless manually entered by the user during passage planning  Excessive zooming in or out from the natural scale of the raster chart can seriously degrade capability. Under the present IMO legislation, navigational areas not covered by ENC charts must be identified at the planning stage with an ‘appropriate’ portfolio of up-to-date paper charts available onboard to be used in conjunction with the ECDIS equipment when operated in RCDS mode. Although the wording ‘appropriate’ used under the provisions of the IMO Resolution has been defined differently by the various authorities of sovereign states, specific guidance can be now be found on the IHO website www.iho-ohi.net/english/encs-ecdis/enc- available/backup-paper-charts. html. With only a brief review of the requirements of electronic charts and their mode of operation in conjunction with ECDIS systems it is apparent that this is an area which requires careful review by competent well-trained and familiarised officers at all stages of the navigational passage.

Generic training Effective training and familiarisation of the master and officers in relation to ECDIS operation has been identified by the International Maritime Organization (IMO) as an area of increased concern prompting a revision of the training requirements at the STCW 95 conference held in Manila on 21 June 2010. Under the revised STCW 95 training requirements entering into force on 1 January 2012 under the tacit acceptance procedure, the master and those in charge of a navigational watch are required to complete a generic ECDIS training course which meets the new standards laid down under the Manila amendments. This requirement pertains to all vessels fitted with ECDIS equipment irrespective of the fact that the primary form of navigation identified under the provisions of the company management system may be paper. In the UK the present situation has recently been clarified to some extent by Marine Information Notice (MIN) 405 entitled “Training for ECDIS as Primary Means of Navigation” which was published January 2011.The notice clarifies what training is acceptable for masters and deck officers of UK-flagged vessels which have ECDIS as their primary means of navigation. MIN 405 presently does not however make any reference to training requirements for vessels fitted with ECDIS systems identified under the company operating procedures to be used as an ‘aid to navigation only’ with paper charts still identified as the primary means of navigation. As MIN 405 expires on 31 December 2011 it is assumed that a further instruction will be issued reflecting the Manila amendments prior to the 1 January 2012.

Type specific training In general terms the requirement for type specific training for ECDIS has been identified under Section 6 of the ISM Code which establishes a clear requirement for not only effective training but familiarisation with respect to safety and emergency related duties. In addition to the ISM Code requirements, Marine Information Notice (MIN) 405 paragraph 3 now identifies a clear requirement for ship specific ECDIS training relating to the make and model of the equipment fitted on the ship on which the master or navigation officer is expected to operate. Marine Information Notice 405 further clarifies that this training should build on the MCA approved generic training format and be delivered by the manufacturer; the manufacturer’s approved agent or a trainer who has attended such a programme. The present requirement relating to type specific training for UK-flagged vessel is now partially clarified under the provisions of MIN 405. The use of the words ‘and be delivered’ does however suggest that the present solution adopted by many leading manufacturers providing computer based training programs may not on their own merits be considered suitable under the new guidelines. With the dilemma relating to type-specific training now clearly identified, many shipping operators may be faced with the logistical headache of either training all their operational staff in every ECDIS system within the fleet or be required to provide an onboard certified ‘trainer’ having previously completed a suitable ‘train the trainer’ course. With many shipping operators encountering difficulties finding a solution to their type specific training requirements two alternatives have been identified below. At the centre for training excellence at CSMART Almeria, Amsterdam (www.csmartalmere.com) developed in conjunction with a market leading cruise ship operator, ECDIS equipment has been standardised throughout the fleet with the bridge layout replicated at the training centre. This standardisation effectively circumventing the additional requirement for type specific training as all the systems operated within the fleet is the same. This training has been further advanced by the introduction of a revolutionary bridge team management approach moving away from the traditional rank structure adopting a function based airline style ‘navigator / co-navigator’ system which has been proven to effectively reduce the risk of navigational hazards. An alternative solution to the issue of the training requirements of a multi functional and diverse shipping organisation operating many different ECDIS systems of various generations has been developed by ECDIS Ltd Southampton (www.ecdis.org) . Focusing on the needs of the modern ship manager and their respective requirements, ECDIS Ltd has developed a centre of learning excellence providing generic training course utilising many different types of ECDIS system in a single training location. This provides increased system knowledge of ECDIS system operation, as well as complying with UK regulations and issuing MCA / STCW ECDIS certification.

Passage planning Effective passage planning completed by paper chart or by electronic systems is essentially the process of defining the safest navigational route in conjunction with established safety margins under which the voyage will be executed. The passage plan should be comprehensive, detailed and easy to interpret and effectively reduce navigational risks and aid the ship and its officers to safely navigating from berth to berth. Electronic navigational planning consists of three stages namely Appraisal, Planning and Control. Although this section does not attempt to offer a guide to electronic planning the key elements will be discussed. Appraisal – This stage of the plan should identify that the required electronic charts are available and corrected up-to-date. Areas where ECDIS would be operated in RCDS mode should be identified with appropriate paper charts available. The requirements of sovereign states during periods of coastal passage must be considered (IHO website) with all relevant publications and sailing directions reviewed. Safety contours should be established and information relating to weather, current, tides, chart datum, draft, speed, environmental limits, air draft, squat and general hazards such as high traffic concentrations should be prepared and made available. The concept of safety contours is a key function specific to electronic charts and further outlined in the diagram below. Planning– After the appraisal stage, the planning officer now begins the track planning. The planning stage can be divided into three different sub- stages or ‘cuts’. During the cuts, the planning officer will move through a quality control process from a general plan to the refined final track which will be used for navigation and approved by the master. It is essential that the built in automatic check function is used throughout the planning stages however it must be remembered that the effectiveness of the automatic check system relies on the accuracy of the safety parameters set by the user. The final track is then often displayed with associated waypoint information and navigational notes at the central conning station or chart table for reference by the navigational officer during the control stage of the passage planning process. Control – The control stage of the plan establishes how the vessel’s progress and the navigational systems will be monitored throughout the passage. This will include an effective analysis identifying all risks of operation. When official ENC (vector charts) are used, systems of automatic and manual checks must be established if the danger of over reliance on automated systems is to be avoided. Traditional track monitoring methods such as parallel index and visual bearings should be included at the control stage in addition to modern techniques such as radar overlay of the electronic chart. This should however not obscure the radar picture to the level where acquired targets may be lost or the navigation officer may be affected by information overload.

Risk analysis On review of the increased technology available to the modern navigator one of the conundrums must be why increased computerisation and automation has not removed, and perhaps not even reduced the potential for failure in the systems in which they were introduced. In fact new pathways to failure seem to have developed centered on an initial miscommunication between man and machinery resulting in a misalignment in the reality of where the navigator thinks he is and where the automated system has actually taken him. Research has shown that humans are poor monitors of automated systems and tend to rely more on system alarms than manual checks especially in relation to those systems which have proven themselves as highly reliable. In several casualty investigations it has been determined that automation has resulted in the navigator developing an ‘operational bias’ relying on the automated systems rather than the salient cues provided visually through the bridge window. In this respect an extensive risk assessment of ECDIS operation combined with a clear requirement of manual system checks of critical automated operations must be established within the company safety management system effectively identifying operational risk and introducing control measures to reduce the effect of single point failures. Before we consider the assessment process, the term risk must be defined. Risk in relation to ECDIS operation can be considered as a hazard or source of navigational error with the potential to cause loss or harm to personnel, the environment or the ship (or other ships) itself. The main areas of risk when considering ECDIS operation can be identified under three main categories: 1 The equipment itself may suffer from failure (both hardware and software) including power outages sensor input failure and potential virus infection. 2 The charts are operated under permit which may expire, charts in use not corrected up- to-date, updates not correctly applied, ENC chart coverage unavailable requiring the system to be used in RCDS mode without the appropriate paper chart folio being available. 3 The operation of the ECDIS system onboard carried out by poorly trained crew following poor navigational practices and operational procedures such as excessive zooming or operating the chart for navigation with base information only displayed. Effective risk assessment as a critical function of implementation of electronic navigation is rarely emphasised when the transfer from paper to digital navigation is considered. As our short review of this subject has hopefully highlighted a full and comprehensive risk assessment clearly identifying the hazards relating to the operation of ECDIS systems should not only assist those associated with the task of transfer between the two methods of navigation but also accelerated the migration process and the positive aspects of electronic chart operation relating to increased crew efficiency whilst reducing operational costs.

Summary From this short review of ECDIS operation and the functions to consider when transferring navigational practices from paper to electronic format, it is clear that the process, although complex, can if effectively completed, reduce operational cost whilst increasing levels of safety. The effect of poor management and training in relation to ECDIS operation can however result in increased navigational risk and operational costs including detention during port state inspections and increased navigational related incidents.

Legal implications This section considers the legal effect of failure to meet the statutory ECDIS requirements and the effect on claims where levels of operation or knowledge of ECDIS are considered to be a factor or fundamental link in the chain of causation leading to an incident. This review into the legal implications will commence with a closer look at the legislation relating to ECDIS operation and the effect on the vessel’s ability to operate in the event of a failure to comply with provisions of SOLAS, STCW 95 or indeed ISM Code statutory legislation. The consequences of claims in tort, and under contracts of carriage will also be considered with the consequent change relating to how casualties of the future will be approached from a marine inspector’s viewpoint also considered.

Statutory compliance As previously discussed the international legislation governing ECDIS and its operation is provided under: ● SOLAS Chapter V Regulation 19, which identifies the chart carriage requirements. ● IMO Resolution A.817 (19), which establishes ECDIS performance standards. ● STCW 95 (shortly to be amended by the Manila amendments) that identifies the training requirements relating to ECDIS operation. ● MIN 405 training for ECDIS as a primary means of navigation for UK flagged vessels that further clarify the familiarisation requirements relating to ECDIS operation. ● ISM Code Section 6, which identifies clear requirements for training and familiarisation with respect to safety and emergency, related duties. With Port State Control inspectors operating under the Paris and Tokyo MOUs now becoming more familiar with ECDIS related compliance and operational issues, an increased focus during random port state inspection is now evident. The effect of failing to meet the established legislation governing ECDIS operation can have severe ramifications including: ● Detention of the vessel under the provisions of Port State Control conventions ● Suspension of Class ● Evidence leading to the issue of a major nonconformance under the ISM Code resulting in suspension of the ISM DOC / SMC ● Automatic termination or alternatively excluding the insurer for liability for any breach associated with the failure to comply with the requirements under hull and machinery insurances.

Admiralty damage claims Claims arise in many forms resulting from loss during a marine adventure. Incidents such as collision, grounding, machinery failure, heavy weather and contact damage to docks and jetties are all matters where the advent of sophisticated electronic aids to navigation and permanent recording facilities available to investigators, will inevitably lead to closer scrutiny and the identification of fault.

Collision Regulations relating to collision avoidance are contained in the provisions of S.I 1996 No. 0075 (The Merchant Shipping Distress Signals and Prevention of Collisions Regulations 1996). Non-compliance with these regulations is potentially a criminal offence and will be evidence of potential negligence in a civil case for damages. Electronic record keeping will make it easier to prosecute (or defend) cases where breach of the Collision Regulations is alleged.

Grounding / Stranding The introduction of ECDIS equipment operated in conjunction with approved ENC charts should make the accidental grounding of competently operated vessels a thing of the past. Automatic route checking, monitoring and alarm systems effectively operated in conjunction with electronic chart safety contours should not only avoid human errors during planning stages but also effectively monitor the ship’s position whilst on passage. Safeguards against accidental changes to the approved passage plan, position inputs, speed inputs, position monitoring and cross reference should be established under the company SMS. However, in the event of grounding incident the effective operation of the ECDIS system will be carefully examined. With ECDIS systems having many complex features of operation, a failure by the operator to navigate in the correct format with only base chart information selected for example could result in critical information contained in the chart database being missed or undetected. Where a failure of the requirements relating to training or familiarisation in ECDIS operation is established, claims arising from the alleged unseaworthiness of the ship are likely to arise and will be of major concern to owners, H&M and P&I insurers.

Limitation of liability Section 185 of the Merchant Shipping Act 1995 incorporates the Convention on Limitation of Liability for Maritime Claims 1976 into English Law. Article 4 of the convention states that “A person liable shall not be entitled to limit his liability if it is proven the loss resulted from his personal act or omission, committed with the intent to cause such loss or recklessly and with the knowledge that such loss would probably result.” Although this test imposes a significant burden on the party attempting to break the right to limitation it will enable creative claimants the opportunity to probe new areas of investigation where clear breaches in training and operation of electronic aids to navigation can be established.

Claims under contracts of carriage The provisions of the Hague-Visby Rules are enacted within English Law by the Carriage of Goods by Sea Act 1971 (COGSA 1971), Article III identifies a requirement for the carrier to exercise due diligence before and at the beginning of the voyage to make the vessel seaworthy and to properly man, equip and supply the ship. Article IV of COGSA 1971 subsequently allows the carrier to be indemnified against cargo claims providing that; “the carrier nor the ship shall be liable for loss or damage arising or resulting from unseaworthiness unless caused by want of due diligence on the part of the carrier to make the vessel seaworthy, and to secure that the ship is properly manned, equipped and supplied.” With the competence and ability of the master and crew to effectively operate electronic navigational systems established as a critical element in the vessel’s ability to encounter the ‘ordinary perils of the sea’, the cause of cargo damage will now be closely reviewed in relation to ECDIS certification and operation. Where the carrier attempts to rely on the provisions of article IV of COGSA 1971 to avoid claims relating to cargo damage, the burden of proof rests firmly with the carrier to prove that he exercised due diligence. In this respect if it is proven that there was a failure to comply with the statutory requirements of ECDIS operation or installation and this failure was considered causative in relation to the incident, the presumption of a lack of due diligence on the part of the carrier may be unavoidable.

Marine insurance claims The effect of increasing levels of technology on board modern ships and the ability to electronically document the events leading to a marine casualty have created a tendency within the insurance sector to investigate claims against perils insured against with defences such as seaworthiness and lack of due diligence on the part of the assured featuring more often. Insurance policies covering H&M, and P&I may now be reviewed closely by the insurer especially with the provisions of the ISM Code now linking operational aspects onboard to the ‘highest level of management’ through the designated person. The lack or efficiency of equipment, navigational aids or charts has been clearly established as affecting the vessel’s seaworthiness both in relation to contracts of carriage and under insurance policies. Additionally, sufficiency and competency of crew and their levels of training with regard to on board technology can also impinge upon the vessel’s seaworthiness. With the continuing advancements in technology making the question of the dynamics of an incident resulting in loss an item of fact rather than speculation, combined with the link established between the actions of those on board to the ‘highest level of management’ through the ISM Code, defences to claims relying on traditional navigational perils insured against and negligence of the master and crew may become more difficult to sustain.

Casualty investigation Casualties and incidents of one kind or another are bound to occur from time to time during the navigation and operation of ships. When they do, legal disputes are likely to arise especially when large sums are involved. The principle aim of the commercially minded shipowner, charterer and cargo owner is of course to settle any disputes quickly and cheaply. If however a dispute cannot be resolved between the parties then the matter may refer to arbitration or the courts for determination. In hearing disputes between two parties, arbitrators and judges rely upon the evidence presented to them to establish the facts of the case. This evidence traditionally presented by the parties in the form of both oral and written statements of witnesses and contemporary log entries and documentation has in the past provided the basis on which to decisions have been made. This evidence sometimes required the courts to determine conflicting statements on a particular issue in dispute. In such situations the judge or arbitrator to establish the facts of the case has heavily relied on contemporaneous evidence such as photographic, video or electronic information. In this respect electronic equipment designed with a recording facility such as ECDIS, voyage data recorders, AIS data and even GPS have become a crucial part of legal proceedings often used to determine disputed facts. With literally hundreds of different types of electronic systems with recording facilities operating different generations of software, the recovery of this information can however be a difficult task in itself. As this critical and at times complex procedure of electronic data recovery has been clearly identified it may be questioned why many ship managers, owners and operators have failed to provide clear instructions relating to the preservation of such data in the event of an incident. Additionally, critical information may be lost due to lack of knowledge in relation to the storage space or memory of the equipment in question or by the data being simply overwritten if action has not been taken for its preservation. With this in mind it seems sensible for the ship manager or owner to establish not only what electronic equipment installed on board each vessel has recording facilities, but also provide clear instructions to the master, which identifies the actions to download the data and safeguard this critical evidence. Failure to preserve evidence may be viewed with suspicion and adverse inferences drawn. The design of a simple checklist (see next page) could be used to establish the equipment onboard with recording facilities and identify the process to be followed in the case of an incident. It is important to understand that ECDIS systems are capable of recording not only the log of events but the parameters of operation set up by the operator at the time of the incident. This electronic data may play a crucial part in the litigation process especially during the transition period from paper to electronic navigation where questions relating to the effective operation of ECDIS systems may be raised. This will mean that in the case of a collision for example where vector charts are selected and overlaid on radars having a primary collision avoidance designation, it may be possible for the officer charged with the navigation duties to reach information overload especially if layers in excess of chart base levels are selected. If this ineffective mode of ECDIS operation resulted in a target going undetected, ultimately resulting in a collision, the failure of the navigator to act in accordance with the Collision Regulations in this mode of operation may not only result in criminal charges and civil negligence actions, but may render the vessel unseaworthy with questions as to the exercise of due diligence on the part of those responsible for the management of the ship raised by cargo interests or insurers. This new technological age also places a greater responsibility on the casualty investigator who is tasked to attend incidents and collect evidence. The next generation of casualty investigators now undoubtedly require and extensive understanding in relation to the operation of equipment such as ECDIS and a practical knowledge relating to the principles of electronic navigation.

Conclusion The ECDIS revolution and the rapid introduction of complex computerised systems and automation on board ocean going vessels is perceived by the industry as a positive change and an improvement in general standards of operation, levels of safety and protection of the environment. The technological age has also brought with it new legislation and operational guidance requiring strict compliance. The additional introduction of voyage data recorders (VDR) and ECDIS recording systems now effectively provide the suitably qualified marine investigator with a clear picture of events leading to a marine casualty. Combine this with the requirements of documentation under the provisions of the ISM Code and the preamble and conclusion to a marine casualty investigation is complete. With the requirement for effective training, familiarisation and operation now receiving increased focus, with traditional damage defences of navigational error, heavy weather and crew negligence now being subjected to additional scrutiny, the ECDIS revolution may be the catalyst which sparks a new cycle in the claims sector and one which may be even more costly than the introduction of the technology itself...

Acknowledgement: Justin Lawes, C Solutions Limited. Email: [email protected]

INSERE 23/01/16 NIEUWS NOUVELLES NEWS ENLEVE 25/02/16

China: Iron Ore Shortage Claims Introduction

Recently, a substantial number of cargo shortage claim cases involving iron ore, soy bean, and crude oil etc. are being filed with Chinese courts. Especially in terms of carriage of iron ores, not only in Chinese courts, due to too frequent occurrence of iron ore shortage disputes, the General Administration of Quality Supervision, Inspection and Quarantine of the People's Republic of China (AQSIQ) and its branches have issued various warnings and notices alerting Chinese merchants dealing with import of iron ores. As appreciable, cargo shortage claims may generally just involve a small claim amount and in the golden times of shipping, this will not be a big problem and cargo shortage may be settled instead of being filed at court. However, during this long winter in the shipping industry, for carriers every coin has its value and considering the frequent occurrence of such cases, it makes sense to defend such claims as much as possible. In terms of legal defences, carriers may generally argue that the shortage is caused by a calculation/measurement error, that it is a matter of inherent vice of the goods, that the carrier is not liable for 0.5% reasonable loss, or that the carrier can be exempted on the basis of an unknown clause in the B/L. The carrier may also argue that it should not be responsible for the dry tons of cargo, and the carrier may also try to challenge the authenticity and accuracy of the load port moisture certificate. By the end of year 2014, an appeal court of China rendered a judgment to dismiss a cargo claim case and the most eye-attracting point of the appeal judgment is that the court holds the carrier responsible only for B/L wet ton quantity. The facts and legal reasoning of this judgment are summarized herewith for club/members' attention.

Summary of this cargo shortage case Seller A and buyer B concluded a contract for the sale of STANDARD SINTER from Brazil to China. On 27 August 2012, seller presented a Certificate of Moisture and Transport Moisture Limit to carrier X which recorded that the moisture content was 7.82%. Seller also issued Certificate of Weight and Certificate of Analysis, which recorded that the cargo was 166,379 wet tons with moisture at 7.30%. On 2 September 2012, B/L issued with cargo quantity as 166,379 wet tons. Afterwards, the vessel arrived in China and as surveyed by CIQ (China Entry-Exit Inspection and Quarantine Bureau), the cargo was 164,633 wet tons with moisture at 7.37%. After compensating the cargo interest, the cargo insurer Y lodged claim against carrier X before Shanghai Maritime Court (SMC), which dismissed the claim of Y. Y appealed to Shanghai High People's Court (SHPC) and the appeal court maintained the judgment of SMC for reasons that [1]: 1.Y's reasons of appeal is that: the seller is one of the largest iron ore traders in the world and its Certificate of Weight should be recognized; compared with the dry quantity in the load port and the discharge port, there is cargo shortage; it is wrong for SMC to decide that this Certificate of Weight only has binding effect on shipper and consignee, and has no binding effect on carrier; it is wrong for SMC to admit the water pumping record of the vessel and related emails, which are just documents provided by the carrier X unilaterally. 2.X's reasons of appeal defence is that: the load port Certificate of Moisture (whether being stamped by the master or not) has no binding effect on the carrier; as a matter of international practice, bulk iron ores will be transported on wet ton basis; it is against international practice to require carrier to compensate on basis of dry tons; there is no shortage on basis of wet tons, and the carrier should not be liable. 3.SHPC decides that: (1) As per Art. 71 of Chinese Maritime Code, B/L is the evidence for the carriage of goods by sea contract. The B/L recorded that the cargo is 166,379 wet tons STANDARD SINTER, and this means that the cargo quantity is weighted on wet ton basis. (2) As such, during the involved sea carriage, wet ton is the weighing standard regarding the cargo, unless there is special agreement between shipper and carrier to use dry ton. However, in this case, there is no evidence to prove that the shipper and carrier agreed to do so. (3) Although the cargo papers provided in the load port have record of the moisture content, submitting such docs to carrier is a requirement under the BC Code and its purpose is just to ensure safe carriage of the goods.Carrier's stamping on such certificates cannot change the weighing standard in the B/L (i.e. wet ton). (4) In terms of the sales agreement, the related clauses regarding sales price on dry ton basis has no binding effect on carrier. (5) The involved cargo contains moisture and water will seep out during sea carriage. To ensure safe carriage, the carrier pumped out some water and the carrier has provided relevant evidence (water pumping log and the related emails), which can prove that some 1,753.20 tons of water was pumped out. (6) Based on comprehensive consideration of the draft survey figures at load/discharge port, the water pumping record, and the reasonable calculation error, SMC decides that there is no cargo shortage. Such determination of SMC is reasonable and shall be maintained by the appeal court.

Our observation and comment It is generally recognized that the B/L is prima facie evidence of receipt of the goods described except when it has been transferred to a bona fide third party when it becomes conclusive evidence. As such, in terms of adducing opposite evidence to rebut the B/L quantity or invoking defences such as 0.5% reasonable loss etc, in judicial practice it is hard to get support from court. However, to what extent the records in B/L can be binding on the carrier, i.e., B/L wet tons or B/L wets tons minus moisture, is an arguable legal issue to be explored. Further, if the court needs to make a determination regarding cargo shortage on dry tons, it then has to give a decision regarding evidentiary value of the two evidences, i.e., shipper's moisture certificate in load port and carrier's water pumping log regarding quantity of water being pumped out during sea carriage. In this case, SHPC adopted a relatively easier middle way, i.e., it does not say whether the load port moisture certificate is accurate, or whether the water pumping log can be admitted as effective evidence. The core issue of SHPC's decision is that since there is no special agreement between shipper and carrier regarding dry tons, the carrier is just responsible for wet tons in the B/L. From a consensus point of view, plainly there will not be an agreement or contract clause between carrier and shipper/consignee regarding using dry tons as measurement standard. As such, we think SHPC's legal reasoning is persuasive and it may not be easy to have it further challenged to a higher court (e.g. the Chinese Supreme Court). Although China is not a case law country and this is not a judgment of the Chinese Supreme Court, it should still be a welcomed judgment to carriers and such defences should be referred to in handling of similar cases.

[1] Trial court of this case: Shanghai High People's Court, PRC; Case no.: [2014] HGMS[H]ZZ No. 137; Dated: 12 December 2014 Source: Skuld

INSERE 25/01/16 BOEKEN LIVRES BOOKS ENLEVE 25/02/16

Brugse Memoires

B O E K B E S P R E K I N G door : Frank NEYTS Vorige week werd in de Gotische zaal van het Brugse stadhuis het boek ‘Brugse Memoires’ van Fernand Ridder Traen aan het publiek voorgesteld. Samen met wijlen Burgemeester Pierre Vandamme kan men Fernand Traen zonder schroom noemen tot een ‘vader van Zeebrugge’. De beslissingen om Zeebrugge uit te bouwen tot een volwaardige, polyvalente haven danken we in belangrijke mate aan Fernand Traen. In zijn boek kijkt hij terug naar gebeurtenissen, momenten en ontmoetingen waarvan de herinnering scherp in het geheugen is blijven hangen. Hij schrijft zoals hij zich altijd heeft ingezet: direct, met passie, enthousiast en met een aanstekelijke overtuigingskracht. Niet zonder kritiek en soms met rechtzetting van scheefgegroeide waarheden maar altijd rechtuit en gefundeerd. De ‘Brugse Memoires’ zijn een getuigenis en een testament ‘met een verantwoordelijkheidsgevoel tegenover het verleden van de stad en de toekomst ervan’. Fernand Traen (°Brugge 1930) was 42 jaar gemeenteraadslid (1959-2000), 12 jaar Schepen van Cultuur en eerste Schepen van de stad Brugge (1965-’77) evenals 25 jaar voorzitter en afgevaardigd bestuurder van de Maatschappij van de Brugse Zeevaartinrichtingen (1975-2001), het Zeebrugse havenbestuur. Op al deze fronten heeft hij geschiedenis gemaakt en een persoonlijke stempel gedrukt. Naast zijn inzet op het culturele vlak zullen we hem vooral blijven herinneren als ‘vader van Zeebrugge’ die in Brussel voor de haven van Zeebrugge zaken forceerde die aanvankelijk als onmogelijk werden gehouden. ‘Brugse Memoires’ (ISBN 9789076297569) werd bij Uitgeverij Van de Wiele te Brugge als hardback uitgegeven. Het boek telt 216 pagina’s en kost 24,50 euro. Bestellen kan door storten van dat bedrag op BE56 0014 9713 5988 van Uitgeverij Van de Wiele, Groeninge 34, B 8000 Brugge. Gratis verzending binnen België. Er wordt 10 euro verzendingskosten gerekend binnen Europa, 15 euro daar buiten. Gelieve op elke betaling steeds het leveringsadres en een telefoonnummer te vermelden. Uw bestelling best aanmelden op [email protected]

INSERE 25/01/16 HISTORIEK HISTORIQUE ENLEVE 25/02/16 Charts for Mariners

A chart of North America dating back to 1440 which was recently found in a 15th century manuscript has caused many discussions about the discovery of what we still call the "New World". Experts are of the opinion that the chart was made by a monk in Switzerland; the monks were the principal chart-makers in the period that cartography lay dormant. We think it is interesting to know something more about chart-making in olden days, and therefore we gladly present you the following contribution by mr. G. A. J. Bovens. Navigators of all nations today can proceed to any part of the seven seas that is navigable. They owe this to a long line of predecessors who either made charts themselves or provided the chartmakers with the information they needed. They more often than not provided this information quite willingly, for they needed charts as urgently as the chartmaker needed information. This does not mean, however, that the required data were not hard to come by, as most countries in the olddays sought to keep to themselves the secrets of their coastal waters and the navigational approaches to their principal ports. It is safe to say that chart-making began when people started to move about. Travellers made descriptions of routes and landmarks, both on land and at sea. The ancient Greeks referred to these descriptions as "periplous" and to make the written information clearer they drew a chart or plan. As humans will always be humans, it is quite natural that those who made the charts thought of themselves as being in the centre of the (known) world — the navel which for the Greeks was Delphi and for the Romans, of course, Rome. These people thought of the world as of a disc, surrounded by water, as experience had taught them that whichever way a man travelled, he ultimately reached the sea. By the time Anaximander of Milete (550 B.C.) produced what is believed to be the first chart, it had been discovered that though the earth was still being regarded as flat, its boundaries was not a regular circle. Democritus, a century and a half later, held that the world was longer in the east-west direction, a notion which gave rise to the terms "latitude" and "longitude". The first parallel of latitude is ascribed to another Greek, Diaearchus, who drew a line from Gibraltar to the Himalayas, which was most convenient to him as it separated the then known habitable northern part from the unknown southern part of the world.

As cartography requires that positions of landmarks be plotted in correct relation to one another, astronomy was called in to provide the necessary data. It was Hipparchus who demanded that positions should first be verified by astronomical observations. Thus eminent Greek scientists added one improvement after another until the greatest of them all, Ptolemy, about 100 A.D. laid down the foundations of cartography. Ptolemy was the first to use the "first" meridian which passed through a group of islands which may have been the Canaries. During the period which followed the decline and fall of the Roman Empire much of the knowledge thus gathered lay dormant and part of it was destroyed, such as that in the big library of Alexandria where practically the whole of the knowledge of those days was stored in the form of some 700,000 rolls. However, among the books preserved were the seventeen volumes of the works of Strabo, who had travelled widely himself and derived further information from others who recorded all they saw on their travels. During the period called "the Dark Ages" Italian and Spanish seafarers made do with handbooks containing information on how to find a certain port. These descriptions provided a basis for the portolan charts which enabled navigators to find a way to their destination: "ad portus" or "opportunus", a term from which we derive the word "opportunity". When in the 15th century the Portuguese set out to discover the world they needed more than these portolan charts, even though the latter lent themselves admirably for use in conjunction with a compass (compass-charts). What they required was longitude and latitude, that is, a more scientific approach, and it was their prince Henry the Navigator who saw to it that they got it. It was again Ptolemy who gave them what they needed. Not only did he hold that the earth was a globe, but he also gave the longitudes and latitudes of some 8,000 places on it. Although Copernicus after more than fourteen centuries proved him wrong in stating that the earth was the centre of the universe — described in his Almgest—the information he provided was of such great practical value that his book "Geographia" was no less than seven times reprinted. The invention of the printing press, incidentally, made it possible for the chartmakers to meet the strongly increased demand for maps and charts that went with the search after widening horizons. Dutch Charts and Cartographers It was the people of the Low Countries that inherited cartography from the peoples of Southern Europe. Towards the end of the 15th century Dutch shipping also began to increase and the demand for charts grew along with it. While early Dutch charts contained much that was borrowed, ship captains soon began to record information about local conditions, dangers and currents. This information was published in the form ofso-called "reading chart-books" which are both the direct predecessors of the nautical chart and the early form of what we now know as "Pilots" as they contained descriptions and pictures of coasts, often extending from Spain to the Ba|tic, the main trading route of Dutch ships. However, geographers did not confine themselves to nautical charts based on information supplied by the practical seamen of those days, but they were also interested in charts portraying the world according to the theories of early writers.

The Dutch cartographers of those days have made a major contribution to the development of geography. Famous men like Ortelius and Mercator have made their mark in this field, the first as the compilor and editor of the first atlas of the world, the second as a mathematician and cartographer who elevated chart-making from a crude art to an exact science. He was the first to draw loxodromes on a globe and his name has virtually become a house-hold word in connection with his well-known projection, which he used for the first time in 1569. The example set by Ortelius and Mercator was followed by numerous other Dutch cartographers and engravers. One of these was Lucas Jansz Waghenaer who in 1584 produced the first atlas of marine charts, namely the "Spieghel der Zeevaerdt", a work which four years later was translated into English as "The Mariner's Mirror". Another well- known cartographer of those days was Petrus Plancius, a minister who instructed seafarers in the art of navigation and collected and edited the information Dutch expeditions brought home from the East Indies. Yet another was Willebrord Snellius, a mathematician who produced new triangulation methods and a man to whom present-day navigators owe the station pointer. No less important were the printers and engravers, such as Hondius and the members of the Blaeu family. Willem Jansz. Blaeu and his son made what is said to be the most beautiful work yet produced in the field of cartography, an atlas in fourteen volumes, containing 534 hand-coloured charts and numerous plates. His "Het licht der Zee-vaert" (1608) consisting of two books and 41 charts and his "Zeespieghel" containing 109 charts were translated into English as "Light of Navigation" and "Sea-mirror". French and British Charts By the end of the 17th century the French had taken over the lead in chart-making, although some of their atlases were still printed in Amsterdam, such as, for instance, De Lisle's "Atlas Nouveau". French charts then were not only the most advanced, but also the most beautiful of their time. They showed a theoretical knowledge and contained exact longitudes yet unknown to Dutch cartographers. In Britain,

cartographers did not come into their own until the decline of Dutch chart-making. Up to that time they had been using Dutch atlases, such as those of Waghenaer which among English seamen were known as "Waggoners" (from a corruption of Waghenaer). In 1670 John Seller initiated by the publication of his publications which were to be used by the Royal Navy and merchant navy during the succeeding century. The necessity of a precise marine survey as a prerequisite to an accurate chart was first realised by Murdock Mackenzie who from 1740-49 made a nautical survey of the Orkney and Lewis Islands, using land triangulation, and later surveyed large parts of Scotland and England. An eminent surveyor of that century was the famous Captain James Cook who in addition to carrying out survey work on his voyages of discovery, surveyed the St. Lawrence River and the coast of Newfoundland. By this time new inventions produced further advances in marine survey technique, such as the sextant and the chronometer, but charts were still being published by private firms or individuals, who published only such English Pilot, the series of nautical charts as would produce a profit. This led to the creation of a national office to supervise the production and issue of reliable charts. Under the second Hydrographer Captain Hurd the chart took on a style which in some respects it has retained to the present day. As new techniques of marine survey were developed, the reliability of charts was considerably increased. Special charts were produced as new navigational aids such as Decca, Consol and radar were introduced. Thus in the words of Rear Admiral A. Day, C.B., C.B.E., D.S.O., hydrographer of the Royal Navy: "the nautical chart has been built up to its present shape by many centuries of knowledge and experience of what the seaman wants of it, and it can be said that each mark on the chart has a reason for its existence in the accumulated experience of many generations of sailors".

INSERE 27/01/16 DOSSIER ENLEVE 27/02/16

Reducing administrative requirements in maritime regulations

This article presents the main findings and conclusions of the first-ever public consultation undertaken by the International Maritime Organization (IMO) on administrative burdens associated with mandatory IMO requirements, such as conventions, codes and other instruments. In 2013, in an effort to gain a greater understanding of the administrative burden being placed on stakeholders in the maritime industry, the Steering Group for Reducing Administrative Requirements (SG-RAR), established by IMO’s Council and supported by the IMO Secretariat, began a consultation process to gather public opinion on the impact of mandatory IMO instruments on the workload of the shipping sector. Between May and October 2013 a dedicated webpage was created for the consultation process, encouraging stakeholders to “Have your say!”, allowing for responses in both an organisational or personal capacity. All responses were processed by the SG-RAR, with the aim of developing recommendations for action for the Council. The main objective of the consultation was to identify those administrative requirements in mandatory IMO instruments perceived as “unnecessary, disproportionate or obsolete”. These requirements may therefore hinder effective regulatory compliance, making it more complex and difficult, with implications for the efficiency of the daily operations of shipping. Administrative requirements are, amongst others, obligations to keep records, display information on board the ship, retain seafarer certificates for inspection, and provide information to authorities or to IMO. Having decided that the outcome of the consultation process should be made available publicly, in the interest of full transparency, the Council approved, in general, the final report, which is summarised below. The material in this summary includes text drawn directly from the Reducing Administrative Requirements Working Group report.

Industry review The shipping industry dedicates significant resources and incurs considerable costs to achieve and maintain the global standards developed and adopted by IMO for safety at sea, maritime security and protection of the environment from pollution by ships. As the competent body recognised under international law, IMO has a responsibility in ensuring that any such costs are moderate in order for the shipping industry to continue to serve international maritime transportation and global commerce efficiently. However, this responsibility is a shared one. Through their input into IMO’s consensus- driven regulatory processes, the shipping industry and other maritime stakeholders are an integral part of the solution to reduce administrative burdens and thus achieve better and smarter regulation. This close cooperation is also in the interests of the longer-term sustainability of international shipping as it is confronted with ever-increasing, as well as stricter safety, security and environmental regulations in response to the demands of civil society. In short, it is of vital importance that IMO conventions and other instruments keep pace with the ever-evolving needs of a modern industry, including making the best use of technological advances such as electronic solutions to fulfil administrative requirements and other enhanced systems to facilitate regulatory compliance. In November 2011, IMO’s governing Assembly adopted a resolution on the Periodic Review of Administrative Requirements in Mandatory IMO Instruments (resolution A.1043(27)). This led to the creation of an Inventory of Administrative Requirements in Mandatory IMO Instruments, which was submitted to the IMO Council in June 2012. It identified a staggering number of administrative requirements – over 560 – and became a vital tool in the preparation of the consultation exercise and the subsequent analysis of responses. It is against this background that the importance of the consultation process being open to everyone with a legitimate interest must be understood. The structure of the consultation process was tailored to the various stakeholder groups so that every respondent could more easily choose which mandatory instruments – and which specific administrative requirements therein – to comment upon. The broad stakeholder categories were: ship’s management (including ship masters, crews and shipping companies); nominated surveyors and recognised organiza tions; governments (in their capacity as Parties to IMO conventions) and maritime administrations (of flag, port and coastal States); IMO Secretariat (including the Secretary- General); and other stakeholders with an interest in maritime regulation. The selected categories pertaining to mandatory IMO instruments were related to safety (the SOLAS Convention); environmental protection (the MARPOL Convention); seafarers’ training and certification (the STCW Convention); liability and various other areas of regulation. The current challenge for IMO is to decide on the best way forward and to learn from the many comments, views and suggestions this innovative exercise has generated for alleviating perceived administrative burdens, or removing them altogether, in the interests of more effective and efficient regulation. Administrative requirements that have been identified as particularly burdensome may nevertheless be essential to ensure full implementation and effective enforcement of IMO regulations and should therefore continue to be legal obligations. The 13 recommendations presented to the Council provide concrete opportunities to guide further work by IMO, in cooperation with its shipping industry partners and other maritime stakeholders, to achieve improved solutions for meeting those obligations.

Main findings The experiences of ships’ crews, who are at the frontline of shipping operations, every day of the year, are of particular interest to any review of the effectiveness of maritime regulations. It has been very encouraging that many seafarers took part in the public consultation. Some 60% of total responses came from ship masters, senior officers and ships’ crews. The analysis of their feedback, together with that of other respondents, also sought to establish whether administrative requirements were perceived to be problematic (or not problematic) by an individual respondent (e.g. a senior ship officer), by a particular stakeholder group (e.g. ships’ crews), or by a variety of stakeholder groups (e.g. ships’ crews and shipping companies). A major – and perhaps surprising – finding has been that the majority of administrative requirements addressed in the consultation process, 351 out of the total of 563, or some 66%, were not perceived as being individually burdensome by any of the respondents. This result was captured in the reported view of one stakeholder on the voluminous paper work imposed by charterers, ship management companies, P&I Clubs and port agencies, stating that administrative burdens emanating from IMO instruments were “the very minimum” by comparison. However, even when individual administrative requirements are justified, their combined volume causes ships’ crews to spend considerable time on bureaucratic tasks, rather than actually manning and operating the ship, and this in itself may risk compromising safety. In a similar vein, inspectors focus to a large extent on verifying conformity with the correct procedures and establishing that the necessary checklists, reports and other paperwork have been produced to prove that the procedures were followed correctly. An inspection thereby becomes “control of control”, with a tendency to evaluate the quality of the oversight system rather than the quality of the ship and the crew. In this regard, it is not necessarily a specific administrative requirement which generates the bureaucracy but rather the indirect impact of having to report and document daily routines. Nonetheless, the nature of the listed requirements and the stakeholder types involved provided a rather diffuse picture that cautioned against drawing firm conclusions. A careful analysis of each of the 182 administrative requirements (out of the total of 563) that were perceived as burdensome by at least one respondent, representing some 34 % of the total, revealed that many responses did identify problems with excessive paperwork associated with regulatory compliance. Comments included suggestions for urgent change, for instance, by working with “intelligent” databases on websites with secure access in order to rationalize the fulfilment of administrative requirements. This is indicative of a new, IT-savvy generation seriously questioning the necessity of keeping multiple records covering the same event or subject matter, and asking why inspectors seemingly spend more time poring over a ship’s certificates than physically looking over the ship. It was instead recommended that certificates could be posted on a website with access provided to accredited authorities, or, according to one stakeholder, “a Facebook for ships”, with all certificates available for observation. As one stakeholder put it, the tendency to “smother everything we do with paper” is also a result of a blame orientated and litigious culture, encouraging everybody to increase the paperwork as a means to demonstrate that everything has been done to prevent mistakes or mishaps and thus to avoid legal liability – by pointing the blame elsewhere. While the processing and assessment of responses involved a significant effort in statistical analysis, considerations of a qualitative nature were also important to address the two key purposes of the consultation process. These were, first, to consider whether the administrative requirements in mandatory IMO instruments are still necessary, proportionate and relevant, and, second, to consider measures that could potentially alleviate administrative burdens resulting from compliance with the requirements (and thus release resources for Administrations, industry stakeholders and the IMO Secretariat) – but without compromising IMO’s overriding priorities to protect safety of life at sea, maritime security and the environment. Significantly, it was noted that while the majority of the (182) administrative requirements perceived as burdensome were still necessary, proportionate and relevant, it is often the accumulation of requirements that represents a burden and this is an important issue IMO needs to address. Many of the administrative requirements gave rise to long debates in the Steering Group, but it was able to adopt recommendations to the Council by consensus. These address a wide variety of pertinent matters. For instance, as regards possible measures to alleviate the administrative burden, it was concluded that burdens related to administrative requirements perceived as burdensome – some 24% – could be reduced by using forms of electronic reporting or notification. The figure was 14% with regard to the shipboard carriage of certificates and similar documents, for which electronic versions should be acceptable. Similarly, some 13% of burdensome requirements could be met more efficiently by electronic recording of information.

Recommendations As a result of the findings of the consultation process, 13 recommendations have been formulated to assist in reducing the administrative burden of seafarers. They are: Recommendation 1: Use Electronic means for reporting – IMO should ensure that requirements to provide information to and from IMO could be fulfilled by electronic means. Recommendation 2: Establish IMO web-based information portal – A webbased, secure information portal to fulfil reporting requirements should be established by IMO. Recommendation 3: Recognise electronic certificates – Electronic certificates should be recognised as equivalent to original paper certificates and similar documents. Recommendation 4: Accept electronic record-keeping – Electronic recording of information should be accepted as a full alternative to paper versions. Recommendation 5: Recognise electronic documents (other than certificates) – Electronic versions of documents required to be carried on board should be recognised as equivalent to original paper documents. Recommendation 6: Avoid multiple reporting – Reporting to a single entity should be introduced to avoid the need to report the same information to multiple entities, in particular in cases of accidents. Recommendation 7: Accept other electronic solutions – Particularly burdensome administrative requirements should be reviewed to ensure universal acceptance of electronic or software solutions. Recommendation 8: Improve maritime security awareness – More work needs to be done to explain the reasons that led IMO to adopt the security provisions in SOLAS Chapter XI-2 and the International Ship and Port facility Security Code (ISPS Code), as these are perceived as burdensome and disproportionate. Recommendation 9: Avoid accumulation of administrative requirements – When developing regulatory proposals, it is important to pay attention to the burden that can arise from the combined effect of two or more administrative requirements, which may not be burdensome on their own. Recommendation 10: Avoid burdens from non-mandatory instruments – Fulfilling guidelines and other non-binding instruments often involves administrative tasks that add to the burden associated with mandatory administrative requirements. Such potentially adverse consequences must be taken into consideration when introducing non-binding instruments. Recommendation 11: Adopt IMO resolution on efficient regulation – The IMO Assembly should adopt a resolution reaffirming the Organization’ s commitment to efficient regulation and ensure that the regulatory process systematically addresses the problems of duplication, complexity, and lack of coherence and transparency. Recommendation 12: Monitor and review existing regulations – No piece of legislation should be written in stone. It is important to keep an open mind on the continuous relevance, adequacy and effectiveness of existing regulations. Regulations that have become out-of-date, superfluous, inappropriate or ineffective should be removed, based on the changing needs of the shipping industry and technological advances. Recommendation 13: Increase efforts to avoid future administrative burdens – Every effort should be made to identify possible burdens before approving proposals for developing new regulations or amendments to existing regulations. It is recommended that the IMO Council amends procedures to ensure that the checklist for identifying administrative requirements and burdens is strictly applied and also identifies possible electronic solutions.

DigitalShip

INSERE 29/01/16 NIEUWS NEWS NOUVELLES ENLEVE 29/02/16

Why Shippers Are Turning to LNG-Powered Vessels

By : Christine Buurma When TOTE Inc., a shipper that operates between the U.S. and the Caribbean, launched its latest container ship last month, the 760-foot craft carried a certain distinction: It’s only the second of the massive vessels worldwide fueled by liquefied natural gas. The first was launched four months earlier by the same company. TOTE is among a growing number of shipowners turning to natural gas at a time of record output, stringent emission rules and churning oil prices. About 70 vessels of all sizes worldwide of are now powered by LNG, up from 42 in just two years, according to DNV GL, which certifies ships for safety. By 2020, the number may pass 1,000. “More companies see natural gas as a viable alternative fuel source, given the abundance of supply and the relatively stable prices,” Peter Keller, executive vice president of Princeton, New Jersey-based TOTE, said in a telephone interview. At the same time, “the environmental consciousness of the maritime industry has increased,” he said.

Narrow Range LNG prices are expected to trade in a relatively narrow range as exports from the U.S. and Australia rise and global demand, pressured by China’s slowing economy, remains sluggish, according to an Aug. 21 report by Bank of America Corp. Meanwhile, fluctuating fuel oil prices are viewed as a challenge by many in the industry. West Texas Intermediate crude oil for next-month delivery traded at $44.38 a barrel at 9:15 a.m. on the New York Mercantile Exchange after climbing above $60 in May and June.“Oil has tumbled to 40 bucks and may be back up to 85 or 90 a year from now. Who knows?” Keller said. “You can’t run a business with a long-term horizon with that kind of volatility.” Natural gas output in the U.S., the world’s largest producer, rose to a record 2.455 trillion cubic feet in December, according to the Energy Information Administration. Marketed production will expand 5.7 percent to 78.95 billion cubic feet a day in 2015, the government estimates. Cheniere Energy Inc.’s Sabine Pass terminal in Louisiana is scheduled to export the first cargo of LNG from the lower 48 states in the fourth quarter. At the same time, Australia is also adding to the glut with two liquefaction projects entering service later this year “Spare U.S. liquefaction capacity could aggravate the ongoing spot LNG market glut,” Max Denery, a Bank of America analyst, wrote in the report. “Longer-term, the critical question for LNG global prices is whether there will be enough demand to meet incremental supply from Australia and the U.S.” As the drop in oil prices makes gas less competitive, orders for new LNG ships have tapered off somewhat, said Anders Mikkelsen, a business development leader for maritime advisory at DNV GL in Oslo. However, he believes the slowdown will be short-lived.

Oil Volatility “No one expects oil prices to remain low,” Mikkelsen said by telephone. “They’re likely to increase over the next two-to-five years, so shipowners are still looking at LNG.” While pricing is one reason behind the switch, an increasing global emphasis on curbing climate change is another. LNG reduces carbon dioxide pollution by at least 20 percent and eliminates sulfur dioxide emissions, compared with standard bunker fuel, according to DNV. More centers for loading LNG onto ships as fuel will be developed in the next four to five years, according to Grahaeme Henderson, vice president for shipping and maritime at Shell International Trading & Shipping in London. “We’re starting in Rotterdam; we anticipate that further hubs in Singapore and the U.S. will follow thereafter in a global network,” Henderson said in a telephone interview, referring to industry trends and not just Shell’s own operations. The U.S. doesn’t yet have an LNG fueling hub, according to ship broker Poten & Partners Inc.Construction Costs One bar to the growing interest in LNG-powered ships is the cost to produce them. They are 10 to 25 percent more expensive to build than comparative vessels running on fuel oil, and it will take owners of gas-fueled ships five to eight years to recover those costs, Mikkelsen said. The insulated storage tanks needed for LNG contribute to the higher price tag. Tote invested about $350 million in the two LNG-powered container ships, including about $40 million for the LNG tanks and related systems, Keller said. An AGL Resources Inc. unit and WesPac Midstream LLC are building a liquefaction plant in Jacksonville, Florida, that’s scheduled to begin providing fuel for TOTE ships in 2016. Fuel prices tied to Louisiana’s Henry Hub, the benchmark for U.S. gas, may soften the blow. While LNG contracts are historically linked to crude, adding U.S. supply to the market is creating more choice for shipowners, said Jason Feer, head of business intelligence at Poten & Partners in Houston. “We’re seeing greater diversity in LNG pricing mechanisms,” Feer said by telephone. “People want to see some diversity in shipping fuel, and in the short- to mid-term, there’s likely to be quite a bit of LNG available at competitive prices.”

Source : Bloomberg

INSERE 31/01/16 DOSSIER ENLEVE 29/02/16

SAMI looks to the future

Aperception is seemingly developing which sees privately contracted armed security personnel (PCASP) as the only answer being offered by this burgeoning industry. Their use has been contentious and has led to difficult decisions within in many a government and many a shipowner’s board room, but their usage has added security and a degree of confidence where once there was only fear and uncertainty. The much quoted fact that no vessel, to date, with armed guards on board has been hijacked is a compelling selling point. While it is true that armed guards have been a popular, successful and widely used service, the fact remains that this is simply one small aspect of the capabilities, which maritime security can bring to bear. Armed guards are simply a specific form of protection and deterrent against a specific threat – namely Somali pirates. That is why SAMI is eager to look ahead to the future of maritime security. We want to break the cycle of misunderstanding and show that where security threats are set to emerge it is by embracing professional solutions at an early stage which will allow seafarers, cargoes, vessels and global trade to remain protected. Protecting vessels and understanding the threats facing them is key to keeping trade flowing. Just as the Earth’s rotation is the engine, which drives our climate, the need to move goods from different parts of the world is the driving force behind the shipping industry. The fundamental fact that so much of the world’s resources, or means of manufacture are found far from the ultimate consumers means that globalisation has rested on the ability for shipping to make the movement of goods and raw materials a reality. This poses a degree of risk for the seafarers and vessels making these potentially dangerous voyages. Since time immemorial, those who go down to the sea in ships have been vulnerable to not just the vagaries of the weather and seas, but to other threats too. The vicious nature of criminals, terrorists and the fact that ships are inherently exposed as they plough their lonely furrow across the oceans cannot be underestimated, or ignored.

What of the Future? So what of the future? In assessing how maritime security will provide the right services and solutions it is perhaps important to appreciate how trade may evolve. So what will ships be doing into the next decade and beyond? Issues such as the quest for alternative energy supplies and developments such as lab grown meat will likely have some impact on the movement of goods, materials and hydrocarbon products. However, where the flow of trade may incur so many tonne/miles, it could be that the next generation of shipping is focused on exploitation of the seas. We will look to work under the waves, while possibly living and working above it. In order to safeguard the vast investments needed to make the future moves out from the coast possible, it will be vital to ensure that the people and vessels used are not just properly constructed and operated, but they need to be secure too. Safety and security should not be separated. The risk management approach, which has proved so popular within the corridors of shipping power, has to be applied equally to all threats and opportunities. According to the Global Ocean Commission (GOC), there is growing evidence that governance failures in international waters are having an impact on economics, food supplies, piracy, security and human rights, as well as on nature. It would therefore seem that security will play a vital role in safeguarding the rights of parties looking to legally and sustainably manage activities out on the high seas. While it would perhaps seem that this is the role of navies, it has been increasingly seen that where private, commercial entities are involved, governments are hesitant to commit to the expensive task of providing naval support. Given the delicate balance of rebuilding global finance and government coffers it perhaps seems unlikely that the public purse will be widely opened for the pursuit of private gain. While the naval assets, which have gathered off Somalia and in the Indian Ocean may suggest otherwise, for many politicians it seems that maritime activities are not yet vote winners and as far as the electorate is concerned, shipping is literally out of sight and mind. GOC and other similar bodies are seemingly determined to change that. They see the high seas as humanity’s future; and they believe that across all sectors of society there will have to be accountability for those who intend of using it. That will ultimately mean the maritime developers of the future will have to ensure they can reassure stakeholders that they are able to operate without falling into the hands of criminals – be they pirates, or terrorists.

Serious issues The ‘Paris Call for the High Seas’ states there are serious issues relating to the control of the high seas which constitute almost half of the planet’s surface. They lie beyond countries’ national waters and thus sit under a governance regime that has not evolved in response to modern scientific understanding or to rapid advances in extractive technologies. An international opinion survey has showed overwhelming public support for sustainable management of the global ocean. Around 85% of respondents in 13 countries said governments should take the needs of future generations into account when deciding how to manage the high seas, with only 5% opposed. There is a clear emphasis on this management to ensure that criminality is not allowed to take a grip on the moves of society offshore. The GOC, jointly chaired by former Costa Rican President José María Figueres, South African Minister Trevor Manuel and former UK Foreign Secretary David Miliband, will issue a set of recommendations for reform in the first half of 2014. It seems likely that accountability will be a key element of these developments. The pressure is already beginning to build and there have been calls for all vessels on the high seas to carry identification numbers and be trackable using satellite, or other technology. While, currently, passenger ships and merchant vessels over 500 gt have to carry unique and unchangeable IMO numbers and to operate equipment allowing real-time tracking, there are concerns that other craft on the high seas do not. According to GOC, governments are well aware of the security issue and many of them are taking steps to combat it in their own waters. However, out on the high seas, it’s a different matter; there’s been very little progress, despite clear evidence of criminal activity including piracy, drug smuggling and illegal fishing. The future of maritime security is therefore to become an accepted, trusted, recognised and respected part of an integrated solution. Where we might see a future of unmanned vessels, we will need to see the security threats and implications properly and effectively managed. Where we might see people living in offshore communities, we will need to have security built in as a prerequisite and as a key element of society’s move over the horizon.

Wider spread Over the next decade, we will likely see the same old threats evolve, but become wider spread. The curse of piracy will adapt and take root in the places where the climate is most conducive – such as the current shift from East to West Africa. The same with smuggling and terrorism – where there is a weakness, it will be exploited. While the growth of our current trades will drive the short term growth out at sea, it will likely be the predicted population explosion, which will shape the responses beyond that. The need for space will likely see more people looking to the sea for room to live, work and thrive. It seems the key to maritime security in the longer term is one of anticipating the technological, sociological and demographical changes and being able to provide the solutions which ensure that protection and defence are built in as a core basic consideration. It seems that civil society and industry will likely move beyond the traditional borders and barriers of today, and that will pose a significant challenge for the commercial interests leading the charge. We should not allow the fears of criminality to limit our expansion into a brave new oceanic world, but we should recognise the threats and deal with them. That is the role of maritime security into the future, and one which will be based not on being typecast as a provider of muscle, but on intelligence, innovation, data, equipment, technology and hardware.

Tanker Operator *This article was written by the Security Association for the Maritime Industry (SAMI) secretariat for Piracy Daily and circulated to Tanker Operator by AdvanFort.

INSERE 02/02/16 DOSSIER ENLEVE 02/03/16

PSC Campaigns: Targeting Enclosed Space Entry

Members should be aware that Port State Control (PSC) has announced a Concerted Inspection Campaign (CIC) targeting crew familiarity with enclosed space entry and rescue drills. The Paris and Tokyo MoUs will run the campaign from the beginning of September until the end of November, with the Black Sea and Indian MoUs running similar campaigns during this period. The goal is to encourage vessel owners to adopt safety procedures that prevent deaths resulting from personnel entering oxygen-deficient, oxygen-enriched, flammable and/or toxic enclosed spaces. Per the Paris MoU's website, "crew members with enclosed space entry or rescue responsibilities shall participate in an enclosed space entry and rescue drill to be held on board the ship at least once every two months." The drills shall include the checking and use of personal protective and communication equipment, the use of instruments for measuring an enclosed space's atmosphere, the use of rescue equipment, and knowledge of first aid and resuscitation techniques. The CIC results from investigations which determined that most casualties aboard vessels are caused by insufficient knowledge of proper safety precautions. Beginning in September, PSC inspectors will test crew members' familiarity with safe practices and proper equipment use. Deficiencies could result in the imposition of penalties, from time given for minor deficiencies to detentions for serious deficiencies. A link to additional information regarding the CIC campaign targeting enclosed space entry and rescue drills can be found with this advisory as seen below : Related Links: https://www.parismou.org/system/files/20150727%20CIC%20Enclosed%20Space%20E ntry%20Questionnaire.pdf - http://www.skuld.com/topics/ship/safety-of-life-at-sea-solas-1974/solas-mandatory- drills-for-entry-into-enclosed-spaces/ - http://www.witherbyseamanship.com/pocket-safety-guide-confined-spaces-skuld-html- 1.html - http://www.witherbyseamanship.com/fresh-air-dark-places-skuld-edition.html Source: Skuld

INSERE 02/02/16 BOEKEN LIVRES BOOKS ENLEVE 02/03/16

Chasing Conrad

B O E K B E S P R E K I N G by : Frank NEYTS

A tale of the sea and a glimpse into the abyss”, written by Simon J. Hall. Simon Hall’s second book is set in the mid-1970s during the closing years of the golden age of British shipping, when cargo carriage at sea saw radical change and the romance of being at sea in old-style cargo ships came to an end. This is no ordinary memoir; the prose is vividly expressed, often shocking, sometimes elegiac as evidenced by this description of a night watch in the Indian Ocean: “alone on the bridge wing in the warm tropical night, I heard the wind sing through the stays as an Aeolian harp and I felt anointed by my good fortune.” On loading rubber and timber in Sarawak he writes: “The whole pace of live slowed, it felt as torpid as the idle Rajang river itself and we all slowed with it. Everything was so still, so unmoving, as if the whole world had lain down and gone to sleep.” His descriptions af jaunts in forgotten parts of the world are strikingly expressed and there is added poignancy from the charting of Hall’s struggle against decline into alcohol abuse, expressed in a way that is in turn both sad and shocking: “I ordered another cold beer and lit another cigarette, then sat with the ghost of my past dreams while the afternoon died around us and we surveyed the wreckage of all my hopes.”This is an important work that captures an age now vanished, written in a style too rarely encountered! “Chasing Conrad” (ISBN978-1- 84995-155-5) is issued as a paperback. The book counts 198 pages and costs £16.99. The book can be ordered via every good book shop, or directly with the publisher, Whittles Publishing, Dunbeath Mill, Dunbeath, Cairness IKW6 6EG, Scotland (UK), e-mail: [email protected] , www.whittlespublishing.com.

INSERE 04/02/16 HISTORIEK HISTORIQUE ENLEVE 04/03/16

LES U-BOOTE LA GUERRE DU TONNAGE

Dès novembre 1914, la Grande-Bretagne, suivant ses plans de guerre, établit le blocus de l'Allemagne. Ses effets se font rapidement sentir: les importations chutent rapidement tandis que les pénuries engendrent la mise en place d'un système de rationnement, ce dès 1915. La Kaiserliche Marine, privée de ses débouchés en mer du Nord, n'a alors de cesse d'opérer des mesures de représailles. Ses sous-marins vont y jouer un rôle de premier plan.

La guerre sous-marine en réponse au blocus

Le 4 février 1915, l'Allemagne décide de réagir contre le blocus britannique. Elle donne une impulsion nouvelle à la guerre sous- marine en déclarant zone de guerre les eaux anglaises. Elle préconise la destruction de tous les navires, y compris neutres, qui s'y trouveraient. Les conséquences, dramatiques, sont inévitables: le paquebot Lusitania est coulé le 7 mai 1915. Cette tragédie entraîne une vague d'indignation au sein des pays de l'Entente et aux États-Unis. Le 18 septembre, suite au tollé suscité par le torpillage du paquebot anglais Arabic, le Reich s'engage à ne plus torpiller sans avertissement. De fait, l'action des submersibles est limitée un temps. Mais, en mars 1916, elle prend une dimension nettement plus agressive: la directive est donnée de couler, sans exception, les navires de commerce ennemis dans les zones de guerre, sauf les navires- hôpitaux. Ce même mois, PUB-29 torpille par méprise le ferry français Sussex. Ce nouvel incident va avoir des conséquences politiques importantes: en mai 1916, l'Allemagne promet de suspendre sa guerre sous-marine d'ampleur.

Contexte maritime franco-anglais

Depuis le début de la guerre, les transports commerciaux par mer des Anglo-Français sont bloqués. tant les risques de capture et de saisie sont grands. Cette situation engendre une perturbation générale des relations économiques, qui aboutit à une carence des matières premières industrielles et à une hausse de tous les produits alimentaires. Il faut savoir qu'à cette époque, le droit international public reconnaît aux belligérants la légitimité du droit de prise sur mer et admet la capture des navires et celle de leurs cargaisons par des bâtiments de guerre. De ce fait, les risques de guerre ne sont pas couverts par les polices d'assurances. D'ailleurs la valeur des bâtiments à flot comme celle de leurs cargaisons représentent des sommes si considérables qu'aucune compagnie d'assurances ne peut s'exposer à des risques dépassant toute prévision. Pour les armateurs, il est inconcevable d'assurer des liaisons sur des mers sillonnées de sous-marins. Mais l'immobilisation des flottes marchandes risque de porter un coup fatal à la vie industrielle de l'Entente. Plus grave encore, l'arrêt des exportations de denrées et produits alimentaires peut conduire à un rationnement drastique. Il est donc urgent de créer un organisme susceptible d'assurer aussi bien les coques que les cargaisons contre les risques de guerre. Cela va être fait à l'automne 1916... c'est-à-dire au début de la recrudescence des attaques des U-Boote! Mais l'Angleterre, de par sa position dominante sur le terrain naval, veut chapeauter l'ensemble des transports des flottes marchandes alliées. Ce n'est pas illogique, d'autant plus que le parc naval français est insuffisant pour faire face aux besoins de l'Hexagone. La Grande-Bretagne obtient donc, quoique de façon indirecte, la haute direction de toute l'économie interalliée. Elle octroie donc à la France, à partir de décembre 1916, une quantité fixe de tonnage, la France devant en contrepartie s'engager à une meilleure utilisation pratique du tonnage disponible et un meilleur ravitaillement.

Une situation économique préoccupante Les récoltes céréalières e la campagne de 1916 1917 ont été, globalement, très déficitaires. Le Canada et les États-Unis, qui sont les marchés mondiaux les plus proches de l'Europe occidentale, accusent respectivement une réduction de 42 % et de près de 30 %. Heureusement, ces deux pays peuvent se reposer sur les larges stocks non écoulés de la campagne précédente. Sur les marchés lointains, comme l'Argentine et l'Inde, les récoltes s'annoncent sensiblement normales.

Seule l'Australie dispose d'un surplus exportable considérable, les cultivateurs australiens ayant largement répondu aux sollicitations : les récoltes doublent presque. Mais comment acheminer cette quantité considérable de blé, à des milliers de kilomètres de l'Angleterre ? Il faudrait plusieurs dizaines de navires de gros tonnage ! Et en France ? La récolte ne s'élève qu'à 58 millions de quintaux contre 60 millions l'année précédente... déjà très déficitaire par rapport aux 87 millions de quintaux générés par une récolte normale. En Grande-Bretagne, la récolte est elle inférieure de 1900 000 quintaux à celle obtenue l'année précédente. En conséquence, les besoins de l'Europe en blé au ier août 1916, font ressortir un déficit total de 24 millions de quintaux. Ces résultats font l'aubaine des marchés américain et canadien, car ils provoquent une forte hausse : une fois écoulées ses réserves de la campagne précédente, le marché nord- américain peut reprendre sa position à la hausse dès juillet. A l'entrée de l'automne, cette hausse s'accélère au fur et à mesure qu`arrivent les mauvaises nouvelles d'Argentine la sécheresse risque de faire tomber le rendement. C'est une ère bénie pour les spéculateurs américano-canadiens, les courtiers anglais annonçant que la récolte nord-américaine a été achetée déjà plusieurs fois sur le papier. Le fret suit le mouvement, si bien que le prix du blé importé explose, subissant en quatre mois une hausse de 50 %. Le gouvernement anglais, sous la pression, décide enfin la création d'une commission royale des blés qui va prendre en mains l'ensemble du commerce d'importation des blés du Royaume-Uni et le ravitaillement de la population civile. L'activité des sous-marins allemands ne lui laisse pas le choix, et il devient hors de question que l'approvisionnement du Royaume-Uni reste à la merci des hésitations du commerce privé.

À cette date, en effet, les achats de blé par les Alliés sont effectués de la manière suivante : le commerce anglais est libre et par suite le plus gros consommateur du monde achète librement et transporte librement. Le ministre de la Guerre français fait ses achats par l'intermédiaire de la Grande-Bretagne (Joint Committee) ; pour les Anglais, le problème est alors la congestion des ports français et le gaspillage du tonnage qui en découle, ce dont l'Angleterre pâtit en premier lieu. À cette époque, 185 navires sont en attente dans les ports français. Les Anglais avertissent alors que si un désengorgement n'a pas lieu rapidement ils seront obligés de retirer un certain nombre des navires anglais mis à la disposition de la France. Quinze jours après, ils commencent à refuser à la France des licences pour des bateaux de charbon et, comme tous les ports français sont encombrés, c'est par douzaines que les bateaux sont retirés à la France.

Préserver les exportations de blé et de charbon tout prix À cette époque, l'évasion des bateaux neutres qui importent le charbon anglais en France, rend encore plus aiguë la crise des approvisionnements français en charbon. Les succès des U-Boote aggravent la situation dès la fin août 1916. En réalité, celle-ci résulte moins des pertes matérielles causées par la guerre sous-marine elle-même que des difficultés d'exploitation liées : car dès que se propage la rumeur qu'un sous-marin maraude dans la Manche, les navires charbonniers sont maintenus à l'abri des ports anglais. Ces incursions répétées des submersibles font brusquement et considérablement monter le taux des assurances maritimes, jetant le désarroi sur le marché des frets. Jusqu'alors le comité international d'Affrètement, qui avait mission de répartir entre les Alliés le tonnage neutre disponible afin d'éviter la concurrence entre Alliés, était parvenu à empêcher les taux du fret d'atteindre des valeurs excessives. Mais la concurrence de plus en plus active des maisons de commerce des pays alliés et des services publics est telle que le contrôle du marché commence à lui échapper. Le taux de la charte au temps entre France et Angleterre, en vertu de l'accord du 1er juin 1916, avait été fixé à 40 shillings par tonne et par mois, et il était interdit aux maisons anglaises d'affréter des navires neutres à un taux supérieur. Or, des maisons françaises affrètent à des taux variant entre 44 et 45 shillings. Dans de nombreux cas, les prix payés atteignent des cours plus élevés encore. Les Anglais reconnaissent que la France a été amenée à agir ainsi faute de pouvoir se procurer immédiatement du tonnage au prix taxé. Néanmoins, dès le 27 octobre 1916, ils tirent la sonnette d'alarme en faisant savoir que cette concurrence franco-anglaise ne profite qu'aux neutres et qu'elle constitue un véritable danger pour la cause des Alliés.

Le retrait des bâtiments anglais et des pays neutres dans la Manche font que les importations françaises de charbon tombent de 2 018 000 tonnes en août, puis à 1 840 000 tonnes en septembre et en octobre, enfin à 1 420 000 en novembre, soit une diminution sur les prévisions de près de 30 %. En particulier, les expéditions de charbon à gaz par Newcastle se trouvent sérieusement entravées. La société du Gaz de Paris ne possède plus dans ses stocks que du charbon pour dix jours. Ces retraits affectent aussi d'autres importations, indispensables aux besoins des armées : acier d'Amérique, blé pour l'intendance. Le comité des Licences anglais refuse des licences pour 12 cargos affrétés par la Compagnie générale transatlantique et destinés à assurer les transports d'acier. L'arsenal de Toulon, chargé d'exécuter des commandes importantes pour le ministèrede la Guerre, manque des quantités d'acier nécessaires. De plus, l'amirauté britannique retire à l'intendancefrançaise 38 navires sur les 46 dont elle disposait pour ses transports de blé. La diminution progressive des importations de charbon au seuil de l'hiver, alors que les stocks sont presque épuisés, gêne le ravitaillement des productions de guerre et rationne les usages domestiques. Le gouvernement français doit alors mettre en place toute une mesure de restrictions, lesquelles provoquent évidemment une vive émotion parmi la population.

Les U-Boote, un casse-tête pour l'amirauté À la fin de 1916, l'amiral anglais Jellicoe reconnaît que les U-Boote représentent « la plus grave menace à laquelle ait jamais été confronté l'Empire ». Du 1er décembre 1916 au 8 avril 1917, 226 navires de plus de 1 600 tonnes ont disparu. L'Angleterre est alors impuissante à mettre en oeuvre une parade efficace. Son bilan pour l'année 1916 est mitigé : seuls 22 submersibles ont été envoyés par le fond. Les chalutiers, aux abords des côtes, sont trop lents pour engager les sous-marins, et les vedettes ne peuvent opérer que par beau temps et à proximité du rivage. La défense passive consiste en champs de mines ; les goulets et les passes sont fermés par des filets. Enfin, Jellicoe répugne à détacher des destroyers à cause de l'insuffisance de charges explosives et de mécanismes de détection efficaces. Exploiter les nouvelles sources d'approvisionnement que constitue l'Australie s'avère urgent, le marché nord-américain et même l'argentin générant une incroyable concurrence entre les Alliés pour le plus grand bénéfice des spéculateurs. De plus, la population américaine commence à redouter un manque de blé pour elle-même et appelle à la prohibition. Aussi, les AngloFrançais estiment l'heure venue d'engager une action commune afin que le ravitaillement en blé se fasse désormais en étroite coopération, afin de résister aux exigences démesurées des vendeurs. L'Angleterre est prête à partager son blé issu des dominions avec ses Alliés. La France, elle, a déjà négocié du blé à des conditions exceptionnellement avantageuses au Canada, aux Indes, en Australie, devant théoriquement couvrir les besoins de la population civile jusqu'en... août 1918 ! Mais il lui faut en assurer le transport en France... Il est prévu que c'est la flotte de ravitaillement française qui se chargera du transport du blé qui lui est nécessaire. Moyennant, quoi, le gouvernement anglais répondra à toutes les demandes présentées par la France, notamment en ce qui concerne le charbon. Pour résoudre la crise de ce dernier, on régule son transport, de façon à éviter des situations aberrantes, comme à Cardiff, où il y avait plus de navires que de charbon, alors qu'à Newcastle on avait du charbon disponible et pas de bateaux pour l'enlever. Pour ce faire, l'Angleterre permet à la France d'envoyer des bateaux en Time-charter dans les ports où il y a du charbon à enlever. L'affrètement en Time-charter permettait de réaliser une économie considérable, ce type d'affrètement étant beaucoup moins onéreux que l'affrètement au voyage. Le gouvernement français se doit d'utiliser le tonnage à son maximum de rendement. En cas d'encombrement des ports, il devra libérer un certain nombre de navires. Enfin, les pertes ne seront pas remplacées. Mais cet accord de tonnage considéré par les deux signataires comme devant être un acte de navigation entre la France et l'Angleterre pendant la guerre, ne sera pas réellement mis en pratique.

1917, l'année charnière Le 29 janvier 1917, sous la pression continuelle de la Marine et de l'armée, le Kaiser décrète la guerre sous-marine à outrance. Réduite à se défendre sur terre, l'Allemagne transporte l'offensive sur mer. Grâce à elle, le Reich espère asphyxier la Grande-Bretagne par la rupture de ses approvisionnements, et la contraindre à la reddition. Les perspectives de succès sont telles qu'il prend le risque d'une guerre avec les États-Unis. Avec cette nouvelle offensive, la guerre sous-marine va atteindre son point culminant. Elle prévoit de couler indistinctement, sans préavis et sans avertissement, tout ce qui navigue, ennemi ou neutre. Cette nouvelle campagne, sans concessions, est la réponse de l'Allemagne à l'Entente, qui a refusé d'entamer des pourparlers de paix. « Testée » de fait pendant les mois précédents, elle provoque des pertes d'une ampleur inconnue jusqu'alors : novembre et décembre 1916 voient respectivement 216 et 223 navires coulés ou endommagés (435 242 et 414488 tonnes) ! et le pire semble à venir : déjà 221 (405 110 tonnes) pour janvier 1917 ! Selon les calculs allemands, un total de 600000 tonnes mensuelles mettrait la Grande-Bretagne à genoux. En février 1917, 140 U- Boote opèrent dans les eaux anglaises. Trouver la solution pour en venir à bout devient un sujet récurent dans les sociétés anglo-américaines. En avril 1917, sur quatre bateaux qui appareillent du Royaume-Uni, un ne rentre pas. Le gouvernement britannique en est réduit à diffuser de fausses nouvelles afin d'éviter la panique. En 1917, le Reich produit huit submersibles en moyenne par mois. L'Angleterre ne peut sortir qu'entre quatre et cinq destroyers... Pour corser le tout,

l'Angleterre, en tant que banquier commun de l'Entente, a de plus en plus de difficultés à assurer le financement des Alliés : elle semble s'acheminer vers une catastrophe financière... Néanmoins, ces considérations passent au second plan : ce sont bien les questions de transports maritimes et de tonnage qui dominent la politique générale de la guerre. Car c'est biens à la meilleure utilisation du tonnage qu'est lié le sort de l'Entente, et par là même sa victoire ou sa défaite... Pour la première fois peut-être, l'Angleterre comprend combien précaire est son sort en tant que nation insulaire. Les dangers qu'elle encourt, les liens nouveaux avec les dominions la poussent à adopter des résolutions protectionnistes. A cette époque, en mars 1917, elle n'a de blé que pour huit semaines, alors que la France en possède pour 22 semaines... Les pertes provoquées par les sous-mariniers allemands, les besoins toujours plus pressants de tonnage sur l'Atlantique, obligent les AngloFrançais à réorganiser leurs systèmes de transport : ils doivent retirer un tonnage considérable des lignes éloignées pour l'affecter aux lignes proches permettant d'obtenir les marchandises essentielles dans le minimum de temps. C'est ainsi que sur les lignes d'Australie et d'Extrême-Orient, 33 navires d'un tonnage brut de 234 000 tonnes sont retirés ; de même, on retire sur les lignes États-Unis - Extrême-Orient, 37 navires d'un tonnage brut de 252 000 tonnes. Tout ce tonnage est versé sans exception sur les lignes de La Plata et du Nord-Atlantique. Parallèlement, tout un programme de constructions navales standardisées est dressé et mis à exécution. Mais toutes ces mesures seraient restées sans effet si elles n'avaient été complétées par une meilleure utilisation du tonnage.

Le Royaume-Uni au bord de l'asphyxie En février 1917, la Grande-Bretagne voit son tonnage réduit de moitié suite aux besoins sans cesse grandissant des Alliés. Elle doit, en plus, en affecter pour le transport d'unités françaises en Orient. Le quota qui lui reste subit des pertes à un tel rythme qu'il est impossible de les remplacer. On frôle le désastre. Menacée d'asphyxie, l'Angleterre doit adopter des mesures radicales pour économiser le fret : réduire les importations alimentaires et de luxe. Cette décision vise en premier lieu la France. En effet, les produits de luxe sont les derniers produits qu'elle peut exporter pour soutenir son crédit sur les marchés extérieurs, la Défense nationale absorbant toutes ses grosses fabrications. C'est une véritable déclaration de guerre économique ! Mais il s'agit de sa survie, et la Grande- Bretagne ne fait plus de sentiment. Les répercussions sont immédiates : des dizaines de firmes françaises se retrouvent paralysées du jour au lendemain. La situation est très grave ! Ce n'est qu'après de longues et difficiles discussions que la France parviendra à atténuer graduellement les effets des prohibitions d'importations en Angleterre. Mais cette mesure a concouru au maintien du prix des frets pour le bénéfice de la flotte marchande française. Ironie du sort : si les deux pays possèdent à eux deux les précieux charbons et blés, le manque de bateaux ne permet pas leur transport. Le recours aux armateurs des pays neutres n'y change rien : hantés par les tristes exploits des U-Boote, ils préfèrent désormais laisser leurs bâtiments à l'ancre dans les ports plutôt que de les exposer aux dangers de la navigation. L'épée de Damoclès que suspendaient jusque-là les Britanniques sur leurs têtes, à savoir le refus de les réapprovisionner en charbon de soute, n'a alors plus de prise. Dès décembre 1916, 25 cargaisons de charbon pour les usines à gaz de France ne peuvent être honorées. Les sous-mariniers du Reich sont-ils en train de gagner la guerre ? Le danger qui menace la Grande- Bretagne est directement indexé sur les chiffres du tonnage coulé (allié et neutres) : celui-ci culmine en février avec 506 080 tonnes, et en mars avec 582 972 ! L'émoi de l'opinion publique est à son comble. En outre, l'équivalent de 261 016 tonneaux a été tellement endommagé qu'ils sont indisponibles pour une période indéterminée. Le taux d'usure de certains bâtiments de surface, chargés de la protection, fait qu'ils doivent être remplacés d'urgence, au détriment de ceux mis à la disposition des transports. La partie des bâtiments allouée à la campagne sous-marine diminuant sans cesse, l'Angleterre n'a d'autre solution que de récupérer une partie de ses bateaux mis au service de la France, ce qui suscite de nouvelles tensions : elle accuse la perte de 100 longs courriers depuis le début de mars ! En avril, plus de 10 000 tonnes disparaissent chaque jour : blé, minerai, conserves, acier... tout manque.

Les Etats-Unis font pencher la balance L'entrée en guerre des États-Unis fait soupirer d'aise les Alliés. Mais il a fallu du temps et de puissantes considérations politiques et économiques pour que le président Wilson et le Sénat franchissent le pas. Bien que l'opinion publique soit, en principe, acquise à la cause des Alliés, Wilson faisait de la neutralité son credo. S'il a condamné l'instauration de la guerre sous-marine par les Allemands, il a eu, dès 1914, de sérieux différends avec la Grande-Bretagne : il n'a pas apprécié qu'elle contrevienne aux principes du droit maritime en décrétant le blocus de l'Allemagne, puis en déclarant zone de guerre la mer du Nord. Mais la perte du marché allemand est rapidement compensée par les commandes des Alliés, qui font décoller la production de l'industrie métallurgique américaine. D'ailleurs, au mépris d'un véritable esprit de neutralité, les banques autorisent officieusement les crédits bancaires afin que les Alliés puissent payer leurs dépenses. Les prêts consentis favorisent d'une manière outrancière les pays membres de l'Entente au détriment de l'Allemagne et des empires centraux. Aussi, lorsque l'Allemagne, pour réagir au blocus britannique, proclame zone de guerre les abords des îles britanniques, précisant que les navires y navigant seront coulés, même les neutres, l'Amérique refuse de prendre parti. Mieux, le président fait un nouvel effort pour circonvenir la guerre sous-marine en envoyant un émissaire à Londres pour faire renoncer l'Allemagne à l'utilisation des sous-marins. Mais le torpillage du Lusitania provoque une grande crise, qui ne s'atténue que très relativement lorsque le Reich s'engage à ne plus torpiller sans avertissements et à assurer la sécurité des passagers civils. Cependant, l'Allemagne suspend sa guerre au commerce pendant quelques mois en 1916. Néanmoins les Anglais décident de renforcer leur blocus. Ils braquent encore un peu plus le gouvernement étasunien en dressant une liste des sociétés américaines soupçonnées de travailler avec l'ennemi. Le gouvernement américain est si courroucé qu'il envisage même de prendre des mesures de rétorsion contre eux. Finalement, craignant un préjudice trop important face aux enjeux commerciaux, il ne fait rien. Cependant, la banque fédérale change sa politique de prêt, qui ne favorise plus autant les Alliés. En décembre, les pourparlers de paix allemands sont rejetés par l'Entente, et l'Allemagne déclenche la guerre sous-marine à outrance, une semaine après que Wilson a exposé sa conception d'une « paix sans victoire ». Les coups de boutoir allemands contre les flottes de commerce provoquent un changement dans l'opinion publique. Plusieurs armateurs interrompent le trafic, ce qui paralyse les exportations.

D'aucun sentent alors que la guerre est inévitable. La capture d'un télégramme secret, le 16 janvier, met le feu aux poudres : les Américains y découvrent que l'Allemagne propose une alliance militaire au Mexique, avec à la clé, en cas de victoire, la rétrocession du sud des États-Unis ! Le 1er février, Wilson rompt les relations diplomatiques avec le Reich. Le 19 mars, le cargo américain Vigilentia est coulé, et Wilson demande une intervention armée. Les 5 et 6 avril 1917, le Sénat et la chambre des Représentants reconnaissent l'état de guerre avec l'Allemagne. Ironie du destin, ce mois d'avril voit le record de tonnage envoyé par le fond : 860 000 tonnes ! La contribution du pays à la lutte anti-sous- marine va s'avérer cruciale, permettant la généralisation du système de convoi, qui va faire pencher la balance : désormais, à partir de l'été 1917, les pertes en U-Boote s'accroissent alors que celles des bâtiments de surface s'amenuisent. Ces convois, constitués de 30 à 50 navires de commerce, sont précédés d'éclaireurs et escortés par des destroyers. Cette nouvelle organisation fait tomber le nombre des navires coulés, de 5,45 % en juin 1917 à 1,21 % en mai 1918. Ce système permet aux transporteurs de troupes américains d'arriver sans pertes en Europe. Mais les frappes demeurent spectaculaires, et leur influence sur l'économie de l'Entente certaine : en octobre 1917, la situation du ravitaillement français devient quasiment tragique. Les approvisionnements en réserve pour l'armée tombent à un jour ! Ceux de Paris et des grandes villes chutent de 15 jours à deux ou trois. La France vit désormais dans le spectre du manque de pain. Seul, à nouveau, le concours des Alliés va éviter une catastrophe. Pour conjurer la difficile situation du tonnage, des pertes et des constructions navales en cours, l'Amérique s'efforce, à partir de décembre 1917, de construire six millions de tonnes brut. C'est une étape décisive dans l'histoire économique de la guerre. L'Amérique ne peut obtenir ces résultats que si les navires neutres ou internés, actuellement sans emploi ou affectés à d'autres besoins, rentrent au service des besoins de guerre. Elle compte sur le Japon pour lui fournir un concours maximum. Elle doit aussi réduire ses propres importations, en restreignant la consommation civile, et réquisitionner les navires employés à son propre commerce. Elle doit aussi fournir à l'Angleterre un tonnage conséquent en pétroliers pour que les Alliés puissent faire face à leurs besoins. Mais ce programme ne peut être appliqué que très partiellement dans l'immédiat. Le gouvernement américain fait savoir qu'il ne peut fournir de suite l'appui qui lui a été demandé : les navires comptant pour le premier trimestre n'arriveront en chargement que fin mars. Vers Noël, la France n'a d'acier que pour huit jours. Une crise des explosifs est à craindre pour fin janvier si, en plus des arrivages, la France n'obtient pas une aide immédiate. Depuis longtemps, la France ne peut se tourner sur son empire colonial à cause de son manque de navires.

1918 L'arrivée de la nouvelle année 1918 ne voit pas de changements majeurs : le problème du ravitaillement en blé demeure toujours aussi angoissant. Les Alliés n'ont pas trouvé de solution en ce qui concerne le blé d'Australie, qui reste inaccessible. La contribution des pays exportateurs ne permet pas de combler le déficit. On voit que jusqu'à la fin de la guerre le spectre de la famine plane sur la coalition alliée d'Europe. L'hiver rend les conditions de chargement dans les ports américains de jour en jour plus critiques pour les Alliés, à cause de la glace, et du manque de charbon de soute. À ces difficultés, il faut ajouter les retards apportés dans les arrivages par le système de convois et les tempêtes de janvier.

Dans le même ordre d'idée, les Français, qui doivent équiper les divisions américaines en artillerie et en obus, en voient leur fabrication altérée par le blocage des aciers aux États-Unis. Néanmoins, cette période hivernale voit l'adoption d'une importante mesure : désormais, tout le tonnage neutre va être placé sous le contrôle interallié. Quant à la tactique des convois, elle porte progressivement ses fruits : au fil des mois, la menace est contenue. Le bilan allemand de mars, le meilleur de toute l'année 1918, atteint 555171 tonneaux coulés ou endommagés. Septembre et octobre voient de faibles scores : 276 905 et 176 333. Mais les U-Boote auront porté de rudes coups jusqu'à la fin. Au total, les sous-marins du Reich ont détruit ou endommagé près de 7 000 bâtiments, soit 12 867 400 tonneaux. Pour les traquer, les marines alliées ont mis en lice 4 200 patrouilleurs et 2 000 aéronefs. Sur 375 submersibles réceptionnés avant la fin de la guerre, 204 ont été perdus (jusqu'au 10 novembre 1918). Cinq cent quinze officiers et 4 894 marins ont été portés disparus.

Bibliographie: Clementel, Étienne, La France et la politique économique interalliée, Les Presses universitaires de France, Paris, 1931. Wilson, David A. H., Avian Anti-Submarine Warfare Proposals in Britain, 1915-18, The Admiralty and Thomas Mills, International Journal of Naval History.

INSERE 06/02/16 DOSSIER ENLEVE 06/03/16

Manning - A foreign employers perspective

With manning and training in almost every shipowners and managers thoughts at present, we look at a few pointers as to way ahead from an employers viewpoint and at the Indian seafarer in particular.*

A seafarer’s employers expectations are competitive costings; a certificated, qualified and well trained person meeting all the statutory requirements; of a good quality and able to meet various industry requirements; a motivated and committed person able to help maintain and operate the vessel safely, efficiently and economically. He or she also needs to the loyal to the employer, who will achieve a good retention rate. Today there are risks, such as violation of the company’s drugs and alcohol policy and MARPOL; accidents/incidents which result in financial claims and reputation damage; theft of cargo and/or bunkers and on board disharmony and dismissals, due to personal issues and lack of team work. There are also challenges in the availability of quality crew, such as lack of practical training; a reduced frequency of machinery maintenance, due to technology advancements, resulting in reduced hands on and real time experience on board, also the level of training should be taken into account, as well as work practices, cultural and social issues in the case of a mixed nationality crew. The perceived imbalance in supply and demand drives up wages, leads to faster promotions and the consequential reduction in experience, leading to a drop in quality. Another problem is that a false sense of job security leads to an indifferent attitude and a drop in commitment and loyalty. It is important for an employer to position him or herself correctly in the market in terms of wages. Spiralling wages, due to shortages and poaching needs to be kept under control. An efficient use of the experience matrix should be engendered through forward rotation, planning and well though out promotions. It is recommended that officers holding a COC, but without experience in rank, may be appointed as junior watch keeping officers where an extra navigating or engineering OOW is required on board, over and above the safe manning requirement and/or normal working complement. A talent pipeline and a sense of belonging will positively impact on retention. It is advisable to plan any crew changes at economical ports, as it can be expensive in some locations, especially if long distances are involve. Expensive medical treatment and repatriation can occur if the pre joining medical is inadequate. There may be a need to strengthen the PEME in line with P&I club recommendations. Loyalty to an organisation involves loyalty to its values, policies and people. An organisational culture that wins the loyalty has to be built. Leaders build the culture by consistently exemplifying and communicating the culture’s high values and right purposes. Senior leadership is committed to compliance. Only when those at the top lead by example will an organisation successfully implement a new policy. Policies are to be strictly enforced at all times and specially in testing times. Everyone understands the business implications of what a major ethical violation can do to an organisation. However, most people don't turn it around to understand the positive impact ethics can have on employee loyalty. As for personal growth opportunities, one of the major reasons officers leave a company is because they are not promoted when that promotion is due. Seafarer promotions in a timely manner are crucially important to achieve his or her steady career graph, as well as to improve the retention rate. Formal mechanisms/procedures need to be in place to arrange seafarers’ promotion at reasonable notice when the industry criteria of seatime, along with the required recommendation, has been met. Once the notion that seafarers are a company’s greatest assets, a commitment to their career development becomes that company’s utmost responsibility. This also valid for offering seafarers positions ashore. Today, every seafarer going to sea is very particular about ensuring that he is joining a safe ship. Substandard vessels directly adversely affect a seafarer’s retention. A company needs to be vigilant and careful while choosing vessels under its management. While aggressively seeking growth of the business, the quality of the clients & vessels we choose to work with must also not be ignored. This will go long way in gaining trust of the seafarers.

Loyalty Recognition and appreciation of loyalty is also necessary as knowing and staying in touch with seafarers is extremely important. A letter of recognition and honour, signed by the CEO/president of the company should be sent to all those seafarers who have completed 10 years with the company. Considering today’s seafarer’s working span at sea, this is an achievement which should be recognised. A felicitation with a token of recognition and respect will go long way in keeping the thread of loyalty intact. As a token of management’s recognition of the importance of the seafarer’s personal and family life, a company might bear the cost of insurance required for the families of those on board. Send greetings on important days, such as birthdays/anniversaries, etc. The problem with trying to win loyalty through ownership and retention programmes is that these are attempts at buying what must be earned and built. Loyalty should be an integral part of a person’s personality, developed through trust and mutual respect. Understood this way, then loyalty cannot be bought. It is given to those organisations, persons, that have earned it by their commitment to worthwhile values, purposes or policies. As for seafaring as a career option for aspiring Indian youngsters, this is losing it’s popularity in the main cities, as there is alternative career options in these cities and a lack of awareness in the smaller cities. Another problem is that here is oversupply of pre-sea training with little or no availability of ‘on board’ training slots (cadets) for those candidates who are not sponsored by a shipping company. There is also the negative publicity surrounding seafarer criminalisation and the threat of piracy.

Quality important The quality of pool seafarers is also important. For example, know your staff’s stengths and weaknesses ashore and at sea; assess job performances against key performance requirements; identify strengths and areas requiring improvement; introduce training and personal development to improve performance and/or prepare for promotion; provide reliable/valuable sources to decide on promotions; involve ship and shore management to improve safety, compliance and personnel seagoing standards and have access to well-equipped training centres for practical/hands on training imparted by a quality faculty. V Ships operates its own resource management training and its objectives are to understand the causes of accidents, the factors that contribute to quality performance and the relationship between them in the operational context; to gain an increased appreciation of the relevance of human factors in the maritime workplace and to gain an understanding of the necessity for communications, leadership and teamwork, situational awareness, planning and decision making and appreciate the interdependent relationships between these elements.

Mentoring There is a need for on board mentors as according to the experts, up to 70% of skill is learnt through experience. It is believed that the maritime skill pool is not being passed on in the way it used to be, that is by mentoring. A typical reaction by senior officers is - “All this mentoring business is all very well but how am I going to find time for it? I am so busy that I just don't have time to sit and teach the officers, primarily what they should already know.” Mentoring can have a significant effect on team building. It leads to confidence between individuals, as they come to understand others capabilities and needs. It is excellent at breaking down barriers between individuals and this in turn leads to the cohesion of a stronger team. Successful mentoring and transfer of knowledge also leads to a reduction in accidents and incidents. In conclusion, to increase efficiency and cost effectiveness on today’s technologically advanced vessels, it is necessary to have dedicated, experienced and motivated staff on board and ashore. This can only be achieved when a positive culture driven by the high quality management exists in the organisation. Continuous efforts are required to maintain this culture by focusing on the attitude and soft skills of both ship and shore staff. All the training, motivation and positivity can give results only if the shore staff’s approach towards the seafarers is blame free.

TankerOperator

* This article was taken from a presentation made by By Capt Vaibhav Dalvi of V Ships at Tanker Operator’s January Mumbai tanker conference.

INSERE 08/02/16 NIEWS NOUVELLES NEWS ENLEVE 08/03/16

Tanker owner Euronav posts highest quarterly results since 2008

Euronav NV reported its non-audited financial results for the fourth quarter and full year 2015.

Paddy Rodgers, CEO of Euronav said: “Recent capital market gyrations have oversold the crude tanker market which continues to be robust. With a lower oil price (it fell 18% during Q4 and further since year end) tanker freight nets back to higher results through a reduction in variable cost. Furthermore, one should expect additional stimulation of demand for crude and therefore for crude tankers over 2016. Current vessel supply is well spread over the next 3 years and should therefore be capable of being absorbed by the demand. The winter market started in Q4 with higher TCE averages than in any other quarter of 2015 and has even strengthened in Q1 2016. Consequently, management remains confident of further progress and committed to its policy of distributing 80% of net income excluding exceptional items such as gains on the disposal of vessels.”All figures have been prepared under IFRS as adopted by the EU (International Financial Reporting Standards) and have not been audited nor reviewed by the statutory auditor. *The number of shares outstanding on 31 December 2015 is 159,208,949.The Company had a net profit of USD 104.7 million (fourth quarter 2014: net loss of USD -3.9 million) for the three months ended 31 December 2015 or USD 0.66 per share (fourth quarter 2014: USD -0.03 per share). EBITDA (a non IFRS-measure) for the fourth quarter 2015 was USD 160.6 million (fourth quarter 2014: USD 67.6 million). For the full year ending 31 December 2015, the preliminary net profit is USD 350.1 million (2014: USD -45.8 million) or USD 2.25 per share (2014: net loss of USD -0.39 per share).If the Company had continued to apply the proportionate consolidation method for its joint ventures for the fourth quarter of 2015, the adjusted EBITDA (a non IFRS-measure) would have been USD 182.2 million (fourth quarter 2014: USD 84.5 million), the adjusted EBIT would have been USD 119.9 million (fourth quarter 2014: USD 29.3 million) and the profit for the period would have remained the same.

EURONAV TANKER FLEET On 11 November 2015 the Company sold the Suezmax CAP LAURENT (1998 – 146,145 dwt), for USD 22.25 million. The vessel was wholly owned by Euronav and one of its four oldest Suezmaxes. The capital gain on that sale of USD 11.1 million was recorded in the fourth quarter. The vessel was delivered to its new owner on 26 November 2015.On 15 January 2016 the Company sold the VLCC FAMENNE (2001 – 298,412 dwt), one of its two oldest VLCC vessels, for USD 38.4 million. The vessel is wholly owned by Euronav. The capital gain on that sale of about USD 13.8 million will be recorded at delivery which is expected in the first quarter of 2016.On 26 January 2016 Euronav took delivery of the second vessel of four VLCCs which were acquired as resales of existing newbuilding contracts as announced on 16 June 2015: the VLCC Alice (2016 – 343,057 dwt).

CORPORATE On 3 December 2015 Carl Steen was appointed Chairman of the Board of Directors of Euronav. This change is part of a process to further increase the independence and diversification of the Board as the Company has completed its migration to an independent public company with a highly liquid share and a wide shareholder base. As from that date, the Board of Directors comprises Carl Steen (Chairman), Daniel Bradshaw, Ludwig Criel, Alexandros Drouliscos, Anne-Hélène Monsellato, John Michael Radziwill, Paddy Rodgers, Ludovic Saverys, William (Bill) Thomson and Alice Wingfield Digby. On the finance side, Euronav is fully funded in its current structure and retains a strong conviction that tanker markets are well balanced. The last two VLCCs to be delivered in March 2016 and May 2016 have a combined remaining capex of USD 130.6 million (as at 1 January 2016). With the vast majority of its fleet currently on the water, Euronav is ideally positioned to benefit from this positive freight market environment and will remain disciplined as good steward of shareholder capital.

DIVIDEND The final audited results for the year 2015 and the final dividend will be announced at the end of March 2016. The dividend will then need to be approved at the subsequent Annual General Meeting of Shareholders in May.

SHARE BUY BACK As reported on 26 January 2016, Euronav has bought back 500,000 shares at an average cost of EUR 9.5256 per share. The Board of Directors remains authorized to buy shares back. The extent to which it does and the timing of these purchases will depend upon a variety of factors, including market conditions, regulatory requirements and other corporate considerations.

TANKER MARKET The fourth quarter saw the return of high volatility of freight rates. Such volatility occurs when the balance between demand and supply is very tight. This is a positive structure for tanker owners. This current market positioning looks sustainable and provides management with a positive outlook. Demand for crude oil remains firm with current consensus (source: IEA) projecting around 1.2m bpd of additional demand of oil in 2016. Whilst this is lower than the 1.6m bpd delivered in 2015 it is worth noting that, at this stage last year, forecasts were set at 0.9m bpd for 2015. Since the OPEC meeting in early December and the setting of these projections, the oil price has fallen by more than a third. This could potentially bring additional demand to that already forecast.Whilst the order book growth slowed dramatically since the end of Q3 for both VLCC and Suezmax sectors, the order book itself requires constant monitoring and assessment. This is a critical issue and Euronav would like to point out three thoughts. First, in 2016, the delivery schedule for VLCCs is heavily skewed toward the latter half of the year. Second, based on the current forecasted oil demand and scheduled deliveries of newbuildings, demand and supply are broadly in equilibrium and should remain so. Third, whilst scrapping is expected to be extremely modest when markets are strong, the average 20 year life for a crude tanker implies a natural level of attrition (5% per annum) in the global fleet.The return of Iran to the global oil markets was confirmed with the lifting of certain sanctions on 17 January 2016. Whilst an important development, we believe it will take time for this impact to be properly felt. We expect the effect will largely be neutral to positive for the tanker sector for two reasons. First, it should be noted that half of the Iranian fleet (circa 40 VLCCs in total) continued to trade mostly to the Far East between 2012-2015. The part of the Iranian fleet (which is not too old) that effectively returns should therefore absorb the anticipated increase in Iranian crude production for export. Second, snapback provisions in the sanctions lifting agreement and other financial dollar based restrictions will take time to be lifted in full, implying full integration of Iran will be over a prolonged period.The timing of the repeal of the USA crude export ban in December was unexpected but at the same time welcomed. Rather like the Iranian situation management’s view is that this development will add incremental ton-miles but will need time to take effect given the current lack of loading infrastructure required in the USA.

OUTLOOK Typically, the fourth quarter is seasonally the strongest quarter during the tanker calendar year and 2015 proved this again. This reflects the strong fundamentals that underpin the crude tanker sector currently and which Euronav believes has structural support to drive the market for several years.So far in the first quarter of 2016 the Euronav VLCC fleet operated in the Tankers International pool has earned about USD 75,000 per day and 46% of the available days have been fixed. Euronav’s Suezmaxes trading on the spot market have earned about USD 41,000 per day on average with 47% of the available days fixed for the first quarter.Euronav is well positioned to benefit from the strong tanker industry fundamentals in place. An established dividend distribution policy maximizes returns to shareholders backed by an active approach toward fleet portfolio management and provides the group with a discipline for future growth opportunities.With a constructive structure of crude oil demand, supported by oil prices at twelve year lows and a manageable vessel supply pipeline, Euronav believes that the outlook remains positive for the tanker sector. Euronav now has 56 vessels on the water with two VLCCs to be delivered by May 2016. With its fleet fully financed, Euronav has no funding requirements going forward and is supported by a proven management team, strict capital discipline and an established dividend distribution policy.

Source: Euronav

INSERE 10/02/16 LIVRES BOEKEN BOOKS ENLEVE 10/03/16

“De Raid op Zeebrugge”

B O E K B E S P R E K I N G door : Frank NEYTS

Bij Roularta Books verscheen eind april het interessante boek “De Raid op Zeebrugge. 23 april 1918, door de ogen van kapitein Alfred Carpenter, VC”. Maritiem archeoloog Tomas Termote en Carl Decaluwé, Provinciegouverneur van West-Vlaanderen tekenden als auteurs.Het boek is gebaseerd op een recente vondst van de persoonlijke collectie van 80 glasplaten van de kapitein van het HMS ‘Vindictive’, het leadship tijdens de aanval op de havens van Zeebrugge en Oostende. Deze glasplaten geven een unieke en nieuwe kijk op de ‘blokkade van Zeebrugge’, waarvoor meer Victoria Crosses werden toegekend dan ooit ervoren of erna. De raid op Zeebrugge was de meest gedurfde aanval van de Royal Navy en de Royal Marines tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Het was een poging om de grootste Duitse duikbootbasis buiten Duitsland te blokkeren. De Duitse U-boten die vertrokken vanuit Brugge via Zeebrugge en (minder) via Oostende waren verantwoordelijk voor het zinken van één derde van de geallieerde schepen tijdens Wereldoorlog I. Een kleine vloot van blokschepen voer over het kanaal om de opdracht te voltrekken. In twee uur tijd vochten duizend vrijwilligers de strijd die Winston Churchill ooit “het fijnste wapenfeit uit de Grote Oorlog” noemde. ‘De Raid op Zeebrugge’ (ISBN 978 90 8679 496 6) werd als een hardback op landscape formaat uitgeven en telt 145 pagina’s. Het boek kost 29,90 euro.

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The electronic voyage – a tanker company’s story

With the clock ticking on ECDIS implementation, Digital Ship asked tanker company Rigel Schiffahrts how it organised its transition from paper to electronic navigation. Fleet manager Ulrich Baar explains why Rigel equipped its fleet ahead of the deadline, and the impact of moving to ECDIS Rigel Schiffahrts first decided to use an Electronic Chart Display & Information System (ECDIS) as far back as 1999. At the time, the German company was in the middle of a newbuilding programme, with three tanker vessels being constructed by a Chinese shipyard, and decided to experiment with ECDIS as a secondary navigational system. “In 1999, I was still on the ship as ship mate and later as a captain,” recalls Ulrich Baar, fleet manager at Rigel Schiffahrts.“ The management of our company asked us to use ECDIS. Most of our officers gave the feedback that ECDIS is more convenient and safer for navigation.” At the time of course, the mandatory ECDIS regulation didn’ t come into play. However, things were different in 2006, when Rigel decided to have a series of new vessels built in South Korea as part of a shipbuilding programme that would run from 2007 to 2009, while the mandatory ECDIS debate was raging at IMO (the regulation would be approved in 2008). “When we started the second big project, 18 newbuildings in Korea in 2006, there was also of course the possible new ECDIS regulation which affected the decision to install ECDIS on the whole fleet,” Mr Baar told Digital Ship. “As you know, we are a tanker company,” he said, explaining that navigation is a major focus of inspections. “To make navigation safer, to avoid any mistakes and corrections of paper charts, and to make life easier for our navigation officers, the decision was made to start with ECDIS.” The fleet manager says that every single Rigel tanker is now equipped with ECDIS as its primary means of navigation. “At the moment we have 12 vessels in our company and they are all equipped with ECDIS. Even the old fleet was retrofitted last October,” he said. “At the beginning, when we had the first ECDIS on board one of our vessels, we used ECDIS as a secondary navigational system. The ENC content in 1999-2000 was not very large and we were using ARCS Raster charts – it’s just scanned paper charts for display on ECDIS, it’s not official charts for navigation. This we used for the beginning.” “Then, as most of our crew involved in navigation became familiarised [with ECDIS] and the number of approved ENCs increased, we decided to change the system from paper charts to ECDIS.” Paper did not disappear from the ships overnight, but chart cabinets became somewhat less engorged. “On every vessel, the paper charts remain as backups, but wé ve reduced their number from 2,000 down to 40 only,” notes Mr Barr.

Market research Over the course of its ECDIS roll-out, Rigel Schiffahrts changed ECDIS providers. The Bremen-based tanker company started with SAM Electronics, headquartered in Hamburg, but is now using Transas equipment on all its fleet. “The first ECDIS that we installed on our vessels was SAM Electronics,” says Mr Baar. “Historically, all our fleet was built in Germany and was equipped with German equipment, actually SAM equipment. And of course we took the opportunity from SAM to equip our vessels with SAM Electronics’ ECDIS. That was in 1999.” Mr Baar and other personnel at the time did their ECDIS familiarisation course on Hagenuk ECDIS, before completing type-specific training on SAM Electronics equipment. Things changed when Rigel’s Korean shipbuilding programme coincided with the International Maritime Organization’ s decision on the mandatory carriage of ECDIS. “We came to the conclusion that we would implement ECDIS as primary navigational system and we did some market research: who was in the market, who had the best feedback, was the price OK in relation to the equipment?” says the fleet manager. Mr Baar also notes that user-friendliness weighed heavily in the decision as to which ECDIS to choose. During his search he visited a number of manufacturers but found in many cases that operating the equipment could be “very complicated” when it came to accessing the functions available. “Transas was advertising in Hamburg. I tried their ECDIS and I found it very easy. The menu is easier. You can access data very fast, with shortcut buttons on the keyboard, whereas on other ECDIS, you need to search very deep into the menus,” said Mr Baar. Rigel then proceeded to talk to other shipping companies and get their feedback about the Transas equipment and service, before requesting a quote from the supplier. “We asked companies which already had Transas ECDIS about their experience with Transas, with Transas service. Then we contacted Transas and sent an enquiry,” said Mr Baar. “The handling was easy, it was all fitted together. We could install it on our new vessels [being built in Korea] and stop using paper charts!” “The price was OK – that was also a big factor. And of course the name. Transas was known on the market only as an ECDIS maker, only specialised in ECDIS. Therefore we thought: if they concentrate on one product only, then the product must be good.”

Training Following this agreement on a new vendor the supplier got involved in the type-specific training for the crew, though only after all navigation officers completed basic training on IMO model course 1.27. “(That training was done) at different training centres in Manila or in Germany. That was the pure IMO model course 1.27. That was all on a simulator, and with different systems,” said Mr Baar. “Then when the vessels of the newbuilding programme came into service, we invited Transas trainers. They came from Hamburg and they trained the crew on board. Sometimes they were on three different ships – we had three deliveries per week in the beginning – jumping from one vessel to another.” “They made the hands-on training on board our ships. It was very effective.” Each of these type-specific training sessions lasted one week and were carried out using the Transas ECDIS systems that were already installed on board. Mr Baar says that the cost “was OK, it was not that expensive, compared to the cost of sending somebody to a training centre in Hamburg – that course was very expensive. But when we made our type-specific training on the ship, we saved some money and it was very costefficient.” The fleet manager says that the crew responded well to the transition from paper to electronic navigation, and that the adaptation period took about six months. “The process was also in the head of the people. Most of our officers learnt and did everything on paper charts,” he recalls. “(With ECDIS) there is a change of thinking about the using of charts. At the beginning, it was a little bit new. Also, it was only a small screen instead of a big paper chart. But after a half year, they were fully familiar with navigation on ECDIS and satisfied with the system.” In fact, Mr Baar says that the changeover has been so successful that the crew would not want to go back to paperbased navigation. “If, for a long time, you’ve been used to knowing your position exactly and on the minute, when you go back to paper charts, I think you get very nervous again,” he said. “Ninety eight per cent of our navigation officers are satisfied with this ECDIS. We have only one type of ECDIS in our fleet, it is Transas. When I talk in meetings with officers, they are satisfied with the handling and with the use of ECDIS.” According to Mr Baar, the implementation of ECDIS has made it quicker to plan voyages, has increased navigation safety, and has improved Rigel’s compliance record.“ When I make voyage planning, I’m much faster than with paper charts,” he said. “For example if you have a long voyage, let’s say from Rotterdam to New Orleans, when you make the voyage planning on the ECDIS, you put the waypoints inside and then you go to the detailed view and you adjust your waypoints a little. I think, for the planning of the track, you need about half an hour, no more.” “With paper charts, you have to check in the chart catalogue which paper charts you need – you don’ t have any paper charts on the bridge. Then you need the paper chart for the English Channel, you need the paper chart for the North Sea, then the Atlantic Ocean, the Bahamas, the Florida Strait, the Caribbean and then you come slowly to New Orleans.” Mr Baar says that just selecting and collecting all the paper charts you need takes more time than the whole voyage planning process on the ECDIS, given that once you have the appropriate paper charts, you need to pencil in the waypoints and then transfer the exact position from the end of one paper chart to the beginning of the next paper chart. “That is a long procedure,” he said. “The total for this, I think, is two hours.” In contrast, Mr Baar says that planning a voyage with an ECDIS is “very easy, very simple” and increases safety. “You really avoid some danger situations in the planning when you use the checking function of the ECDIS,” notes the fleet manager. “This increases safety significantly. That is the most important thing.”

Compliance Rigel is already feeling the benefits of ECDIS implementation, according to Mr Baar, in terms of compliance with navigation requirements. “In the navigation part of the vetting inspections, there aren’ t any observations any more. Zero,” he explained. “That is very good. That is the big benefit.” While increased compliance can save shipping companies some money, electronic navigation in itself remains more expensive than paper navigation when it comes to the price of the charts themselves, with Mr Baar noting that, at the moment, he hasn’ t seen any cost savings from the switch from paper to electronic navigation. “We really pay more for the ENCs than for the paper charts. Every year, I have to buy the licence for the ENCs and then I have to pay also the update service,” he said. “For the paper charts, I buy the paper chart once for two or three years or five years and then only the update service. Therefore the cost savings is zero, or rather minus zero.” Although ENCs are more expensive, Mr Baar says that he finds the difference in price to be “acceptable”, and realises that the cost differential is to some extent dependent on trading patterns. “Of course if you have a specific sailing area, you can reduce the stock of charts in the ECDIS. But with all our fleet going worldwide, we have to buy this area and this area. Even for example if you have only two voyages to India, you can buy only for the whole year,” he said. The fleet manager says he is not yet convinced by Pay As You Sail (PAYS) services, now offered by several ENC providers and allowing navigators to access the ENCs they need for planning purposes, levying charges only for the chart licences when they are actually used for navigation during voyages.“ At the moment, I find the system is not really satisfactory for us,” he said. “I’m in contact with Transas for a trial for this one. I still need some more technical background information on how it works, then I can take this decision.” Regardless of the licensing arrangements, ECDIS also offers the opportunity to update charts ‘over the air’, using the ships’ satellite communication link, something which can save time and money with the right satellite package. “At the beginning, we used CDs. But since wé ve had the VSAT system, wé ve done on-air updates via VSAT,” said Mr Baar, noting that that Rigel didn’ t need to upgrade its broadband plan with Airbus Defence and Space to allow for that extra amount of data being transferred. “For our ships, we have an internet flat rate. We pay one price per month and we have unlimited data access. We didn’ t have to change anything.” However, to sound a note of caution, Mr Baar does point out that Rigel experienced technical glitches with some online updates recently, where the link between the satellite and Earth station was working, but not the connection to its server in Hamburg. As a result, three of its vessels were temporarily unable to receive the electronic updates. “At the moment, we are still getting ENC updates via ChartCo, but we will stop ChartCo soon,” he added, still confident in the technology and its benefits. As a final note, beyond the improvements in updating charts and managing voyage planning, Mr Baar also says that ECDIS implementation may have given Rigel a competitive edge in its shipping business. “One of the questions oil companies ask most often is: Is your ship equipped with ECDIS? And if you say yes, you have a fully certified ship with ECDIS as primary navigational system, then it is possible that you are preferred for the voyage to other vessels,” he said. “But this advantage will change next year, when every tanker has to be equipped with ECDIS.” In the meantime, Mr Baar is satisfied with the choice his company has made in moving to electronic navigation – and hopes to reap the benefits for as long as possible.

DS

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