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28. Rights Defense and New Citizen's Movement
JOBNAME: EE10 Biddulph PAGE: 1 SESS: 3 OUTPUT: Fri May 10 14:09:18 2019 28. Rights defense and new citizen’s movement Teng Biao 28.1 THE RISE OF THE RIGHTS DEFENSE MOVEMENT The ‘Rights Defense Movement’ (weiquan yundong) emerged in the early 2000s as a new focus of the Chinese democracy movement, succeeding the Xidan Democracy Wall movement of the late 1970s and the Tiananmen Democracy movement of 1989. It is a social movement ‘involving all social strata throughout the country and covering every aspect of human rights’ (Feng Chongyi 2009, p. 151), one in which Chinese citizens assert their constitutional and legal rights through lawful means and within the legal framework of the country. As Benney (2013, p. 12) notes, the term ‘weiquan’is used by different people to refer to different things in different contexts. Although Chinese rights defense lawyers have played a key role in defining and providing leadership to this emerging weiquan movement (Carnes 2006; Pils 2016), numerous non-lawyer activists and organizations are also involved in it. The discourse and activities of ‘rights defense’ (weiquan) originated in the 1990s, when some citizens began using the law to defend consumer rights. The 1990s also saw the early development of rural anti-tax movements, labor rights campaigns, women’s rights campaigns and an environmental movement. However, in a narrow sense as well as from a historical perspective, the term weiquan movement only refers to the rights campaigns that emerged after the Sun Zhigang incident in 2003 (Zhu Han 2016, pp. 55, 60). The Sun Zhigang incident not only marks the beginning of the rights defense movement; it also can be seen as one of its few successes. -
Hong Kong, 1997 : the Politics of Transition
The Politics of Transition Enbao Wang .i.' ^ m iip Canada-Hong Kong Resource Centre ^ff from Hung On-To Memorial Library ^<^' Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2010 with funding from IVIulticultural Canada; University of Toronto Libraries http://www.archive.org/details/hongkong1997poli00wang Hong Kong, 1997 Canada-Hong Kong Resource Centre Spadina 1 Crescent, Rjn. Ill • Tbronto, Canada • M5S lAl Hong Kong, 1997 The Politics of Transition Enbao Wang LYNNE RIENNER PUBLISHERS BOULDER LONDON — Published in the United States of America in 1995 by L\ nne Rienner Publishers. Inc. 1800 30lh Street. Boulder. Colorado 80301 and in the United Kingdom by U\ nne Rienner Publishers. Inc. 3 Henrietta Street. Covenl Garden. Uondon WC2E 8LU © 1995 by Lynne Rienner Publishers, inc. All rights reserved. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Wang. Enbao. 1953- Hong Kong. 1997 : the politics of transition / Enbao Wang. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1-55587-597-1 (he: alk. paper) 1 . Hong Kong—Politics and government. 2. Hong Kong—Relations China. 3. China—Relations — Hong Kong. 4. China— Politics and government— 1976- 1. Title. bs796.H757W36 1995 951.2505—dc20 95-12694 CIP British Cataloguing in Publication Data A Cataloguing in Publication record for this book is available from the British Uibrarv. This book was t\peset b\ Uetra Libre. Boulder. Colorado. Printed and bound in the United States of .America The paper used in this publication meets the requirements @ of the .American National Standard for Permanence -
(Hrsg.) Strafrecht in Reaktion Auf Systemunrecht
Albin Eser / Ulrich Sieber / Jörg Arnold (Hrsg.) Strafrecht in Reaktion auf Systemunrecht Schriftenreihe des Max-Planck-Instituts für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht Strafrechtliche Forschungsberichte Herausgegeben von Ulrich Sieber in Fortführung der Reihe „Beiträge und Materialien aus dem Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht Freiburg“ begründet von Albin Eser Band S 82.9 Strafrecht in Reaktion auf Systemunrecht Vergleichende Einblicke in Transitionsprozesse herausgegeben von Albin Eser • Ulrich Sieber • Jörg Arnold Band 9 China von Thomas Richter sdfghjk Duncker & Humblot • Berlin Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über <http://dnb.ddb.de> abrufbar. DOI https://doi.org/10.30709/978-3-86113-876-X Redaktion: Petra Lehser Alle Rechte vorbehalten © 2006 Max-Planck-Gesellschaft zur Förderung der Wissenschaften e.V. c/o Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht Günterstalstraße 73, 79100 Freiburg i.Br. http://www.mpicc.de Vertrieb in Gemeinschaft mit Duncker & Humblot GmbH, Berlin http://WWw.duncker-humblot.de Umschlagbild: Thomas Gade, © www.medienarchiv.com Druck: Stückle Druck und Verlag, Stückle-Straße 1, 77955 Ettenheim Printed in Germany ISSN 1860-0093 ISBN 3-86113-876-X (Max-Planck-Institut) ISBN 3-428-12129-5 (Duncker & Humblot) Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem (säurefreiem) Papier entsprechend ISO 9706 # Vorwort der Herausgeber Mit dem neunten Band der Reihe „Strafrecht in Reaktion auf Systemunrecht – Vergleichende Einblicke in Transitionsprozesse“ wird zur Volksrepublik China ein weiterer Landesbericht vorgelegt. Während die bisher erschienenen Bände solche Länder in den Blick nahmen, die hinsichtlich der untersuchten Transitionen einem „klassischen“ Systemwechsel von der Diktatur zur Demokratie entsprachen, ist die Einordung der Volksrepublik China schwieriger. -
Congressional-Executive Commission on China
CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2017 ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION OCTOBER 5, 2017 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov VerDate Nov 24 2008 16:24 Oct 04, 2017 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 6011 Sfmt 5011 U:\DOCS\26811 DIEDRE 2017 ANNUAL REPORT VerDate Nov 24 2008 16:24 Oct 04, 2017 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 6019 Sfmt 6019 U:\DOCS\26811 DIEDRE CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2017 ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION OCTOBER 5, 2017 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 26–811 PDF WASHINGTON : 2017 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Nov 24 2008 16:24 Oct 04, 2017 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 U:\DOCS\26811 DIEDRE CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS Senate House MARCO RUBIO, Florida, Chairman CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, JAMES LANKFORD, Oklahoma Cochairman TOM COTTON, Arkansas ROBERT PITTENGER, North Carolina STEVE DAINES, Montana TRENT FRANKS, Arizona TODD YOUNG, Indiana RANDY HULTGREN, Illinois DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon TIMOTHY J. WALZ, Minnesota GARY PETERS, Michigan TED LIEU, California ANGUS KING, Maine EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS Department of State, To Be Appointed Department of Labor, To Be Appointed Department of Commerce, To Be Appointed At-Large, To Be Appointed At-Large, To Be Appointed ELYSE B. -
China COI Compilation-March 2014
China COI Compilation March 2014 ACCORD is co-funded by the European Refugee Fund, UNHCR and the Ministry of the Interior, Austria. Commissioned by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, Division of International Protection. UNHCR is not responsible for, nor does it endorse, its content. Any views expressed are solely those of the author. ACCORD - Austrian Centre for Country of Origin & Asylum Research and Documentation China COI Compilation March 2014 This COI compilation does not cover the Special Administrative Regions of Hong Kong and Macau, nor does it cover Taiwan. The decision to exclude Hong Kong, Macau and Taiwan was made on the basis of practical considerations; no inferences should be drawn from this decision regarding the status of Hong Kong, Macau or Taiwan. This report serves the specific purpose of collating legally relevant information on conditions in countries of origin pertinent to the assessment of claims for asylum. It is not intended to be a general report on human rights conditions. The report is prepared on the basis of publicly available information, studies and commentaries within a specified time frame. All sources are cited and fully referenced. This report is not, and does not purport to be, either exhaustive with regard to conditions in the country surveyed, or conclusive as to the merits of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Every effort has been made to compile information from reliable sources; users should refer to the full text of documents cited and assess the credibility, relevance and timeliness of source material with reference to the specific research concerns arising from individual applications. -
Projecting the Next Politburo Standing Committee
Projecting the Next Politburo Standing Committee Alice Miller1 Analysis of appointments to the Politburo Standing Committee of the Chinese Communist Party shows that over the past two decades three simple rules have been followed. These rules offer a means to project appointments to the Standing Committee at the upcoming 19th Party Congress in 2017. Whether in fact the Xi leadership follows the precedents set down in past appointments or instead sets them aside offers a key benchmark against which to assess Xi Jinping’s strength as party leader. The Politburo Standing Committee has been the party’s key decision-making body since the beginning of the reform era in the late 1970s. Appointments to the body are routinely made at the party’s national congress, held every five years, and the subsequent first plenum of the new Central Committee appointed by the party congress. The party has never publicly explained how it makes decisions as to whom it appoints to the Politburo Standing Committee. Observers outside the party in China, Hong Kong, and elsewhere have filled this information vacuum with speculation based on presumptions of factional competition, bargaining among factional chieftains, and intense jockeying among potential candidates in the run-up to a party congress. Three Rules Close analysis of Standing Committee appointments over the past four party congresses, however, sheds different light on leadership procedures in this highly sensitive area. Specifically, examination of Standing Committee leader retirements and appointments at the 1997 15th, 2002 16th, 2007 17th, and 2012 18th Party Congresses shows that three basic rules have been followed: • First, retirement of both Standing Committee and regular members of the Politburo has followed a defined age limit. -
People's Republic of China the Olympics Countdown
China: The Olympics Countdown 1 People’s Republic of China The Olympics countdown – crackdown on activists threatens Olympics legacy Introduction With little more than four months to go before the Beijing Olympics, few substantial reforms have been introduced that will have a significant, positive impact on human rights in China.1 This is particularly apparent in the plight of individual activists and journalists, who have bravely sought to expose ongoing human rights abuses and call on the government to address them. Recent measures taken by the authorities to detain, prosecute and imprison those who raise human rights concerns suggest that, to date, the Olympic Games has failed to act as a catalyst for reform. Unless the Chinese authorities take steps to redress the situation urgently, a positive human rights legacy for the Beijing Olympics looks increasingly beyond reach. It is increasingly clear that much of the current wave of repression is occurring not in spite of the Olympics, but actually because of the Olympics. Peaceful human rights activists, and others who have publicly criticised official government policy, have been targeted in the official pre-Olympics ‘clean up’, in an apparent attempt to portray a ‘stable’ or ‘harmonious’ image to the world by August 2008. Recent official assertions of a ‘terrorist’ plot to attack the Olympic Games have given prominence to potential security threats to the Olympics, but a failure to back up such assertions with concrete evidence increases suspicions that the authorities are overstating such threats in an attempt to justify the current crackdown. Several peaceful activists, including those profiled in this series of reports, remain imprisoned or held under tight police surveillance. -
PRC Official Activities Cao Gangchuan ' Q 111 Identified As Deputy Chief of the PLA General Staff
CHINA aktuell/Official Activities - 832/2 - November/November 1992 PERSONAL DATA Cao Gangchuan ' q 111 PRC Official Activities Identified as deputy chief of the PLA General Staff. (XNA, Nov 21, 1992) Cao has been director of the Military Affairs Department under the PLA General Staff before. Cao Shuangming ' g’ Wolfgang Bartke Peru (Nov 10) Identified as commander of the PLA Protocol for the establishment of poli- Air Force. (XNA, Nov 17, 1992) tical consultation mechanism between Cao was born in 1929 in Henan Prov- AGREEMENTS WITH the foreign ministries. ince. He joined the CCP and PLA in FOREIGN COUNTRIES (XNA, Nov 11, 1992) 1946. In 1949 he served in the 2nd Field Army. Three years later he gra- Saudi Arabia (Nov 05) duated from the Air Force Aviation Argentina (Nov 05) Agreement on Cooperation of econo- School. Until 1985 he rose in the Air A Agreement on the promotion and my, trade, Investment and technology. Force to commander of the Air Force reciprocal protection of Invest (XNA, Nov 5, 1992) under Shenyang Military Region and ments; became a lieutenant-general in Sep Slovenia (Nov 09) B Agreement on bilateral geological 1988. The CCP Central Committee Economic and trade agreement. Cooperation in Antarctica. (XNA, Nov 9, 1992) elected him a member in Oct 1992. (XNA, Nov 5, 1992) Turkmenistan (Nov 21) Chen Kuiyuan 'UJ Brazil (Nov 11) A Agreement on public health Coope Appointed secretary of Tibet Autono- Agreement on Cooperation in 1993 to ration; mous Region CP. (XNA, Dec 1, 1992) develop geology and mineral re- B Agreement on cultural Cooperation; Chen was born in 1940 in Liaoning sources. -
In China's New Criminal Code
China Page 1 of 55 HUMAN RIGHTS IN CHINA HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH/ASIA April 1997 Vol. 9, No. 4 (C) CHINA Whose Security? "State Security" in China's New Criminal Code I. SUMMARY II. RECOMMENDATIONS III. BACKGROUND TO THE CRIMINAL CODE REVISIONS = The International Dimension IV. CHANGING "COUNTERREVOLUTION" TO "ENDANGERING STATE SECURITY" = The Scope of Counterrevolution = Analysis of the New Code V. THE GROUNDWORK: THE STATE SECURITY LAW AND THE STATE SECRETS LAW = State Secrets Law = State Security Law VI. THE USE OF COUNTERREVOLUTION: A CAUTIONARY TALE = Historical Background = How Many Counterrevolutionaries Remain? = Proposal for Establishment of a "Commission of Review" VII. CONCLUSION APPENDIX A: RECENT CASES OF POLITICAL IMPRISONMENT APPENDIX B: NEW CRIMINAL LAW STATUTES ON CRIMES OF ENDANGERING STATE SECURITY APPENDIX C: COUNTERREVOLUTION STATUTES OF THE 1979 CRIMINAL LAW APPENDIX D: SENTENCING TRENDS IN TWENTY CASES OF COUNTERREVOLUTION I. SUMMARY National security has long been invoked by authoritarian governments around the world as a pretext for suppressing freedom of expression and freedom of association. The "crime" for which dissenters are punished can have different names in different countries: subversion, sedition, terrorism, sowing hatred, or, as in China until March 1997, "counterrevolution." While all governments have laws designed to protect the nation against threats from within and without, authoritarian governments tend to define national security crimes in overbroad terms, making no distinction between violent and nonviolent acts, so that peaceful critics and political opponents can be detained. http://www.hrw.org/reports/1997/china5/ 12/15/2003 China Page 2 of 55 In China, the National People's Congress (NPC) took the historic step at its annual session in March of eliminating crimes of "counterrevolution" from the criminal code, a step which at first glance seemed to indicate movement toward greater respect for the rule of law. -
China Human Rights Lawyers Concern Group (CHRLCG) 中國維權律師關注組 3/F, 6 Portland Street, Yaumatei, Kowloon, Hong Kong
China Human Rights Lawyers Concern Group (CHRLCG) 中國維權律師關注組 3/F, 6 Portland Street, Yaumatei, Kowloon, Hong Kong. Tel: (852) 23881377, Fax: (852) 23887270 Email: [email protected] Website: www.chrlcg-hk.org An NGO Submission to the UN Committee Against Torture for the 41st session for the Fourth and Fifth Periodic Reports of the People's Republic of China on the Implementation of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment October 2008 1. The China Human Rights Lawyers Concern Group (CHRLCG) is a non-profit organization based in Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR). Its objective is to advocate for the protection of the human rights lawyers and legal rights defenders in China. It was established on 20 January 2007 by a group of lawyers, legislators and academics in Hong Kong. Despite their endeavours to fight for the rights of the underprivileged within the legal framework, many lawyers and legal activists in China have been subjected to tremendous political pressure and unfair treatment by the Chinese authorities. They and their families deserve more attention and support from Hong Kong and the international community. We believe that the status and rights of these lawyers must be respected before China can successfully develop constitutionalism and the rule of law. 2. Although the State party ratified the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (the Convention) on 4 October 1988, dissidents and human rights defenders continued to be subjected to various forms of torture. In addition to the State party’s failure to effectively implement all the relevant provisions on torture in domestic laws, law enforcement officers are usually the ones who violate the domestic laws and the international convention. -
A Nightmarish Year Under Xi Jinping's
Promoting human rights & empowering grassroots activism in China A Nightmarish Year Under Xi Jinping’s “Chinese Dream” 2013 Annual Report on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders in China March 2014 Web: www.chrdnet.com • Email: [email protected] Table of Contents Introduction: Defining Features of 2013 1 Crackdown on Liberties That Are Fundamental to Civil Society 4 Judicial Authorities Lend a Hand in Reining in Online Speech & Media 7 Bold Reprisals & Violence Against Human Rights Lawyers 10 Reprisals Against Activists Seeking Participation 12 in UN Human Rights Reviews New Leaders Follow Old Patterns 14 Recommendations 15 Notes 17 Index of Chinese Human Rights Defenders Whose Cases CHRD 25 Reported or Documented in 2013 Cover: Chinese citizens inspired by the “New Citizens’ Movement” () took to the streets in 2013 to rally for anti-corruption measures, calling on top government officials to disclose their personal wealth. “2013 saw the harshest suppression of civil society in over a decade…with human rights and rule of law basically going backwards. Still, the drive in Chinese civil society to keep fighting under difficult and dangerous conditions is the most important asset for promoting human rights and democratization in the country.” - Teng Biao, Chinese human rights lawyer Introduction: Defining Features of 2013 Human rights defenders in China experienced a tumultuous year of government suppression, yet they continued to demonstrate remarkable strength and extraordinary courage.1 In interviews and discussions conducted by Chinese Human Rights Defenders (CHRD), dozens of Chinese activists describe 2013 as the worst year for human rights since at least 2008, which saw severe crackdowns on civil liberties around the Beijing Olympics and with the Charter 08 campaign for reform. -
HAVE YOU EATEN? HAVE YOU DIVORCED? DEBATING the MEANING of FREEDOM in MARRIAGE in CHINA by WILLIAM P. ALFORD & SHEN YUANYUAN
HAVE YOU EATEN? HAVE YOU DIVORCED? DEBATING THE MEANING OF FREEDOM IN MARRIAGE IN CHINA by WILLIAM P. ALFORD & SHEN YUANYUAN “Have You Eaten? Have You Divorced? Marriage, Divorce and the Assessment of Freedom in China,” in Ideas of Freedom in the Chinese World, ed. W. Kirby (Stanford University Press, 2003).* A great deal of discussion about freedom in the People’s Republic of China has proceeded on certain assumptions about the role of the state and about law’s place in helping define it. At the heart of these assumptions is the idea that the cause of freedom in China will best be advanced through the state’s retrenchment and a concomitant ceding of power to non-state actors, particularly with respect to economic and social matters. This notion is perhaps most obvious in calls for the promotion of greater economic freedom via both the “privatization” of state owned enterprise and an increasing reliance on market forces, but it also informs the view that such measures are or soon will be leading to a marked growth in political freedom. And it undergirds the conviction of most observers that what is termed the rise of civil society will perforce enhance personal freedom in China. As the noted Chinese scholar Liu Junning observed in a recent essay extolling Hayek, “almost all of those who shape public opinion in China are liberals [as] classical liberalism now dominates China’s intellectual landscape.”1 Law occupies a prominent position in this vision, being increasingly seen in both academic and policy circles as critical to the attainment for Chinese of fuller economic, political, and social freedoms.