Mirabai and the Spiritual Economy of Bhakti Author(S): Kumkum Sangari Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol
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Mirabai and the Spiritual Economy of Bhakti Author(s): Kumkum Sangari Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 25, No. 27 (Jul. 7, 1990), pp. 1464-1475 Published by: Economic and Political Weekly Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4396474 Accessed: 27-11-2017 06:21 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Economic and Political Weekly is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Economic and Political Weekly This content downloaded from 184.171.112.49 on Mon, 27 Nov 2017 06:21:08 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms SPECIAL ARTICLES Mirabai and the Spiritual Economy of Bhakti Kumkum Sangari In an economy where the labour of women and the surplus production of the peasant and artisan are customarily and 'naturally' appropriated by the ruling groups, the high Hindu traditions sought to encompass and retain the management of spiritual 'surplus' and to circumscribe its availability along lines of caste and gender. In this spiritual economy, the liberalising and dissenting forms of bhakti emerge as a powerful force which selectively uses the metaphysic of high Hinduism in an attempt to create an inappropriable excess or transcendent value grounded in the dailiness of a material life within the reach of all. This paper attempts to understand the specific character of Mirabai's bhakti as it finds shape within the overlap- ping yet contradictory configuration of the patriarchal assumptions of the medieval Rajput state, prescriptive brahminical texts, and the female devotional voice as it develops in earlier and contemporary compositions of male bhaktas. What emerges is, firstly, that though the prescriptions of the smritis and puranas do not survive as law, they are available as ideology which shapes the customary domain and self-description of Rajput ruling groups and constitute the historical moment in which Mira lives. Secondly, in the breaking and remaking of patriar- chal relations, Mira's bhakti marks as well as belongs to a longer historical moment in which the prescriptions of the smritis and puranas are selectively internalised, and the customary nexus of religious practice is translated into metaphors and emotional structures. Thirdly, though Mira's compositions are themselves ambivalently situated, there are significant differences in her personal practice and in her ideological location when compared to earlier and contemporary male bhaktas. And, finally, etched into Mira's enterprise is not only the difficulty of being 'original' in an oral tradition, but also the recalcitrance and the precariousness of personal rebellion. Rhe paper is published in two parts. The second part will appear next week.] THE ideological diversity and contradictory separately from the social practices in which experiential base has altered but not locations of bhakti are startling. Already it is implicated. disappeared. embedded in vedic and puranic literature This essay attempts to understand the Within an e0onomy where the labour of bhakti is not restricted to what have been specific character of Mirabai's bhakii as it women and the surplus production of the specified as movements: it is a structure of finds shape within the overlapping yet con- peasant and artisan are customarily and personal devotion which enters into the for- tradictory configuration of the patriarchal 'naturally' appropriated by the ruling mation of new groups or classes, into the ass.umptions of the medieval Rajput state, groups, the high Hindu traditions sought to protests against elite hegemonic groups as prescriptive brahminical texts, and the encompass and retain the management of well as into the redefining of dominant female devotional voice as it develops in spiritual 'surplus'. and to circumscribe its classes,' and is also central to the produc- earlier and contemporary compositions of availability along lines of caste and gender. tion of a syncretic vocabulary in accessible male bhaktas. Each one of these is a site for In this spiritual economy, the liberalising and vernacular languages. Though often a mode the production of vation schemata, of dissenting forms of bhakti emerge as a of dissent which expresses dissatisfaction notions of sexuality and of different sorts powerful force which selectively uses the with certain orthodox, caste-based modes of of female agency. Unfortunately, from this metaphysic of high Hinduism (maya, kar- social ordering, brahminical Hinduism, 'ex- historical distance it is easier to ascertain ma and rebirth), in an attempt to create an clusive' religious institutions, and, at least their ascriptive funotions and ideological inappropriable excess or transcendent value apparently, patriarchy, the difficulties of matrix than to determine their precise relr- grounded in the dailiness of a material life measuring the bhakti movements' potential tion to social practices. within the reach of all. Even if bhakti does for change in i pre-industrial formation are What emerges firstly is that though the not substantively break the boundaries of enormous. This would involve ascertaining prescriptions of the smritis and puranas do high Hindu traditions it redefines these in which areas of meaning, social agency and not survive as law, they are ava,ilable as content, modality and address, i e, in what interaction, political participation, power, ideology which shapes the 'customary is said, how it is said (orally-in defiance and prescriptive Hindu orthodoxy are pris- domain and self description of Rajput ruling of the centralisation of knowledge in writ- ed open by/for the lower caste peasants, ar- groups, and in this sense are that part of ten texts), and who it is said to. tisans and women who were involved in each their 'past' which constitute the historical movement. It would entail an evaluative Bhakti makes a language for aspiration moment in which Mira lives. Secondly, in description of the nature of the social and desire, through a notion of personal the breaking and remaking of patriarchal transformations taking place, with the devotion and more direct communication relations, Mira's bhakti marks as well as gradual and differential establishment of with a compassionate god, which is embed- belongs to a longer historical moment in feudal structures as the field from which ded within an experiential base-particular which the prescriptions of the smritis and bhakti emerges and to which it responds. sorts of hierarchical, patriarchal and feudal puranas are selectively internalised, and the Finally, this would involve seeing bhakti as relations-a location which defines both the customary nexus of religious practice is a product and partaker of a changing socie- power ,nd the vulnerability of such a translated into metaphors and emotional ty, which emerges alongside feudal language. Once assimilated into mainstream structures. Even as her bhakti sets out to structures-whether assisting or resisting Hinduism, the critical edge of dilssenting escape, ignore or challenge certain social, them-for several centuries. Bhakti can forms of bhakti is blunted, yet the language religious and patriarchal institutions, its neither be understood solely in terms of itsremains evocative, long after the movements moral legitimacy is partially obtained from social content and ideology, nor evaluated have themselves waned, predsely because itsa transformation of some of these (enforce- Economic and Political Weekly July 7, 1990 This content downloaded from 184.171.112.49 on Mon, 27 Nov 2017 06:21:08 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms able) prescriptions into an internal ethic. Rana Sanga, and heir to the Sisodia brahmins find is her sari enveloping the Thirdly, though Mira"s compositions are kingdom of Mewar. At the time Rana idol.Sanga Some versions (which seek to extend themselves ambivalently situated, there are is the most powerful of Rajput kings and her has life beyond 1547 in order to make her significant differences in her personal prac- great political ambition. He has twenty-eighl meet Akbar, Tansen, Birbal and Tulsidas, tice and in her ideological location when queens and seven sons, and his son's mar- and so supply her with powerful patrons, compared to earlier and contemporary male riage to Mira is, like his own marriages, pupils a and gurus) suggest that this is a suc- bhaktas. Finally, etched into Mira's enter- political alliance. Legend has it that at cessful the ruse to escape the brahmins. In th se prise, insofar as it is possible to reconstruct time of her marriage ceremony she circles versions Akbar -conquers and plunders it, is not only the difficulty of being the idol of Girdharji (Krishna), to whom Mewar she as retribution for the ill-treatment of 'original' in an oral tradition, but also the is devoted from childhood, instead of Mirabai;her and Tulsidas, in answer to her let7 recalcitrance and the precariousness of per- husband, declares herself married to terHim. seeking advice about her persecution by sonal rebellion'. and refuses to consummate her earthly her mar- husband's family, advises her to leave her The different usages of the female devo- riage. She refuses to worship the family marital god- home.3 tional voice in comparison with male dess, Durga. In some variations of the How do we evaluate Mira as a saint and bhaktas brings up'two general but crucial legend, Mira's husband resents her celibacy, as a symbol of legendary devotion and per- questions. The first is the problem of reading suspects adultery, persecutes her, and takes sonal rebellion, as a historical figure and an oral corpus which cannot be reduced to another wife.