We Have Won the Battle, but Not the War Sarah Richani, ARTICLE 19 Middle East and North Africa Programme

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

We Have Won the Battle, but Not the War Sarah Richani, ARTICLE 19 Middle East and North Africa Programme We have won the battle, but not the war Sarah Richani, ARTICLE 19 Middle East and North Africa programme BEIRUT—‘Charges dropped. The statements made were not defamatory.’ This is how the Lebanese Military Court of Appeal chose to end the defamation case against human rights lawyer Dr. Muhammad Mughraby a mere two days before the trial date. Dr. Mughraby was charged for allegedly ‘slandering’ the Lebanese military establishment during a meeting with the European Parliament nearly three years ago where he criticised the The demonstration outside the military inadequate legal training of the military court’s court in Beirut. judges. The remarks made, needless to say, are a legitimate exercise of his freedom of expression which is protected by the Lebanese Constitution’s Article 13 and Article 19 of the ICCPR to which Lebanon is a party. This breach heralded in Amnesty International and ARTICLE 19, Global campaign for Free Expression who launched an international campaign on behalf of the lawyer. The two organizations released a joint letter that called on the Lebanese government to drop the illegitimate charges made against him. ARTICLE 19 also issued a press release that denounced the use of slander provisions which criminalize criticism of official bodies and deplored the use of the military court system for the trial of civilians. Trial Date The unexpected turn of events two days prior to the trial date did not thwart the plans set up by Dr. Mughraby’s Centre for Democracy and The Rule of Law for a peaceful demonstration outside the court protesting the charges. House of Commons MP Julian Brazier, Mustapha Bachouchi of the Algerian Bar, Wilhelm van Manen and Leo Spigt of the Dutch Lawyers for Lawyers foundation and Article 19’s Middle East and North Africa programme representative were on the scene to express their ongoing support for safeguarding freedom of expression in Lebanon and Dr. Mughraby’s particular cause. ARTICLE 19, 6-8 Amwell Street, London EC1R 1UQ Tel: (+44) 20 7278 9292 / Fax: (+44) 20 7278 7660 Web: www.article19.org / Email: [email protected] Unlike the ‘spring uprising’ that took Beirut by storm a year ago following the Hariri assassination; the demonstration outside the military court in Beirut was by far less immense. A throng of human rights activists, NGO representatives and lawyers assembled peacefully with banners that lamented the absence of the Lawyer’s Union and reminded of Article 13 of the Lebanese constitution. The peaceful protest was followed by a brief press conference at Beirut’s Hotel Le Meridien Commodore. “Lebanon has passed an important test”, said English MP Julian Brazier regarding the outcome of the case. ARTICLE 19’s Executive Director Dr. Agnes Callamard, for her part, stressed the importance of honouring Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) to which Lebanon is a party. “The trial of Dr. Mughraby sends out a negative message to the international community as to Lebanon’s commitments to change and democracy”, she said. Lebanon and Human Rights In spite of these glitches, however, Lebanon’s human rights record in a region parching for the most intrinsic freedoms remains stellar. Lebanon is the oldest democracy in the Middle East and a founding nation of the United Nations which contributed to the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. But, Lebanon has also had its share of human rights violations undoubtedly due to its turbulent history that has been fraught with conflict. The freedom and power of the press that is protected by the constitution, has, in spite of heavy costs, underpinned Lebanon’s democracy. Since its independence in 1943, a number of journalists have been targeted and assassinated. This last year alone, a number of prominent journalists who wrote openly against the Syrian oppressive regime and its meddling in Lebanese politics, were under attack. Anti-Syrian professor, historian and columnist, Samir Kassir, was assassinated by a bomb planted in his car on June 2 nd , 2005. In October of the same year, the now-maimed Lebanese journalist and recipient of the UNESCO’s World Press Freedom Day award for the year 2006, May Chiddiac, survived an attempt on her life. Two months later, Gebran Tueni, prominent Beirut MP and editor of Annahar, the newspaper Kassir wrote for, was also killed in a similar way. Where to from here In spite of these recent killings, which many Lebanese blame on the Syrian regime, and the repeated attempts at silencing the truth, whatever the word connotes, the Lebanese have held their ground and vowed to continue the legacy left to them by the many martyrs and to, as Dr. Mughraby put it, “achieve freedom by freely practicing freedom.” Meanwhile and as Dr. Mughraby awaits two pending charges targeting his legitimate work in defence of human rights, this small yet vital victory gives human rights campaigners and advocates a little to celebrate. ARTICLE 19, 6-8 Amwell Street, London EC1R 1UQ Tel: (+44) 20 7278 9292 / Fax: (+44) 20 7278 7660 Web: www.article19.org / Email: [email protected] .
Recommended publications
  • European Union Samir Kassir Award for Freedom of The
    EUROPEAN UNION Delegation of the European Union to Lebanon Beirut, 2 June 2015 PRESS RELEASE SAMIR KASSIR AWARD FOR FREEDOM OF THE PRESS The European Union rewards three journalists from Syria, Egypt and Palestine winners of the 2015 edition The Delegation of the European Union to Lebanon organised today, in collaboration with the Samir Kassir Foundation, the ceremony for the Samir Kassir Award for Freedom of the Press, held on the tenth anniversary of Samir Kassir’s assassination. The winners of the 2015 edition are the following: • Opinion Article Category: Ayman Al-Ahmad (1984) from Syria, a freelance journalist working for several Syrian and Arab online publications and an author of short novels. His article “Father, who is Michel Seurat?” published in the online magazine “Le printemps maudit” on 13 March 2015 is a tribute to the French writer Michel Seurat whose name was considered taboo in Syria in the 1980s and 1990s, and a vibrant call for freedom of expression. • Investigative Article Category: Hesham Mannaa (1990) from Egypt, has been practicing investigative journalism for the last four years. His article, “Cleansing masks burn consumers’ faces” published on Veto Magazine website on 3 March 2015, reveals corruption practices in the health sector in Egypt and the lack of respect for safety standards in products that directly affect people’s health. • Audiovisual Reporting Category: Mohammad Nour Ahmad (1982) is a Palestinian refugee in Syria who works in journalism and in music. His report “Blue” produced and broadcast by Bidayyat.org on 3 October 2014, portrays the plight of civilians trapped inside the Yarmouk refugee camp and the role of music in keeping hope alive.
    [Show full text]
  • Bomb Kills Journalist in Beirut
    \. .....•....•... .... ' ............... " ..•.. , ~' -\ --\,. ....•........•.....•. " .•.. ,~ . ~, , , "" " .......•............ , .•.. '- \ ''''~' /' /" International Herald Tribune 41 Friday, June 3, 2005 INTERNATIONAL %; Bomb kills journalist in Beirut Opposition blames 'the Syrians for columnist's death From news reports (, backed security services seized his tinue what we have begun." passport and threatened to arrest him. France condemned the killing of BEIRUT: A prominent anti-Syrian He was also said to have received sever- ' Kassir, who also had French nationality, journalist WaS killed Thursday when a al death threats. and expressed confidence in the will of bomb.exploded in his car in Beirut in Syria ended its 29-year military pres- the Lebanese authorities to bring his an attack that the opposition blamed on ence in Lebanon in April, after demon- killers to justice, , Syria and its Lebanese security allies. strators reacted to the assassination of Opposition figures were quick to The journalist, Samir i::assir,45,was a Hariri by demanding the withdrawal of point the finger at Damascus and its al- columnist for Lebanon's leading daily, Syrian troops from Lebanon, for which lies. An Nahar, and had for years urged an they obtained widespread international "Bashar al-Assad should not be al- end to Syria's role in Lebanon. support. ' lowed to have a single intelligence oper- ~' .The killing, four days after the start In his final column before his .assassl- ative lingering in Lebanon," said [ibran of Lebanon's staggered parliamentary nation, Kassir bemoaned Syria's reluc- Tueni, general manager of An-Nahar, of elections, shocked a country that is still tance to learn from its experience in the Syrian president: coming to terms' with the assassination Lebanon and to allow greater freedom.
    [Show full text]
  • An-Nahar, One of Lebanon's Most Influential Daily Newspapers
    Four Generations of Tuenis at the Helm • Gebran Tueni founded An-Nahar in 1933. An-Nahar • Ghassan Tueni took over in 1947, when his father died. An-Nahar became the most authoritative and credible paper in the Arab region. Where History Lives • Gebran Tueni served as editor-in-chief from 2003 to 2005, when his life was cut short. His father Ghassan took over again until his death in 2012. n-Nahar, one of Lebanon’s most influential daily newspapers, • Nayla Tueni is the current deputy general manager of An-Nahar. Nayla A is 85 years old. It is considered Lebanon’s “paper of record.” American- is a journalist and a member of the Lebanese Parliament, like her late British author and journalist Charles Glass, who specializes in the Middle father Gebran had been. East, called An-Nahar “Lebanon’s New York Times.” Its archives’ tagline is: “The memory of Lebanon and the Arab world since 1933. What many don’t know is that the newspaper's offices themselves are a living memorial to its martyrs and a museum of its history. At the same time, it is still an active newsroom, where journalists report both for the paper and for annahar.com, the online version launched in 2012. Inside the tall glass tower at the northwest corner of Beirut’s Downtown, known as the An-Nahar building, Gebran Tueni’s On the desk is frozen morning in time. A slip of Dec. 12, of paper with Ghassan Tueni handwritten received the notes, a news that his business card only surviving and a small son was stack of books murdered.
    [Show full text]
  • WARS and WOES a Chronicle of Lebanese Violence1
    The Levantine Review Volume 1 Number 1 (Spring 2012) OF WARS AND WOES A Chronicle of Lebanese Violence1 Mordechai Nisan* In the subconscious of most Lebanese is the prevalent notion—and the common acceptance of it—that the Maronites are the “head” of the country. ‘Head’ carries here a double meaning: the conscious thinking faculty to animate and guide affairs, and the locus of power at the summit of political office. While this statement might seem outrageous to those unversed in the intricacies of Lebanese history and its recent political transformations, its veracity is confirmed by Lebanon’s spiritual mysteries, the political snarls and brinkmanship that have defined its modern existence, and the pluralistic ethno-religious tapestry that still dominates its demographic makeup. Lebanon’s politics are a clear representation of, and a response to, this seminal truth. The establishment of modern Lebanon in 1920 was the political handiwork of Maronites—perhaps most notable among them the community’s Patriarch, Elias Peter Hoyek (1843-1931), and public intellectual and founder of the Alliance Libanaise, Daoud Amoun (1867-1922).2 In recognition of this debt, the President of the Lebanese Republic has by tradition been always a Maronite; the country’s intellectual, cultural, and political elites have hailed largely from the ranks of the Maronite community; and the Patriarch of the Maronite Church in Bkirke has traditionally held sway as chief spiritual and moral figure in the ceremonial and public conduct of state affairs. In the unicameral Lebanese legislature, the population decline of the Christians as a whole— Maronites, Greek Orthodox, Catholics, and Armenians alike—has not altered the reality of the Maronites’ pre-eminence; equal confessional parliamentary representation, granting Lebanon’s Christians numerical parity with Muslims, still defines the country’s political conventions.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections
    Political Party Mapping in Lebanon Ahead of the 2018 Elections Foreword This study on the political party mapping in Lebanon ahead of the 2018 elections includes a survey of most Lebanese political parties; especially those that currently have or previously had parliamentary or government representation, with the exception of Lebanese Communist Party, Islamic Unification Movement, Union of Working People’s Forces, since they either have candidates for elections or had previously had candidates for elections before the final list was out from the Ministry of Interior and Municipalities. The first part includes a systematic presentation of 27 political parties, organizations or movements, showing their official name, logo, establishment, leader, leading committee, regional and local alliances and relations, their stance on the electoral law and their most prominent candidates for the upcoming parliamentary elections. The second part provides the distribution of partisan and political powers over the 15 electoral districts set in the law governing the elections of May 6, 2018. It also offers basic information related to each district: the number of voters, the expected participation rate, the electoral quotient, the candidate’s ceiling on election expenditure, in addition to an analytical overview of the 2005 and 2009 elections, their results and alliances. The distribution of parties for 2018 is based on the research team’s analysis and estimates from different sources. 2 Table of Contents Page Introduction .......................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Tueni, Kassir, and Chidiac… Ten Years Passed with No Progress in Investigations
    Maharat Foundation rd Beirut on November 3P ,P 2015 Communiqué on the occasion of Impunity day: Tueni, Kassir, and Chidiac… Ten years passed with no progress in investigations The International Day to End Impunity for Crimes against Journalists comes ten years after the assassination of the two journalists Gebran Tueni and Samir Kassir and the attempt of assassination of the journalist May Chidiac in 2005, without bringing to justice or revealing the perpetrators, and until now no official progress in investigation has been made in their cases. Chidiac In the case of attempt of assassination of the journalist May Chidiac, she said during an interview with Maharat Foundation that she is waiting the Special Tribunal for Lebanon to find a link between her case and that of the assassination of the former prime minister Rafic Hariri so the tribunal can take over the case. Chidiac also considered that the “Lebanese authorities promote impunity through keeping the anonymity of the perpetrators despite the fact that those responsible for the 2005 assassinations are well known”. Tueni The same thing applies to the case of the journalist Gebran Tueni as emphasized by his daughter Michele Tueni to Maharat Foundation, who ensured that impunity contributed in the assassination of the victims where the perpetrators know that they will go unpunished. Tueni considered the consequences of impunity are dangerous especially that it urges journalists to put limits for their writings and to practice self censorship to protect their lives. Kassir The executive director of Samir Kassir Foundation Ayman Mhanna pointed that the case of Samir Kassir was transferred from the Lebanese and French judiciary to the Special Tribunal for Lebanon, and they are now waiting to link it to the case of assassination of Rafic Hariri.
    [Show full text]
  • Lebanon's Legacy of Political Violence
    LEBANON Lebanon’s Legacy of Political Violence A Mapping of Serious Violations of International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law in Lebanon, 1975–2008 September 2013 International Center Lebanon’s Legacy of Political Violence for Transitional Justice Acknowledgments The Lebanon Mapping Team comprised Lynn Maalouf, senior researcher at the Memory Interdisciplinary Research Unit of the Center for the Study of the Modern Arab World (CEMAM); Luc Coté, expert on mapping projects and fact-finding commissions; Théo Boudruche, international human rights and humanitarian law consultant; and researchers Wajih Abi Azar, Hassan Abbas, Samar Abou Zeid, Nassib Khoury, Romy Nasr, and Tarek Zeineddine. The team would like to thank the committee members who reviewed the report on behalf of the university: Christophe Varin, CEMAM director, who led the process of setting up and coordinating the committee’s work; Annie Tabet, professor of sociology; Carla Eddé, head of the history and international relations department; Liliane Kfoury, head of UIR; and Marie-Claude Najm, professor of law and political science. The team extends its special thanks to Dima de Clerck, who generously shared the results of her fieldwork from her PhD thesis, “Mémoires en conflit dans le Liban d’après-guerre: le cas des druzes et des chrétiens du Sud du Mont-Liban.” The team further owes its warm gratitude to the ICTJ Beirut office team, particularly Carmen Abou Hassoun Jaoudé, Head of the Lebanon Program. ICTJ thanks the European Union for their support which made this project possible. International Center for Transitional Justice The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) works to redress and prevent the most severe violations of human rights by confronting legacies of mass abuse.
    [Show full text]
  • THE POLITICS and LIBERATION of LEBANON by Etienne Sakr (Abu Arz)*
    THE POLITICS AND LIBERATION OF LEBANON By Etienne Sakr (Abu Arz)* For 30 years, political events in Lebanon were dominated by Syrian occupation until 2005, when the Syrian army withdrew under international pressure. Yet the national future of Lebanon remains clouded in doubt and tension, as acts of terror against anti-Syrian elements continue, the March "Cedar Revolution" is stymied, and the country totters between freedom and political paralysis and breakdown. Events in Lebanon in the first half of 2005 Lebanese/Maronite-Palestinian fighting in altered the political state of affairs Beirut and Mount Lebanon.3 concerning Syria's long occupation of that By June 1976, Syria also sent its own country. Yet the outcome of these events is army into Lebanon to dominate the country still unclear and fluid. This article analyzes and subdue it to the will of Damascus. the history of the Lebanon issue and Manipulating the complex fighting scenario prospects for creating a new, more in Lebanon, Syrian-Palestinian cooperation equitable and stable order given the against the Christian community became dramatic changes which have taken place. the major motif. For example, in February 1980, the Syrians turned over the western STAGES AND METHODS IN SYRIAN area from Damur to the Zahrani to the PLA, OCCUPATION OF LEBANON along with heavy military equipment.4 On The hegemonic notion of Greater Syria July 20, 1976, following the launching of provides the ideological and historic Syria's direct military intervention in underpinnings for Damascus's drive to Lebanon, Hafiz al-Asad gave an historic eliminate Lebanese independence.1 Among speech in which he declared that its tools in realizing this goal was the "[throughout] history, Syria and Lebanon Saiqah Palestinian faction established in have been one country and one people"--a 1968.
    [Show full text]
  • Elites, Power and Security How the Organization of Security in Lebanon Serves Elite Interests
    Elites, power and security How the organization of security in Lebanon serves elite interests Erwin van Veen CRU report Elites, power and security How the organization of security in Lebanon serves elite interests Erwin van Veen CRU report May 2015 May 2015 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright holders. About the author Erwin van Veen is a Senior Research Fellow at Clingendael’s Conflict Research Unit. He specializes in understanding the politics and change dynamics of security and justice provision, as well as modern conflict dynamics and the nature of associated peace processes. About CRU The Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’ is a think tank and diplomatic academy on international affairs. The Conflict Research Unit (CRU) is a specialized team within the Institute, conducting applied, policy-oriented research and developing practical tools that assist national and multilateral governmental and non-governmental organizations in their engagement in fragile and conflict-affected situations. Clingendael Institute P.O. Box 93080 2509 AB The Hague The Netherlands Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.clingendael.nl/ Executive summary Despite the turmoil and the insecurity that is spilling over from the Syrian conflict, Lebanon is not a passive player or victim in the regional security situation. Although it is understand- able that the focus of much current analysis is on the implications of the Syrian conflict for Lebanon – largely out of fear that the country might be sucked into the regional vortex of vio- lence – it overlooks the fact that it is largely the interests of Lebanon’s political elites that determine how the country’s state security organizations perform.
    [Show full text]
  • Download/Mq:10995/DS01, Accessed on 15 March 2016
    RECEPTION AND PERCEPTION OF RADICAL MESSAGES Pilot Study June 2016 With the support of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands RECEPTION AND PERCEPTION OF RADICAL MESSAGES Pilot Study June 2016 With the support of Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Netherlands Contents ABOUT THE PROJECT 5 STEERING COMMITTEE 5 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 7 1. RATIONALE AND OBJECTIVES 7 2. MAJOR FINDINGS 8 BACKGROUND AND CONTEXT 11 1. CURRENT TRENDS 11 2. AIMS 12 COUNTERING EXTREMISM: RESEARCH AND POLICY 15 METHODOLOGY 19 1. RECRUITMENT OF STEERING COMMITTEE 19 2. RECRUITMENT OF FOCUS GROUP PARTICIPANTS 19 3. DEVELOPMENT OF DISCUSSION GUIDE 20 4. ETHICS 21 FINDINGS 23 1. MEDIA CONSUMPTION HABITS 23 2. REACTIONS TO AND INTERPRETATIONS OF RADICAL MESSAGES 25 2.1: VILIFICATION OF ISLAM 25 2.2: HOW RECRUITMENT HAPPENS 26 2.3: DOES RADICAL MESSAGING HAVE AN IMPACT? 27 3. REACTIONS TO AND INTERPRETATIONS OF COUNTER-RADICAL MESSAGES 28 3.1: DO COUNTER-RADICAL MESSAGES IMPACT POSITIVELY? 29 3.2: HOW RECRUITMENT IS STOPPED 30 SCOPE FOR FURTHER STUDY 33 RECOMMENDATIONS 35 APPENDIX 1: DISCUSSION GUIDE 37 APPENDIX 2: LIST OF PRE-SELECTED MESSAGES 41 1. RADICAL MESSAGES 41 2. COUNTER-RADICAL MESSAGES 45 3 About the project This report represents a first contribution by the Samir Kassir Foundation (SKF) to the ongoing and growing debate on the role of communication in the radicalisation process and the mechanisms to prevent or counter violent extremism (CVE). The primary focus of this research is communication by and about the Islamic State and did not include communication by and about militant Islamist organisations from other ideological and sectarian backgrounds.
    [Show full text]
  • Lebanon Page 1 of 13
    Lebanon Page 1 of 13 Published on Freedom House (https://freedomhouse.org) Home > Lebanon Lebanon Country: Lebanon Year: 2015 Status: Partly Free Total Score: 45 (0 = Best, 100 = Worst) Obstacles to Access: 13 (0 = Best, 25 = Worst) Limits on Content: 12 (0 = Best, 35 = Worst) Violations of User Rights: 20 (0 = Best, 40 = Worst) Population: 5 million Internet Penetration: 75 percent Social Media/ICT Apps Blocked: No Political/Social Content Blocked: Yes Bloggers/ICT Users Arrested: Yes Press Freedom Status: Partly Free Key Developments: https://freedomhouse.org/print/47717 12/8/2016 Lebanon Page 2 of 13 June 2014—May 2015 • The Ministry of Telecommunications increased internet bandwidth and decreased prices for Lebanese users, although internet speeds remain low compared to neighboring countries (see Availability and Ease of Access). • Dozens of websites remained blocked over the past year, mainly for content related to escort services, Israel, gambling, or alleged child pornography (see Blocking and Filtering). • The Cybercrimes Bureau continued to harass activists and journalists for their social media activity. In one case, security forces misled Karim Hawwa into entering the bureau and subsequently detained him for four days for sharing a political article (see Prosecutions and Detentions for Online Activities). • Several news agencies and government municipalities had their websites hacked, with assailants threatening to delete historical archives (see Technical Attacks). Introduction: Conditions for internet freedom in Lebanon remained somewhat static over the past year, with minor improvements in infrastructure and a decrease in violence against internet users. Disagreements among Lebanon’s political and sectarian groups about the handling of the Syrian crisis have led to an increase in hate speech on social media.
    [Show full text]
  • The Reconstruction of Downtown Beirut in Post-Civil War Lebanon
    LONDON SCHOOL OF ECONOMICS AND POLITICAL SCIENCE Actually Existing Neoliberalism: The reconstruction of Downtown Beirut in post-civil war Lebanon Hadi Makarem A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations London, September 2014 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without prior written consent of the author. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was proofread for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Grove Proofreading & Editorial Services. 2 Abstract This thesis assesses neoliberal urban developments in post-civil war Lebanon. It does so by focusing on the reconstruction of Downtown Beirut, which contributed towards: firstly, increasing a public debt that was burdening the country at the time; and secondly, reproducing sectarian divisions in Lebanese politics and society. To explain this outcome, this thesis analyses the policies of specific agents who were involved in, and in control of, the reconstruction process.
    [Show full text]