The Science of Society
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Markets Not Capitalism Explores the Gap Between Radically Freed Markets and the Capitalist-Controlled Markets That Prevail Today
individualist anarchism against bosses, inequality, corporate power, and structural poverty Edited by Gary Chartier & Charles W. Johnson Individualist anarchists believe in mutual exchange, not economic privilege. They believe in freed markets, not capitalism. They defend a distinctive response to the challenges of ending global capitalism and achieving social justice: eliminate the political privileges that prop up capitalists. Massive concentrations of wealth, rigid economic hierarchies, and unsustainable modes of production are not the results of the market form, but of markets deformed and rigged by a network of state-secured controls and privileges to the business class. Markets Not Capitalism explores the gap between radically freed markets and the capitalist-controlled markets that prevail today. It explains how liberating market exchange from state capitalist privilege can abolish structural poverty, help working people take control over the conditions of their labor, and redistribute wealth and social power. Featuring discussions of socialism, capitalism, markets, ownership, labor struggle, grassroots privatization, intellectual property, health care, racism, sexism, and environmental issues, this unique collection brings together classic essays by Cleyre, and such contemporary innovators as Kevin Carson and Roderick Long. It introduces an eye-opening approach to radical social thought, rooted equally in libertarian socialism and market anarchism. “We on the left need a good shake to get us thinking, and these arguments for market anarchism do the job in lively and thoughtful fashion.” – Alexander Cockburn, editor and publisher, Counterpunch “Anarchy is not chaos; nor is it violence. This rich and provocative gathering of essays by anarchists past and present imagines society unburdened by state, markets un-warped by capitalism. -
ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN INTERVENTIONS in DEMOCRATIC THEORY by BRIAN CARL BERNHARDT B.A., James Madison University, 2005 M.A., University of Colorado at Boulder, 2010
BEYOND THE DEMOCRATIC STATE: ANTI-AUTHORITARIAN INTERVENTIONS IN DEMOCRATIC THEORY by BRIAN CARL BERNHARDT B.A., James Madison University, 2005 M.A., University of Colorado at Boulder, 2010 A thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Colorado in partial fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Political Science 2014 This thesis entitled: Beyond the Democratic State: Anti-Authoritarian Interventions in Democratic Theory written by Brian Carl Bernhardt has been approved for the Department of Political Science Steven Vanderheiden, Chair Michaele Ferguson David Mapel James Martel Alison Jaggar Date The final copy of this thesis has been examined by the signatories, and we Find that both the content and the form meet acceptable presentation standards Of scholarly work in the above mentioned discipline. Bernhardt, Brian Carl (Ph.D., Political Science) Beyond the Democratic State: Anti-Authoritarian Interventions in Democratic Theory Thesis directed by Associate Professor Steven Vanderheiden Though democracy has achieved widespread global popularity, its meaning has become increasingly vacuous and citizen confidence in democratic governments continues to erode. I respond to this tension by articulating a vision of democracy inspired by anti-authoritarian theory and social movement practice. By anti-authoritarian, I mean a commitment to individual liberty, a skepticism toward centralized power, and a belief in the capacity of self-organization. This dissertation fosters a conversation between an anti-authoritarian perspective and democratic theory: What would an account of democracy that begins from these three commitments look like? In the first two chapters, I develop an anti-authoritarian account of freedom and power. -
Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse
John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University Faculty Research Working Papers Series Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism Mathias Risse Nov 2003 RWP03-044 The views expressed in the KSG Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or Harvard University. All works posted here are owned and copyrighted by the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. Can There be “Libertarianism without Inequality”? Some Worries About the Coherence of Left-Libertarianism1 Mathias Risse John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University October 25, 2003 1. Left-libertarianism is not a new star on the sky of political philosophy, but it was through the recent publication of Peter Vallentyne and Hillel Steiner’s anthologies that it became clearly visible as a contemporary movement with distinct historical roots. “Left- libertarian theories of justice,” says Vallentyne, “hold that agents are full self-owners and that natural resources are owned in some egalitarian manner. Unlike most versions of egalitarianism, left-libertarianism endorses full self-ownership, and thus places specific limits on what others may do to one’s person without one’s permission. Unlike right- libertarianism, it holds that natural resources may be privately appropriated only with the permission of, or with a significant payment to, the members of society. Like right- libertarianism, left-libertarianism holds that the basic rights of individuals are ownership rights. Left-libertarianism is promising because it coherently underwrites both some demands of material equality and some limits on the permissible means of promoting this equality” (Vallentyne and Steiner (2000a), p 1; emphasis added). -
Quong-Left-Libertarianism.Pdf
The Journal of Political Philosophy: Volume 19, Number 1, 2011, pp. 64–89 Symposium: Ownership and Self-ownership Left-Libertarianism: Rawlsian Not Luck Egalitarian Jonathan Quong Politics, University of Manchester HAT should a theory of justice look like? Any successful answer to this Wquestion must find a way of incorporating and reconciling two moral ideas. The first is a particular conception of individual freedom: because we are agents with plans and projects, we should be accorded a sphere of liberty to protect us from being used as mere means for others’ ends. The second moral idea is that of equality: we are moral equals and as such justice requires either that we receive equal shares of something—of whatever it is that should be used as the metric of distributive justice—or else requires that unequal distributions can be justified in a manner that is consistent with the moral equality of persons. These twin ideas—liberty and equality—are things which no sound conception of justice can properly ignore. Thus, like most political philosophers, I take it as given that the correct conception of justice will be some form of liberal egalitarianism. A deep and difficult challenge for all liberal egalitarians is to determine how the twin values of freedom and equality can be reconciled within a single theory of distributive justice. Of the many attempts to achieve this reconciliation, left-libertarianism is one of the most attractive and compelling. By combining the libertarian commitment to full (or nearly full) self-ownership with an egalitarian principle for the ownership of natural resources, left- libertarians offer an account of justice that appears firmly committed both to individual liberty, and to an egalitarian view of how opportunities or advantages must be distributed. -
'Where We Would Extend the Moral
‘WHERE WE WOULD EXTEND THE MORAL POWER OF OUR CIVILIZATION’: AMERICAN CULTURAL AND POLITICAL FOREIGN RELATIONS WITH CHINA, 1843-1856 A dissertation submitted to Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Mathew T. Brundage December 2015 © Copyright All rights reserved Except for previously published materials Dissertation written by Mathew T. Brundage B.A., Capital University, 2005 M.A., Kent State University, 2007 Ph.D., Kent State University, 2015 Approved by ________________________________ Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Mary Ann Heiss, Ph.D. ________________________________ Kevin Adams, Ph.D. ________________________________ Gang Zhao, Ph.D. ________________________________ James Tyner, Ph.D. Accepted by ________________________________ Chair, Department of History Kenneth Bindas, Ph.D. ________________________________ Dean, College of Arts and Sciences James L. Blank, Ph.D. TABLE OF CONTENTS………………………………………………….. iii LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………... iv PREFACE ………………………………………………………………... vi ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS……………………………………………….. vii INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………… 1 CHAPTERS I. Chapter 1: China as Mystery ……………………………… 30 II. Chapter 2: China as Opportunity ..………………………… 84 III. Chapter 3: China as a Flawed Empire………………………146 IV. Chapter 4: China as a Threat ………………………………. 217 V. Chapter 5: Redefining “Success” in the Sino-American Relationship ……………………………………………….. 274 CONCLUSION…………………………………………………………….. 317 APPENDIX………………………………………………………………… 323 BIBLIOGRAPHY…………………………………………………………. -
John Hughes May Be Onto Something: Anti-Authoritarianism in Education, Film and Policy James Michael Iddins Valparaiso University
Commentary John Hughes May Be onto Something: Anti-Authoritarianism in Education, Film and Policy James Michael Iddins Valparaiso University In this article, I use two popular anti-authoritarian films to explore often-overlooked options for the education reform debate and general issues related to educational public policy. Bringing in sources from many disciplines, including anthropology, sociology, and economics, I argue for a second look at the issues revealed in the films and action on our part toward creating a more sustainable educational and economic reality. I contend that if we take into account our historical context, we come to a much different conclusion regarding these issues than we might have otherwise. We are faced with the paradoxical fact that education has become one of the chief obstacles to intelligence and freedom of thought. – Bertrand Russell The centerpiece on the main set in John Hughes’ The Breakfast Club (1985) is a female statue with no head and no arms … Lady Liberty with all her faculties and means for human action removed. This statue stands in the middle of the library and seems to be a symbol for the current public education system and its ineffectiveness. This sentiment is also clearly present in a later Hughes film, Ferris Bueller’s Day Off (1986). Here, Ferris works the system to buy an exciting day in Chicago for him and his friends, as opposed to sitting through another bland round of classes. Though made primarily as entertainment, I believe what Hughes employs are “cultural myths, or modern-day folktales” (Bulman, 2005: 162). He utilizes these to argue that the public “education” system, as well as the popular notion of authority, is corrupt at its core and that rebellion or anti-authoritarianism is a necessary first step to securing opportunities for intelligence and free thought. -
Market Anarchism As Constitutionalism Roderick T
Chapter 9 Market Anarchism as Constitutionalism Roderick T. Long A legal system is any institution or set of institutions in a given society that provides dispute resolution in a systematic and reasonably predictable way. It does so through the exercise of three functions: the judicial, the legislative, and the executive. The judicial function, the adjudication of disputes, is the core of any legal system; the other two are ancillary to this. The legislative function is to determine the rules that will govern the process of adjudication (this function may be merged with the judicial function, as when case law arises through precedents, or it may be exercised separately), while the executive function is to secure submission (through a variety of means, which may or may not include violence) to the adjudicative process and compliance with its verdicts. A government or state (for present purposes I shall use these terms interchangeably) is any organisation that claims, and in large part achieves, a forcibly maintained monopoly, within a given geographical territory, of these legal functions, and in particular of the use of force in the executive function. Now the market anarchist objection to government is simply a logical extension of the standard libertarian objection to coercive monopolies in general.1 First, from a moral point of view, among people regarded as equals2 it cannot be legitimate for some to claim a certain line of work as their own privileged preserve from which others are to be forcibly excluded; we no longer believe in the divine right of kings, and on no other basis could such inequality of rights be justified. -
Anarchism, Individualism and Communism: William Morris's Critique of Anarcho-Communism
Loughborough University Institutional Repository Anarchism, individualism and communism: William Morris's critique of anarcho-communism This item was submitted to Loughborough University's Institutional Repository by the/an author. Citation: KINNA, R., 2012. Anarchism, individualism and communism: William Morris's critique of anarcho-communism. IN: Prichard, A. ... et al (eds). Liber- tarian Socialism: Politics in Black and Red. Houndsmill, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp.35-56. Additional Information: • This is a book chapter. It is reproduced with permission of Palgrave Macmillan. This extract is taken from the author's original manuscript and has not been edited. The definitive, published, version of record is available here: www.palgrave.com Metadata Record: https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/12730 Version: Accepted for publication Publisher: Palgrave MacMillan ( c Alex Prichard, Ruth Kinna, Saku Pinta and Dave Berry) Please cite the published version. This item was submitted to Loughborough’s Institutional Repository (https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/) by the author and is made available under the following Creative Commons Licence conditions. For the full text of this licence, please go to: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/2.5/ 3 Anarchism, Individualism and Communism: William Morris’s Critique of Anarcho- communism Ruth Kinna Introduction William Morris’s commitment to revolutionary socialism is now well established, but the nature of his politics, specifically his relationship to Marxism and anarchist thought, is still contested. Perhaps, as Mark Bevir has argued, the ideological label pinned to Morris’s socialism is of ‘little importance’ for as long as his political thought is described adequately. Nevertheless, the starting point for this essay is that thinking about the application of ideological descriptors is a useful exercise and one which sheds important light on Morris’s socialism and the process of ideological formation in the late nineteenth-century socialist movement. -
<I>The Debates of Liberty: an Overview of Individualist Anarchism
bass.qxp 8/19/2005 1:00 PM Page 99 JOURNAL OF LIBERTARIAN STUDIES S JL VOLUME 19, NO. 3 (SUMMER 2005): 99–102 BOOK REVIEWS The Debates of Liberty: An Overview of Individualist Anarchism, 1881–1908. By Wendy McElroy. Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 2002. THERE WAS A PERIOD in the latter nineteenth century when a distinc- tively American kind of radicalism flourished, a time when key thinkers could be called, and called themselves, individualists, liber- tarians, anarchists, and socialists all at once. As individualists and libertarians, they were concerned to achieve a maximum of freedom for each individual. As anarchists, they saw the institution of the state as the principal danger and the principal source of remediable evil in human affairs. As socialists, they shared a labor theory of value and opposition to rent, interest, and monopoly, all of which were conceived as having their roots in state-sponsored and enforced aggression, and shared with other socialists a passion for social reform to bring about a better society. A central figure was Benjamin Tucker who, through his periodical, Liberty, helped to make a self- conscious social movement of individuals influenced by thinkers like Josiah Warren, Pierre Proudhon and Lysander Spooner, gave it voice and contributed to shaping it. It would be far from the truth, however, to suppose that these individualists all managed to agree on the major social and intellec- tual issues that confronted them. A range of issues, political, cultural, and theoretical, were hotly debated, and Liberty provided an outlet and forum in which the debates could be conducted. -
BENJAMIN R. TUCKER: ANARCHISM, TYRANNY, and DESPAIR in His
CHAPTER ONE BENJAMIN R. TUCKER: ANARCHISM, TYRANNY, AND DESPAIR In his unpublished autobiography, penned in his final resting place of Monaco, Benjamin R. Tucker (2008) concluded, “My life, though far from unhappy, is packed with incident, and has been one long flouting of the moral law.” It is certainly a unique story. He was born in a snowstorm in 1854 in South Dartmouth, in southern Massachusetts, and educated at the nearby Friends’ Academy, an institution to which he (2008) refers as “the crack school of New Bedford,” and later at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT), having resisted his parents’ desire for him to attend Harvard, where many Friends’ Academy graduates continued their stud- ies. He spent three years at MIT, enjoying its promise of access to scientific knowledge as well as the metropolitan location in Boston, but did not graduate (McElroy 2003, 2; Reichert 1976, 141–142; Tucker 2008). His uncle, Charles Almy, an abolitionist, was the presiding officer of the New Bedford Lyceum, and so, in his youth, Tucker attended speeches that were given at that auditorium by a number of radical thinkers such as Ralph Waldo Emerson and anti-slavery leaders who included Frederick Douglass, William Lloyd Garrison, and Wendell Phillips. Tucker’s interest in anarchism escalated after an unplanned meeting with Josiah Warren at the 1872 Boston convention of the New England Labor Reform League (Madison 1943, 444, 452; McElroy 2003, 2; Tucker 2008). Ghio (1903, 47) notes that this encounter with American Anarchism’s first prominent thinker led immediately to “une affection profonde et filiale” [a deep filial fondness] on the part of Tucker. -
Anarchist Social Science : Its Origins and Development
University of Massachusetts Amherst ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 1974 Anarchist social science : its origins and development. Rochelle Ann Potak University of Massachusetts Amherst Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses Potak, Rochelle Ann, "Anarchist social science : its origins and development." (1974). Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014. 2504. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.umass.edu/theses/2504 This thesis is brought to you for free and open access by ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. It has been accepted for inclusion in Masters Theses 1911 - February 2014 by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@UMass Amherst. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ANARCHIST SOCIAL SCIENCE: ITS ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT A Thesis Presented By ROCHELLE ANN POTAK Submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Massachusetts in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the den:ree of MASTER OF ARTS December 1974 Political Science ANARCHIST SOCIAL SCIENCE: ITS ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENT A Thesis By ROCHELLE AliN POTAK Approved as to style and content by: Guenther Lewy, Chairman of Committee Dean Albertson, Member — Glen Gordon, Chairman Department of Political Science December 197^ Affectionately dedicated to my friends Men have sought for aees to discover the science of govern- ment; and lo l here it is, that men cease totally to attempt to govern each other at allJ that they learn to know the consequences of their OT-m acts, and that they arrange their relations with each other upon such a basis of science that the disagreeable consequences shall be assumed by the agent himself. Stephen Pearl Andrews V PREFACE The primary purpose of this thesis is to examine anarchist thought from a new perspective. -
Introduction
introduction he early- and mid-nineteenth-century United States produced a T bewildering variety of individualists, in the sense of people who advocated the primacy of the human individual politically and of the particular thing metaphysically, and in the sense of seriously idiosyn- cratic persons who followed their own odd genius wherever it dragged them. It was, in many ways, a religious revival, but it soon sacrificed God on the altar of nonconformity. It produced undoubted geniuses of the caliber of Emerson, Fuller, Thoreau, Melville, Whit- man, and Hawthorne. It produced social reformers as pure and in- tense as any that the world has known—such as William Lloyd Garrison, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and Captain John Brown. And it produced utopians who thought they could found a new social order—including Adin Ballou, John Humphrey Noyes, Amos Bron- son Alcott, and Josiah Warren. Like almost all of these astonishing and exasperating people, Josiah Warren hailed from New England. Like Garrison (and Ben Franklin, { 1 } 2 introduction Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, and Albert Parsons) he was a printer. Like John Brown he was a revolutionist, though Brown was violent and Warren, by his own declaration, peaceful. Like Emerson and Whit- man, he sang, or in his case lectured, about free individuality and connected it to an understanding of the universe. Like Thoreau he loved simplicity and skill, and displayed them prodigiously as quali- ties of character and thought throughout his life. And like Ballou— and the rest of these people at one time or another—he loathed the state and took steps to fashion a life without it.