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The Quest for Democracy: Intellectuals and the State in Contemporary China

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The Quest for Democracy: Intellectuals and the State in Contemporary China THE QUEST FOR DEMOCRACY: INTELLECTUALS AND THE STATE IN CONTEMPORARY CHINA Thesis submitted to University of London for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by KA HO MOK at The London School of Economics and Political Science University of London 1994 UMI Number: U074615 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Disscrrlation Publishing UMI U074615 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 ABSTRACT The world was shaken by the June Fourth Massacre which erupted in China in 1989. It is abundantly clear that the cause of the pro-democracy movement with widespread support from different walks of life lies primarily in the despotic rule of state socialism. The present study observes that most people who supported the student demonstrations in 1989 did so because they considered what the students demanded was consistent with their wishes. Feeling discontented with the intense social problems in China, many people thus offered their support to the student movement. Despite the tragic nature of the massacre, the significance of the incident is a deeper "awakening" among Chinese intellectuals. After the massacre, many Chinese intellectuals have become more conscious of their independence, considering professional autonomy as fundamental right to intellectual life. Rethinking their social role, they strove to restructure a new relationship with the state. Some of them go along the path of working outside the state apparatus and some even step on the way of "anti­ establishment". The present study first establishes a framework for examining sociologically how ideas are formed with particular reference to the examination of Chinese intellectuals' conceptualization of democracy. The basis for this framework is K. Mannheim's sociology of knowledge, together with A. Gramsci's sociology of intellectuals and P. Bourdieu's notion of intellectual field. Deriving the insights from these scholars we hope to establish a more coherent conceptual framework for the analysis of intellectual production. With this framework in hand, the next step was to determine a reasonable approach to the examination of the ideological formation of Chinese intellectuals. The source of information for the study came from the first-hand intensive interviews with the selected intellectuals. Besides, the present study also scrutinizes the works of these intellectuals whose works have spanned the years especially from the May Fourth Movement (1919) to the June Fourth Incident (1989). Their perceptions of democracy, freedom and human rights provide vital clues for determining the complete picture of the evolution on the idea of democracy in contemporary China. No one intellectual has managed to suggest what democracy is, but using the theoretical framework and examining the interviews, writings and speeches of these intellectuals over a period of several years have allowed this researcher to develop a systematic and a more integrated view of democracy as formulated by Chinese intellectuals. In the process of analyzing the ideological production of Chinese intellectuals, this writer has also discovered the emergence of new and different relationships which have developed between Chinese intellectuals and the state. At the same time as they have become more independent, the nature of their critique has changed. In the past Chinese intellectuals criticized only the corruption of government and never the system of government itself. But post-Mao intellectuals have thrown off the fetters of their predecessors and turned their attacks on the system of their repressive Communist regime. Those who, in an earlier era, were fiercely loyal to the Communist ideals now speak only of the myth of a Communist utopia. Their criticism of the crises in China and their critique of state socialism reveal not only their scepticism of socialist praxis but also their wishes to make China more democratic. One point which deserves special attention is that the present research finds that the sixth generation of intellectuals has become more conscious about their independent role, rethinking a new relationship with the state and they have distinguished themselves from the establishment. The most significant finding of the present research is the fact that the ideological formation is greatly affected by the social location, the educational orientation and generational location of intellectuals. More importantly, a deeper understanding of how Chinese intellectuals conceive the ideas of democracy is significantly determined by the particular socio-historical and socio-cultural contexts in which the ideas are formed. The present study also observes that intellectual radicalism is greatly constrained by the socio­ economic and political opportunities that intellectuals have access. With different social locations and socio-economic-political opportunities to which intellectuals access, they may adopt different strategies in coping with the state. After the June Fourth massacre, many Chinese intellectuals with critical thinking were forced to exile overseas. The writer also finds that these exiled intellectuals have deeper reflection of democracy and also their relationship with the state especially when their socio-political circumstances have changed. Adding these observations together, it is highly indicative to us that Chinese intellectuals have struggled for a more autonomous social position and endeavored to have a new relationship with the state. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In the course of research on a problem one accumulates debts of many kinds. I am grateful to acknowledge some of them here. The Department of Sociology of the London School of Economics and Political Science has provided me with abundant resources which greatly facilitates this study. My thank must be given to the University of London for granting me Central Research Fund to conduct field work in the United States. In addition, without the supporting resources from the library of the School of Oriental and African Studies and the City Polytechnic of Hong Kong, the present study should have confronted far more difficulties. I wish to express my thank to Prof. Tony Saich and Dr. Frank Pieke for their warm reception when I was visiting the Royal Institute of Social History and the Institute of Sinology at Leiden, Holland. Without the special arrangement made by them, it was difficult to access to the relevant materials concerning the 1989 Tiananmen Square Incident collected there. I would also like to express my gratitude to Dr. H.K. Wong, Head of the Department of Public and Social Administration, City Polytechnic of Hong Kong, for his support especially giving me all necessary facilities to complete this study. I am particularly grateful to my supervisor. Dr. L.A. Sklair for his support and teaching. Throughout the whole undertaking my excellent supervisor, Dr. Sklair fortified me with his unique blend of warm encouragement and penetrating criticism. He helped me develop the conceptual framework and stimulated me to think through the topic in a more profound way. His ideas really broadened my scope of analysis. He read through the entire manuscript and brought to the surface some implicit theses that I have tried to make explicit. His thoughtful review of my several drafts and the penultimate version has really streamlined the arguments and made the work more concise. With his comments, I have been saved from some foolish mistakes. His generosity in asking me questions in his speciality has been a treasured reward. Without his help and encouragement, the present study could hardly have been finished. I am particularly thankful for his support and teaching, especially his patience in checking my work thoroughly. It is under his unique way of teaching that I am enable to finish this thesis. I wish to thank many unnamed Chinese friends and scholars for freely sharing their experiences and views. Some of them deserve special recognition for their thoughtful comments and opinions on the present subject. Without the sincere help from Prof. Fang Lizhi, Prof. Chen Yizhi, Prof. Yan Jiaqi, Mr. Ran Runnan, Mr. Su Xiaokang, Mr. Liu Binyan, Mr. Su Wei, Mr. Sun Xiaobin, Mr. Kong Jisheng and Ms. Linda Lui, I am afraid that this study would have taken longer period to finish. Getting the chance to interview the fore­ going named Chinese intellectuals is a fruitful experience to me, rendering me with a continual source of intellectual inspiration. I also wish to express great appreciation to Dr. Alan Swingewood especially for his support and encouragement at the beginning phrase of this study. His insights and advice are extremely useful to me when I was working for the theoretical framework. His sincerity and eagerness in discussing some methodological and theoretical matters concerning this study is particularly useful to me. I have drawn often and successfully on his intelligence and resourcefulness to deepen my thinking on the present topic. Special thanks must give to Dr. Feuchtwang, Reader of Sociology of City
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