THE DRONE and the DOVE: FIGHTING AL-QA'ida WHILE NEGOTIATING PEACE in YEMEN by SHASHANK S. CHAUHAN a THESIS
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A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of The
BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Conflict Resolution By Min Jung Kim, B.A. Washington, DC May 1, 2009 I owe my most sincere gratitude to my thesis advisor Kevin Doak, Ph.D. for his guidance and support and to Aviel Roshwald, Ph.D. and Tristan Mabry, Ph.D. for detailed and constructive comments. Min Jung Kim ii BECOMING ONE: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF NATIONAL UNIFICATION IN VIETNAM, YEMEN AND GERMANY Min Jung Kim, B.A. Thesis Advisor: Kevin M. Doak, Ph.D. ABSTRACT The purpose of this research is to understand the dynamic processes of modern national unification cases in Vietnam (1976), Yemen (1990) and Germany (1990) in a qualitative manner within the framework of Amitai Etizoni’s political integration theory. There has been little use of this theory in cases of inter-state unification despite its apparent applicability. This study assesses different factors (military force, utilitarian and identitive factors) that influence unification in order to understand which were most supportive of unification and which resulted in a consolidation unification in the early to intermediate stages. In order to answer the above questions, the thesis uses the level of integration as a dependent variable and the various methods of unification as independent variables. The dependent variables are measured as follows: whether unified states were able to protect its territory from potential violence and secessions and to what extent alienation emerged amongst its members. -
Parker T. Hart Interviewer: Dennis J
Parker T. Hart Oral History Interview – JFK#3, 06/10/1970 Administrative Information Creator: Parker T. Hart Interviewer: Dennis J. O’Brien Date of Interview: June 10, 1970 Place of Interview: Washington, D.C. Length: 15 pages Biographical Note Hart was a member of the U.S. Foreign Service, 1938–1949; the U.S. Consul General in Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, 1949–1951; Director of the Office of Near East Affairs, 1952– 1955; Deputy Chief of Mission at the U.S. Embassy in Cairo, Egypt, 1955–1958; the U.S. Consul General in Damascus, Syria, 1958; Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs, 1958–1960; the U.S. Ambassador to North Yemen (1961–1962), Kuwait (1962–1963), Saudi Arabia (1961–1965), and Turkey (1965–1968); and the Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs, 1968– 1969. In this interview Hart discusses Ellsworth Bunker’s mission in Saudi Arabia; meetings between Bunker and Prime Minister Faisal; Faisal’s distrust of Gamal Abdel Nasser and Egyptian inaction in regards to the agreement reached with Bunker; difficulties with the U.S. Department of Defense over the agreement to train Saudi pilots and use American military equipment; major problems in the Middle East, 1957–1967; communications between John F. Kennedy [JFK] and Faisal; and Saudi reactions to JFK’s death and to Lyndon B. Johnson becoming President, among other issues. Access Open. Usage Restrictions According to the deed of gift signed October 14, 1980, copyright of these materials has been assigned to the United States Government. -
Soft Power and Cross-Border Mobility in the Middle East
IPS0010.1177/0192512118759902International Political Science ReviewTsourapas 759902research-article2018 Article International Political Science Review 2018, Vol. 39(3) 400 –416 Authoritarian emigration states: © The Author(s) 2018 Reprints and permissions: Soft power and cross-border sagepub.co.uk/journalsPermissions.nav https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512118759902DOI: 10.1177/0192512118759902 mobility in the Middle East journals.sagepub.com/home/ips Gerasimos Tsourapas University of Birmingham, UK Abstract Can labor emigration form part of a state’s foreign policy goals? The relevant literature links emigration to states’ developmental needs, which does not explain why some states choose to economically subsidize their citizens’ emigration. This article explores for the first time the soft power importance of high-skilled emigration from authoritarian emigration states. It finds that the Egyptian state under Gamal Abdel Nasser employed labor emigration for two distinct purposes linked to broader soft power interests: first, as an instrument of cultural diplomacy to spread revolutionary ideals of Arab unity and anti-imperialism across the Middle East; second, as a tool for disseminating development aid, particularly in Yemen and sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on Arabic and non-Arabic primary sources, the article identifies the interplay between foreign policy and cross-border mobility, while also sketching an evolving research agenda on authoritarian emigration states’ policy-making. Keywords Soft power, diasporas, Egypt, Middle East, authoritarianism, migration, case study, Arab–Israeli conflict Introduction Can labor emigration serve a state’s foreign policy goals? In particular, how do authoritarian states use labor emigration in their foreign policy-making? The emerging academic literature on the poli- tics of international migration has yet to fully explore this phenomenon as a separate field of inquiry. -
Eastward Drift of Arabs and Iranians
Schwanitz Report Review Article 30 September 2015, 1-9 Updated Webversion 9-2015 Eastward Drift of Arabs and Iranians Ferris on Soviet Arabs, American Arabs, and Islamists in the Cold War It should have taken five weeks, but it lasted five years. Yet, Abd an-Nasir's intervention in Arabia's North Yemen—the South of which was in British hands, and securing access to the Sues Canal played a major role in all considerations—didn't come out of the blue. In his first book, Jesse Ferris wants to show how Egyptian troops in Yemen became a part of president Abd an-Nasir's defeat by Israel in the war of June 1967. He uncovers how the interven- tion accelerated the demise of Nasirism. Most recently, all of this became popular in Cairo again. A civilian-military axis deposed the "Muslim Brotherhood's president," Muhammad Mursi, in the 2013 "coupvolt," a merger of coup d'état and revolt. The new "1/3 Sues Canal" was finished a year later. And the Egyptians debated sending troops to Yemen to help the Sunni Saudi coalition, and Cairo guards with its navy ships the Bab al-Mandab to stop Shia Iranian deliveries of weapons in the battles against the al-Huthis. Suez Canal Authority Press Ismailia In this light the author, who works at the Israel Democracy Institute of Jerusalem, wrote a highly topical book. I will name the chapters, discuss the key thesis and add notes, also on basic German insights which may lead to a more global view on the research and methods. -
The Two Yemens
1390_A24-A34 11/4/08 5:14 PM Page 543 330-383/B428-S/40005 The Two Yemens 171. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen1 Washington, February 27, 1969, 1710Z. 30762. Subj: US–PRSY Relations. 1. PRSY UN Perm Rep Nu’man,2 who currently in Washington as PRSYG observer at INTELSAT Conference, had frank but cordial talk with ARP Country Director Brewer February 26. 2. In analyzing causes existing coolness in USG–PRSYG relations, Ambassador Nu’man claimed USG failure offer substantial aid at time of independence and subsequent seizure of American arms with clasped hands insignia3 in possession of anti-PRSYG dissidents had led Aden to “natural” conclusion that USG distrusts PRSYG. He specu- lated this due to close US relationship with Saudis whom Nu’man al- leged, somewhat vaguely, had privately conveyed threats to overthrow NLF regime, claiming USG support. Nu’man asserted PRSYG desired good relations with USG and hoped USG would reciprocate. 3. Recalling history of USG attempts to develop good relations with PRSYG, Brewer underlined our feeling it was PRSYG which had not re- ciprocated. He reviewed our position re non-interference PRSY internal affairs, regretting publicity anti-USG charges (e.g. re arms) without first seeking our explanation. Brewer noted USG seeks maintain friendly relations with Saudi Arabia as well as PRSYG but we not responsible for foreign policy of either. 4. Nu’man reiterated SAG responsible poor state Saudi-PRSY con- tacts. Brewer demurred, noting SAG had good reasons be concerned over hostile attitude PRSYG leaders. -
The Regional Geopolitics of Saudi-Yemeni Relations
1 MORE THAN JUST A BOUNDARY DISPUTE: THE REGIONAL GEOPOLITICS OF SAUDI-YEMENI RELATIONS Fadhl Al-Maghafi Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD 2012 Faculty of Law and Social Science School of Oriental and African Studies University of London Figures (Vol. 2/3) 1 Table of Figures 2 Table of Figures Figures ........................................................................................................ ............................................ Table of Figures ......................................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. Congratulating President Saleh on his return from Jeddah .......................................................... 5 1.1.1. Taḥrir Square, Sana’a ............................................................................................................ 6 .............................................................................................................................................................. 6 1.1.2. The General Public Party Area (GPC) .................................................................................... 7 1.1.3. Chamber of Commerce Area, Sana’a .................................................................................. 8 1.2. A map showing the position of the Arabian Peninsula in the global network of trade routes in the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries .................................................................................................... 9 1.3. Arabia in Early Maps -
Conflict and the Identification of the Least Developed Countries: Theoretical and Statistical Considerations
Department of Economic & Social Affairs CDP Background Paper No. 13 ST/ESA/2012/CDP/13 February 2012 Conflict and the identification of the Least Developed Countries: Theoretical and statistical considerations Ana Luiza Cortez and Namsuk Kim* BACKGROUND This paper reviews conflict as one of potential factors that could be incorporated in the identification of least developed countries (LDCs). It is not clear whether conflict can be considered as a structurally predetermined handicap as those identified in LDC criteria. More importantly, even if countries may be caught in a conflict trap, adding conflict indicators to the LDC criteria does not provide additional insights to enhance our understanding of the category . And adding conflict indicators is unlikely to introduce changes in country clas- sification. Many of the factors associated with conflict are already incorporated in the indica- tors used to identify LDCs, and, therefore, the inclusion of an explicit conflict indicator – to capture the risk of falling into conflict given conflict in the past – in the LDC criteria would not affect the composition list of LDCs. JEL Classification:O19, D74, F35 Keywords: Conflict, Least Developed Countries, Country classification * Ana Luiza Cortez is Chief, and Namsuk Kim is an Economic Affairs Officer at the Committee for Development Policy Secre- tariat, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, United Nations Headquarters, New York. The views and opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the United Nations Secretariat. The designations and terminology employed may not conform to United Nations practice and do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Organization. -
Yemen As an Ottoman Frontier and Attempt to Build a Native Army: Asakir-I Hamidiye
YEMEN AS AN OTTOMAN FRONTIER AND ATTEMPT TO BUILD A NATIVE ARMY: ASAKİR-İ HAMİDİYE by ÖNDER EREN AKGÜL Submitted to the Graduate School of Sabancı University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History Sabancı University July 2014 YEMEN AS AN OTTOMAN FRONTIER AND ATTEMPT TO BUILD A NATIVE ARMY: ASAKİR-İ HAMİDİYE APPROVED BY: Selçuk Akşin Somel …………………………. (Thesis Supervisor) Yusuf Hakan Erdem …………………………. Bahri Yılmaz …………………………. DATE OF APPROVAL: 25.07.2014 © Önder Eren Akgül 2014 All Rights Reserved YEMEN AS AN OTTOMAN FRONTIER AND ATTEMPT TO BUILD A NATIVE ARMY: ASAKİR-İ HAMİDİYE Önder Eren Akgül History, MA, 2014 Supervisor: Selçuk Akşin Somel Keywords: Colonialism, Imperialism, Native army, Ottoman frontiers, Ottoman imperialism ABSTRACT This thesis is a study of the Ottoman attempts to control its frontiers and the frontier populations by basing upon the experience of the native army (Asakir-i Hamidiye) organized by Ismail Hakkı Pasha, who was a governor of Yemen province, between 1800 and 1882. This thesis positions Yemen into the context of the literature produced for the frontier regions; and tries to investigate the dynamics of the institutions and practices pursued in Yemen that differentiated from the financial, military and judicial institutions of the Tanzimat-era. This thesis puts forth that the Ottoman Empire was not a passive audience of imperial competitions of the nineteenth century, but engaged into the imperial struggles by undertaking aggressive measures with an imperialist mind and strategy. Herein, with the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, the Ottoman ruling elites detected the Red Sea as a strategic region too. -
Flying Together - Volume 6 Yemen: the Happy Land M.M.Ninan
FLYING TOGETHER - VOLUME 6 YEMEN: THE HAPPY LAND M.M.NINAN San Jose, CA, 94123 2015 FLYING TOGETHER - VOLUME 6 YEMEN: THE HAPPY LAND M.M.NINAN CONTENTS I HISTORY OF YEMEN 1 II THOMAS CHRISTIANITY IN YEMEN AND NAJRAN MASSACRE 12 III THE LAND OF YEMEN 22 IV RELIGION IN YEMEN 35 V KHAT CHEWING IN YEMEN 41 VI THE UNIVERSITY OF SANA’A 45 VII INTERNATIONAL CHRISTIAN FELLOWSHIP OF YEMEN AND THE MALAYALEE HOUSE FELLOWSHIP 51 VIII MOTHER TERESA OF CALCUTTA 55 IX JIBLA HOSPITAL 58 X SANA'A ART FESTIVAL 60 XI INDIAN/MALAYALEE ASSOCIATION 62 Xii AT HOME 66 XIII KODAIKANAL INTERNATIONAL SCHOOL 75 XIV BANGALORE 81 XV THE FINAL CONFLICT 90 Bab al Yemen - The Door of Yemen FLYING TOGETHER - YEMEN: THE HAPPY LAND M.M.NINAN I HISTORY OF YEMEN This was the Arabia Felix ("happy land") of the classical geographers, a region, its inhabitants boasted, "the very dust of which was gold, and whose men were the healthiest, and whose women gave birth without pain." 1 FLYING TOGETHER - YEMEN: THE HAPPY LAND M.M.NINAN Yemen Origins Yemenies were not really Arabs in the sense that they are descendants of Ismael. They are Semites but not the children of Abraham. They descent from Jokthan another son of Shem.Sheba (Saba) was descended from Joktan (Qahtan). Adnan descended from Ismail (one of the twelve sons of Ismail, the son of Abraham) became the father of all the Arabs, . Adnan sired Maad, who had a son called Nizar, both of whose names have been found in the archaeological record as large tribes of central Arabia. -
IN THIS ISSUE: Briefs
VOLUME IX, ISSUE 32 uAUGUST 12, 2011 IN THIS ISSUE: BRIEFS..................................................................................................................................1 SOMALIA’S FAMINE CONTRIBUTES TO POPULAR REVOLT AGAINST AL-SHABAAB MILITANTS By Muhaydin Ahmed Roble ......................................................................................3 INDONESIA’S “GHOST BIRDS” TACKLE ISLAMIST TERRORISTS: A PROFILE OF Armed tribesmen work- DENSUS-88 ing with Yemeni Army By Jacob Zenn .........................................................................................................5 THE BATTLE OF ZINJIBAR: THE TRIBES OF YEMEN’S ABYAN GOVERNORATE JOIN Terrorism Monitor is a publication THE FIGHT AGAINST ISLAMIST MILITANCY of The Jamestown Foundation. By Andrew McGregor ..............................................................................................7 The Terrorism Monitor is designed to be read by policy- makers and other specialists QADDAFI ALLY ROBERT MUGABE CALLS NATO “TERRORISTS,” yet be accessible to the general public. The opinions expressed THREATENS TO EXPROPRIATE WESTERN FIRMS IN ZIMBABWE within are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily Mu’ammar Qaddafi’s policy of using Libya’s oil wealth to build stronger ties reflect those of The Jamestown with sub-Saharan African nations through financial aid, investment and arms Foundation. supplies has resulted in a distinct lack of support in many of these nations for NATO’s military intervention in the Libyan rebellion. Among the most Unauthorized reproduction or vociferous of Qaddafi’s supporters has been the long-time ruler of Zimbabwe, redistribution of this or any Robert Mugabe. Zimbabwe has been frequently mentioned as a possible place Jamestown publication is strictly of exile for the Libyan leader and there were rumors earlier this year that prohibited by law. Zimbabwean troops had been sent to Libya, rumors that gained strength within Zimbabwe after the nation’s defense minister declined to issue a straightforward denial (Zimbabwean, February 25). -
Durham E-Theses
Durham E-Theses Iran, Persian Gulf and Relations with the United States: The Myth of Hegemony (1968-75) RIAZ, ADNAN,SHEIKH How to cite: RIAZ, ADNAN,SHEIKH (2014) Iran, Persian Gulf and Relations with the United States: The Myth of Hegemony (1968-75) , Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/9510/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 Iran, Persian Gulf and Relations with the United States: The Myth of Hegemony (1968-75) Submitted by Mr. Adnan Riaz Sheikh (Doctoral Candidate) School of Government and International Affairs and The Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, Ustinov College, University of Durham. Page 1 of 450 Declaration “This thesis is the result of my own work. Material from the published or unpublished work of others which is used in the thesis is credited to the author in question in the text.” ………………………………………………………….Mr. -
How the Germans Brought Their Communism to Yemen
Miriam M. Müller A Spectre is Haunting Arabia Political Science | Volume 26 This book is dedicated to my parents and grandparents. I wouldn’t be who I am without you. Miriam M. Müller (Joint PhD) received her doctorate jointly from the Free Uni- versity of Berlin, Germany, and the University of Victoria, Canada, in Political Science and International Relations. Specialized in the politics of the Middle East, she focuses on religious and political ideologies, international security, international development and foreign policy. Her current research is occupied with the role of religion, violence and identity in the manifestations of the »Isla- mic State«. Miriam M. Müller A Spectre is Haunting Arabia How the Germans Brought Their Communism to Yemen My thanks go to my supervisors Prof. Dr. Klaus Schroeder, Prof. Dr. Oliver Schmidtke, Prof. Dr. Uwe Puschner, and Prof. Dr. Peter Massing, as well as to my colleagues and friends at the Forschungsverbund SED-Staat, the Center for Global Studies at the University of Victoria, and the Political Science Depart- ment there. This dissertation project has been generously supported by the German Natio- nal Academic Foundation and the Center for Global Studies, Victoria, Canada. A Dissertation Submitted in (Partial) Fulfillment of the Requirements for the- Joint Doctoral Degree (Cotutelle) in the Faculty of Political and Social Sciences ofthe Free University of Berlin, Germany and the Department of Political Scien- ceof the University of Victoria, Canada in October 2014. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommer- cial-NoDerivs 4.0 (BY-NC-ND) which means that the text may be used for non- commercial purposes, provided credit is given to the author.