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Home , Boca Chica, Grand Tour, Juan Dolio, Las Terrenas, Nagua, Seaside resort

Seaside in the : A Typology by Klaus J. Meyer-Arendt, Richard A. Sambrook, and Brian M. Kermath

DEPARTMENT OF GEOLOGY AND GEOGRAPHY, MISSISSIPPI STATE UNIVERSITY, MISSISSIPPI STATE, MISSISSIPPI; DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY, UNIVERSITY OF OHIO, OXFORD, OHIO; AND DEPARTMENT OF GEOGRAPHY, UNIVERSITY OF TENNESSEE­ KNOXVILLE, KNOXVILLE, TENNESSEE .

. Since the early 1970s, the growing attraction of has led to a proliferation of seaside resorts along the Atlantic and Caribbean shores of the Dominican Republic. The distribution of resorts reflects a combination of quality and quantity of natural resources, proximity of urban centers and/or airports, and intensity of development efforts exerted by private entrepreneurs and/or government agencies. Both domestic and international are responsible for beachfront urbanization in the Dominican Republic. At least five discrete types of coastal resorts may be identified: 1) the urban , 2) the domestic destination , 3) the "integrated" domestic/international destination resort, 4) the "interactive" enclave resort, and 5) the "self­ contained" enclave resort. Each of these resort types is characterized by a particular tourist clientele and a distinctive urban morphologic pattern. Although overlap between types may occasionally blur the distinctions, this typology is presented to better understand evolving touristic landscapes. Key words: tourism, resorts, , Caribbean, Dominican Republic.

Since the arrival of the first European visitor, Christopher and it traditionally implies active participation in an activity Columbus, nearly 500 years ago, the coastal landscape of the such as sports, , and fishing near the home. Tourism, Dominican Republic has been extensively modified. Some of although dynamic in terms of the involved, traditionally the greatest landscape impacts have resulted from the inten­ is considered more "passive" than recreation because the sive tourism development that has taken place along Domini­ object was-to observe and learn in a distant and usually foreign can beaches since the early 1970s. It is the purpose of this milieu. By the mid-twentieth century, it had become apparent article to create a better understanding of the imprint of that 1) recreationists were travelling ever farther from home tourism in the coastal landscape by means of a resort typology. and 2) tourists were becoming less interested in the act of Based upon factors that include variations in types of tourists travelling than they were in the act of recreating, either and patterns of resort morphology, five types of seaside actively or passively, in an exotic locale. This blurring of resorts are identified. recreation and tourism has led to refinements of the defini­ tions by certain agencies whereby either distance factors or Introduction: Tourism and Tourists Defined time factors are used to distinguish the terms. To define tourism is no easy matter. The term "tourism" Although types of tourism conveniently may be divided originally developed from the , a journey through into categories of and , the principal cities and places of interest in continental the wide range of "tourists" rendered such a classification too considered obligatory for young Englishmen of good birth or simplistic. In a 1972 study for the airline industry, a continu­ fortune in late Medieval times (Towner 1985). With the um of travelers, ranging from allocentrics who prefer adven­ popularization and diffusion of "touring" throughout the ture and individual exploration to psychocentrics, who travel world in subsequent centuries, tourism has become equated by automobile or in organized tour groups and prefer a with the act of traveling. In recent decades the definition of familiar environment, was identified by a psychologist (Plog tourism has expanded to include what one does in one's 197 4 ). Most tourists as well as most people were found to be leisure time so long as travel, be it international or within one's mid-centrics who fell in the middle of the continuum, and they own country, is a component and at least one night is spent would venture to places where touristic facilities had been away from home. established. Transitional tourists types included near­ Under a broadened view of the term "tourism," the allocentrics and near-psychocentrics (Plog 1974). A similar differences between the primary modes of filling leisure time typology of international tourists was proposed by a sociolo­ recreation and tourism become blurred. Recreation is by gist who identified two categories of travelers, each of which definition a refreshment of the strength and spirits after toil, could be further subdivided into two classes: non-institution-

SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 219 alized travelers such as "drifters" and "explorers" and institu­ scapes developed along the north Yucatan coast following the tionalized travelers which included individual mass t0urists 1880s henequen boom in that area (Meyer-Arendt 1987}. and mass tourists organized in tour groups (Cohen 1972). Like Perhaps the greatest early boost in seaside recreation took Plog, Cohen saw the character of the tourist destination as a place in the economic boom years of the late 1920s when well reflection of the demands of the class of travelers attracted to known resorts such as and Havana as well as lesser it. A cultural anthropologist;demonstrating the inverse rela­ known resorts experienced their significant tourism tionship between touristic impact on a culture and the host infrastructural dcvclopment(Cerruti 1964; Hinch 1990; Meyer­ culture's perception of the visitors. expanded Cohen's typol­ Arendt 1990; Passarie\lo 1983). ogy to seven tourist types: explorer, elite, off-beat, unusual, Historic spontaneous development typi­ incipient mass, mass. and character (Smith 1977). cally took place at a suitable site, such as where a sand beach Geographic investigations of tourism have included the was easily accessible to an urban hinterland that supplied the study of resorts and tourist destinations, but surprisingly few "tourists." International 'tourism was not a factor in this attempts have been made to classify or typecast resorts (Pearce incipient resort development stage because of constraints in 1989). Although the geography of resort landscapes is recog­ accessibility, but there existed a strong linear correlation nized as a major theme within the subdiscipline of tourism between the size of the urban hinterland and intensity of geography, most geographic research has focused upon resort tourism at the beach resort. This correlation weakened with morphology, resort evolution, resort distribution, and spatial increasing distance between the and the resort. A linkages (Mathieson and Wall 1982; Meyer-Arendt and Wall small beach resort containing perhaps only a bathhouse and a 1990; Mitchell and Smith 1989; Pearce 1987; Roehl and Van could indicate either a small, proximate urban Doren 1990). Lavery ( 1974) identified eight general resort hinterland or a large, distant urban hinterland. This illustrates categories for Western Europe: capital cities, select resorts, the geographic principle of"distance decay" wherein decreas­ spas/watering places, and day trip resorts. Subsequent ing numbers of tourists would travel increasing distances to typologies were organized on the bases of spontaneous versus frequent a beach resort (Pearce 1987). In the Dominican planned development as well as rates of growth (Pearce 1989). Republic, , 30 kilometers (19 miles) east of Santo Recognizing the role of domestic tourism, a study of beach Domingo, is one of the oldest and the most frequented of the resorts in Malaysia identified four types: large-scale planned domestic seaside resorts, dating to at least the 1920s (Figure resort complex, medium-scale individual resort of interna­ l ). tional standard, medium-scale individual resort of national/ The first concerted, yet ill-fated, efforts at planned tour­ local standard, and small-scale accommodation unit of local ism development in the Dominican Republic took place standard (Wong 1986). Several studies have been made of during the Rafael Truji1loera{l931-1961), when government tourist enclaves (equivalent to Wong's large-scale planned were built in both mountain and seaside settings resort complex), but classification was not a key aim of these (Sambrook et al. 1992). Initially built to promote both inter­ case studies {Pearce 1989). national and domestic tourism in the affluent post-World War This article seeks to contribute to the literature on resort II era, these monolithic resort hotels, all of which were classification by proposing a typology useful not only to completed in time for the 1956 International Fair in Santo tourism scholars but also to a general audience with an interest Domingo, served more to showcase the modernity of the in landscape interpretation. Based upon both previous country than stimulate tourism. With the exceptions of the investigations (Kennath 1991; Kennath and Thomas 1992; 's original Jaragua (not to be confused Sambrook et al. 1992) as well as a 1991 field survey by the with the New Jaragua, completed in 1989) and the Harnaca authors, a "resort continuum" somewhat analogous to the Hotel (now incorporated into the brand new Hamaca Beach aforementioned "tourist continuum" is recognized whereby a Resort) at Boca Chica, hotel occupancy rates remained low combination of historical pauerns and variable preferences by (Sambrook ct al. 1992). The low levels of tourism in the 1950s domestic and international tourists delineates five types of and 1960s may be explained by several facts, including: l ) in seaside resorts. · tenns of location, most of Trujillo's showcase hotels were sited far from international airports and urban hinterlands, and Tourism Development in the Dominican Republic distance-decay factors precluded high visitation levels; 2) the Although little is known about pre-I 930s seaside tourism in shutdown of the Cuban tourism industry in the late 1950s the Dominican Republic, a pattern of "spontaneous" resort diverted tourists to Jamaica and the Bahamas rather than to the evolution based on the European experience is inferred. A Dominican Republic as had been hoped; 3) increasing politi­ revival of hydrotherapy ("taking the waters" at mineral springs cal instability in the late 1950s and 1960s kept tourists away; and spas) in Europe during the Middle Ages eventually led to and 4) because of a preference of beaches over mountains, the the thallasotherapy (saltwater therapy) fad that first became "alpine" hotels never became very popular. popularized in eighteenth-century . Resort infrastruc­ Seaside tourism remained the primary form of tourism ture soon appeared at both inland springs and sites of sea for Dominicans and international visitors alike during the bathing (Gilbert 1939). Rapidly spreading to continental 1960s and 1970s. Along the Caribbean coast, Boca Chica Europe and overseas colonies, the fad of is traced attracted recreationists from Santo Domingo and the Gulf and to 1780 in northern (WP A 1940). Elite resort land- Western-owned Casa de Campo complex at La Romana

220 JOURNAL OF GEOGRAPHY -. •, \ Dominican Republic

~~D ...... ,. ~ • .I

18'00' beachfront development

roads t international airport N @;a efevallon. above 300 m (1000( ft)ft circles proportionate to num er 3300 b of hotel rooms CD elevation above 1000 m 7 '00' 71'00' 70 6 M1•1>\•k 0 , H•1or-ArLn

N N auracted mostly wealthy international tourists, predominantly A Typology of Seaside Resorts American (Girault 1980). The scenic north coast also gradu­ At presentover96 percenl of all hotel rooms in the Dominican ally developed into a seaside tourism destination, initially for Republic arc located along coastal sites (Figure I). Given the domestic tourism. Santiago and other Valley urban predilection for bathing and beaches by domestic and interna­ centers supplied the majori_ty of visitors, primarily to Puerto tional visitors alike, one may surmise that future tourism Plata and Sosua but also to , but tourists also came from development will continue to concentrate along the seashore Santo Domingo and increasingly frnm overseas (Symanski until saturation (carrying capacity) levels are reached. As and Burley 1973). In 197 l, Trujillo's Later successor, Joaquin once-pristine physical landscapes become converted to cul­ Balaguer, currently President of the Republic, began an ambi­ tural (touristic) landscapes, it becomes important for geogra­ tious project ofdeveloping tourism at certain " touristic growth phers and oilier students of landscape to understand the poles" by providing both infrastructural support as well as resultant forms of tourism development. generous tax incentives and low interest, long-term loans Because of the various tourist profiles such as Plog's (Sambrook et al. 1992; Symanski and Burley 1975). Four of allocenlric vs. psychocentric, Cohen's institutionalized vs. the five tourism development zones were coastal, and exten­ non-institutionalized, and Smith's explorer vs. charter, differ­ sive hotel construction has taken place at two of them, the ent types of seaside resorts have been developed in the Caribbean Coast (which includes Santo Domingo, Boca Chica, Dominican Republic. A June 199 l survey by the authors , and La Romana) and greater Puerto Plata (which identified resort types ranging from simple serving includes Sosua). The greater Puerto Plata zone has success­ domestic tourists from small nearby urban centers to multiple­ fully attracted tourists and tourism investment because cruise hotel tourist enclaves catering to mostly international visitors. ships began to arrive in lhe early 1970s and the building of an Organized on the twin bases of domestic vs. international international airport was proposed (Symanski and Burley, tourism and degree of interaction between tourists and native 1973 ). A significant rise in tourist arrivals was delayed until (non-tourist) Dominicans, a typological framework of five the international airport was complered in 1979, however discrete seaside resort types is proposed. (Kermath 1991). At lhe other three zones, the southwest Caribbean coast centered on Barahona, d1e northeast coast 1) The Urban Balneario from Sarnana to , and the Dominican centered The most basic of all seaside "resorts" in the Dominican on , tourism development has been less ex.tensive, Republic and other parts of Latin America is the balneario, and often not very successful (Sambrook et al. 1992; Yunen usually translated as "bathing resort." Balnearios are almost 1977). al ways associated with an urban area, and both the intensity of Tourism has become a major industry in the Dominican tourism ( demand) and amount of infrastructural development Republic since about 1975, presently ranking third behind (supply) is a function of a combination of the population base agricultur~ and industrial free zone industries (IPCDR 1989). of the urban hinterland and its distance from the beach. In 1989, revenues from tourism exceeded $675 million, about Usually occupying a site containing a beach, small bay or 12 percent of the gross domestic product, and generated about estuary, and shade vegetation, a balneario 's structural compo­ 100,000 direct and indirecrjobs (Anonymous 1990, 6). For­ nents may consist of as little as a bathhouse (changing quar­ eign tourist arrivals increased from 67,700 in 1970 (Symanski ters), a modest restaurant, and a few thatched shacks (Figure and Burley 1975) to over 1,000,000in l989(EPL 1991),arate 2A). Balnearios close to a larger urban center will contain of growth stimulated in part by lhe opening of both an more , bars, and bathhouses. Peak periods of visi­ international airport at Puerto Plata and also international tation will coincide with leisure time, such as weekends, airports for charter flights at La Romana and Punta Cana. The Semana Santa (Holy Week), summer , and Christ­ number of hotels has increased from several dozen with barely mas (Passariello 1983 ). One notable feature at urban balnearios 1,000 rooms in the late 1960s to 356 with over 21,500 rooms are day use tourists only, although tent campers are frequent in the mid-1991 (Sambrook et al. 1992; SET 1991). Since the during the peak holidays. If demand for overnight stays is high late l980s, the Dominican Republic has boasted of the '1ighest enough, small family-owned pensiones will appear to serve hotel room capacity in the Caribbean region (IPCDR, 1989). this clientele. Recent improvements to the Santo Domingo International Geographically, balnearios are normally located at the Airport will triple capacity to 1.5 million passengers per year most convenient point of beaches access to the respective in 1992, the quincentennial anniversary of Columbus's arrival urban hinterland. Coastal cities normally have balnearios at in the New World (Anonymous 1990; SET 1991). Plans call one or both ends of the urban area. If the population base is for the opening of at least two more international airports for high enough to sustain competition for tourism pesos, addi­ charter flights only at Samana and Baharona (Anonymous tional balncarios may develop beyond the initial point of l 990) and expanding hotel room capacity to 30,000 rooms beach access. However, with distance from the point of initial witl1in the next few years (EPL 1991 ). The Dominican Repu b- beach access, the principle of distance decay quickly may 1ic may become the leading Caribbean destination of interna­ erode the touristic base. Small urban balnearios may be found tional tourists by the mid- J990s . throughout the Dominican Republic, such as Playa de Ban£ near Bani, and a good example of a ''mid-sized" balneario is Playa Matancitas immediately southeast of Nagua. Perhaps

222 JOURNAL OF GEOGRAPHY originating as the balneario for Nagua, the location of Matancitas near the eastern end of the Cibao Valley insured a developing role as balneario for Cibao cities as far inland as San Francisco de Macoris. For reasons including overcrowd­ ing and high noise levels, most international tourists generally do not frequent such localized urban balnearios, except per­ haps as short stops on sightseeing tours.

2) The Domestic Destination Resort With sufficient recreational demand, an urban balneario may evolve into a domestic destination resort. Levels of both visitation and infrasrructural development are higher, and periods such as Semana Santa are characterized by crowding and prolonged music- and merry-making (see Passariello 1983). In response to seasonally high demand, pensiones and modest hotels comprise a greater portion of the resort landscape (Figure 2B). Beachfront eating and drinking establishments are contiguous in the resort "core," and numer­ ous vendors peddle food, drink, and assorted beach sundries. This category of resort attracts all classes of Dominican society, particularly the middle classes, and the resort atmo­ sphere during weekends and vacation periods is often one of Figure 2. crowdedness and noisiness. International tourists in search of a quiet tropical beach hideaway normally are not attracted to of foreign tourists with both domestic tourists and local this class of resort, and fancy medium- to large-sized hotels residents. Although the size of the "informal sector" catering are a rarity. to the tourists, including vendors, bar girls, and "beach boys," The best example of a domestic destination resort in the may occasionally lead to civic friction, this social mixing is a Dominican Republic is Boca Chica, which began as the urban key characteristic and indeed a key attraction of this type of balneario for Santo Domingo. High demand from the nearby resort (Kermath 1991; Sambrook et al. 1992). While social rapidly urbanizing national metropolis has turned Boca Chica "integration" between foreigners and locals is important, into a virtual "honky-tonk" with nonstop entertainment as "segregation" in other social situations such as dining and theoretical "carrying capacity" limits are approached. There sleeping persists. arc smaller, quieter, and more specialized domestic destina­ Morphologically, the "integrated" domestic{mtemational tion resorts in the country, such as the fishing resorts at Boca destination resort is distinguished from the domestic destina­ de Yuma and Monte Cristi and perhaps bathing resorts such as tion resort largely by the more numerous lodging facilities. Sosua prior to the opening of an international airport on the Usually mid-sized (less than 100 rooms) or smaller, the hotels north coast, but the "discovery" of such places by allocentric represent a combination of local investment by native Do­ international tourists is moving, or already has moved, these minicans and investment by foreign nationals who resorts to the next category of the resource typology. Even are making the Dominican Republic their home. Although crowded Boca Chica is witnessing record levels of hotel there may develop a zonation of urban land uses, such as construction as more and more action-seeking international residential and business zones, discriminatory exclusionary tourists, mostly Germans, spend their vacations there. provisions restricting access to certain social sectors are usually minimal or difficult to enforce. With sustained popu­ 3) The "Integrated" Domesticllntemarionai Destination Re­ larity of the resort, greater investment, often foreign as well as sort corporate, may lead to higher rise, more socially isolated hotel As a domestic destination resort with a reputation for either development on the fringes of the urban area (sec Figure 2C). high-quality natural resources or a "place where the action is" The best example of an "integrated" domestic/interna­ becomes discovered by international tourists, a new type of tional destination resort in the Dominican Republic is Sosua, resort develops. On the basis of both social and urban morpho­ although the windsurfing center of Cabarete and historically logical patterns, this resort type may be labelled the "integrat­ the city of Puerto Plata, especially the beachfront boulevard, ed" domestic/international destination resort (Figure 2C). It or malecon, area qualify also. Although the high degree of should be noted, however, that because international tourism social integration is a key attraction for foreign visitors, rapid has developed in and around an existing settlement and is increases in international tourism during the 1980s was ac­ therefore "integrated," the international tourism infrastruc­ companied by perhaps an even more rapid growth of the ture often comprises a structurally isolated "tourist ghetto" informal sector. The resultant proliferation of hustlers, ven­ within the settlement, such as El Batey in Sosua. dors, and petty thieves has led to both a levelling off of the Socially, there is a high degree of mixing or"intcgration" international tourism growth rate and also increasing controls

SEPTEMBER/OCTOBER 223 by local officials on the infom,al sector at both Sosua and 5 ) The "Self-Contained" Enclave Resort Puerto Plata (Kemiath and Thomas in press; Sambrook et al. The final category of resort type in the Dominican Republic is 1992). the "self-contained" enclave resort. This type of resort, con­ taining one or more hotel complexes, is one in which tourists 4) The "Interactive" Enclave Resort are completely shielded from the native population except for The fourth rype of resort found in the Dominican Republic members of the Dominican upper classes. Often located at may be labelled the "interactive'' enclave resort (Figure 20). considerable distance from urban centers such resorts pro­ This type of resort generally is developed on the outskirts of vide everything that a tourist could possibly need. Likewise, an existing settlement where domestic tourists or perhaps neither the Dominican general public nor members of the even aJlocentric foreign tourists have already recognized the informal sector are easily admitted into the complex. Hotel tourism potential. Targeted for international tourism develop­ staff members are usually trained and brought in from outside ment by the government and/or private, usually foreign and the local area, and tourists arrive at an airport specifically built corporate investors, empty peripheral often agricultural lands for charter flights. The lack of integration with the larger become occupied by hotels which singly or in multiple nwn­ community is not just a function of policy, including discour­ bers fom, a "semi-insular enclave." For a discussion of agi ng guests from leaving, but also a function of relative enclaves, see Pearce ( 1989). Although the infrastructure is isolation (Sambrook et al. 1992). established to allow tourists to easily sample native culture, The classic example of the "self-contained" enclave the interaction between foreign visitors and native Domini­ resort is Gulf and Westem's elaborate Casa de Campo com­ cans generally is very limited. plex near La Romana. Containing over 1,000 holel rooms, an Although the tourism enclave is enclosed by gates and airport, sport , a reconstructed Medieval Spanish fences and entrance is by security personnel interaction with , and extensive residential (vacation home) neighbor­ the local settlement is encouraged. Often the natural resource hoods, this enclave resort, which dates to 1973, has come to attraction, the sand beach, for example, is shared between the serve as a blueprint for other Caribbean enclave develop­ settlement to sightsee and purchase . Likewise na­ ments. Smaller, yet functionally similar, "self-contained" tive Dominicans might be allowed into the enclave to fr;cquent enclave resorts also are found at Bayahibe, Punta Cana (Club hotel restaurants and shops._A public beach area may even be Mediterranean), Playa Bavaro, and Luper6n. designated to foster interaction between tourists and natives. Vendors and other members of the informal sector, banned Summary from the enclave premises except perhaps on a limited conces­ The aim of this proposed seaside resort typology is to clarify sionary basis, are encouraged to set up stands along the landscape imprint of coastal tourism development, a major access highways near the enclave boundary perimeters process of urbanization that often appears to have little orga­ (Sambrook et al. 1992). nization. By incorporating previous tourist typologies into A good example of the "interactive" enclave resort is the modem resort morphologies, different types of resorts may be government-owned PlayaDorada complex just east of Puerto identified. Proposed primarily as a conceptual device, and Plata. Built on 150 hectares (370 acres) of former sugar hopefully useful as a pedagogic tool, the typology is not plantation land, the complex contains 11 major hotels with a without its limitations. First, resort landscapes are highly total of 2,720 rooms (SET 1991). While the tranquility of dynamic, and many resort areas have progressed through the tropical island vacation is preserved for the international various stages. Likewise, resorts may be in the process of tourist, the degree of internction with the town and informal changing from one stage to another, as in the case of Boca sector of nearby Puerto Plata remains relatively high. Simi­ Chica, which is presently undergoing an internationalization larly "interactive" enclave resorts include Juan Dolio on the phase. Second, the distinction of "integrated" and "interac­ Caribbean coast, now containing the country's second highest tive" is often difficult to make. If tourism development be­ number of hotel rooms, and , on the northern comes absorbed into a relatively large preexisting settlement coast of the Sarnana Peninsula, where the "enclaves" are such as Sosua, the tourist/native relationship is much closer restricted to individual hotels rather than a hotel complex as at and thus more "integrated." If tourism development takes Playa Dorada. At both Juan Dolio and Las Terrenas, the place in and around small preexisting settlements such as Juan combination of small original native settlement and high Dolio, touristic infrastructure such as bars and restaurants degree of tourism development accounts for the "interactive" often become built into the hotels, thus reducing but not classification. If the original settlement had been larger and eliminating the extent of the tourist/native relationship. In this levels of tourism ,development smaller, "integration" rather case, the tenn "interaction" is more appropriate than "integra­ than " interaction" would be prevailed. Such is the case at tion." In spite of these shortcomings, it is hoped that the Sarnana, where the Dominican government in the 1970s proposed resort typology remains usefu 1 for the interpretation attempted to establish an "interactive" enclave resort by of seaside resort landscapes not just in the Dominican Repub­ constructing the Bahia Beach Hotel nearby (Yunen 1977). lic but along shorelines of other portions of the world's Because of the lack of success of this govenunent effort, "pleasure periphery" as well. Samana in 1992 still fit best into the "integrated" domestic/ international destination resort type.

224 JOURNAL OF GEOGRAPHY Acknowledgements Meyer-Arendt, K. J. 1987. Recreational landscape evolution along the The authors would like to thank the National Council for Nonh Yucatan CoasL Yearbook. conference of Latin Americanist Geographers 13:45-50. Geographic Education (NCGE) and the Conference for Latin _ __. 1990. P:ittems and impacts of coastal recreation along !he Gulf Americanise Geographers (CLAG) for their financial support Coast of Mexico. In Recreational uses of coas1al areas. ed Paolo of the 1991 field survey. Most of all, the authors arc indebted Fabbri,.133-148 Dordrecht, Netherlands: Kluwer Academic Publish• to Dr. Oscar H. Horst, Professor Emeritus of Geography at ers,. Meyer-Arendt, K. J., and G. Wall. 1990. Nonh American tourism and Western Michigan University, for his organizational and cultural geography. Journal of Cultural Geography 11 : (1): 1-3. inspirational leadership while in the field . Mitchell, L. S., and R. V. Smith. 1989. The Geography of recreation. tourism, and sport. In Geography in America., erls Gary L Gaile and References Cort J. Willmon, 387-408,Columbus, OH: Mc.rrill Publishing Co. P~riello, P. 1983. Never on Sunday? Mexican Tourists ar the beach. Annals of Tourism Research IO: 109-122. Anonymous. 1990. Miscellru1eous news items. Can"bbean Update. Pearce, D. 1989. Tourism de:ve/opment. Harlow, UK: Longman Scienrific & Cerruti, J. 1964. The two Acapulcos. National Geographic Magazine J 26: Technical and New York: John Wiley & Sons. 848. Plog, S. C. 1974. Why destination areas rise and fall in popularity. Cornell Cohen, E. 1972. Towa.rd a sociology of international tourism. Social Re­ Hotel and Restauratll Association Quarterly February: 55-58. search 39: 164-182. Sambrook, R. A., 8. M. Kermath, and R. N. Thom:is. 1992. The informal Europ:i Public:itions Limited (EPL). 1991. The Dominican Republic. In sector's role i.n seaside reson development: examples from the Domini­ The Europa world year book 199/. : EUTopa Publications can Republic. Journal of Cultural Geography 12 (submitted). Limited. 916-928. Secretaria de Est:Jdo de TW"ismo (SET). 1991 . Re.ladon de Estab/ecimien­ Gilbert, E. W. 1939. The growth of inland and seaside health resons in tos de Alojamiento y Programacion. Statistical tables date June 19. England. Scouish Geographical Magazine 55:16-35. Smith, V. L. 1977. Introduction. In HoSIS and guests: The anthropology of Girault, C. 1980. Gulf+ Wcsrem en Republique Dominicaine. De L 'Enclave tourism, ed., Valene L.Smith, 1-14. Philadelphia. PA: University of Sucriere au Controle d'une Panic de L 'Economic Nationale. L' Espace Pennsylvania Press. Geographique 9:223-229. Symanski, R., and N. Burley. 1973. The Jewish colony of Sosua. AMDls of Hinch, T. D. 1990. Cuban tourism indusrry: Its re-emergence and future. the Associalion of American Geographers 63: 366-378 . Tourism Management 11:214-226. . 1975. Tourist development in the Dominican Republic: An Investment Promotion Co11ncil of the Dominican Republic (IPCDR), --o-v-erview and example. In Geographical analysis for development in 1989. Dominican Republic: Investors handbook and business guide. Latin America and the Caribbean. ed. R.P. Momsen,Vol 4: 20-27. Santo Domingo: American Chamber of Commerce of the Dominican Chapel Hill, NC: Conference of Latin Americanist Geographer... Republic. Tower,J.1985. ThegrandtoUT.Annalsof[ourismReseorch 12(3): 297-333. Kermath, B. M. 1991. Spatial dynamics of the formal and informal sectors Wong, P. P. 1986. Tourism development and resorts on the East Coast of in Third World resorts: The case of Sosua, Dominican Republic. Peninsular Malaysia.Singapore Journal offropical Geography 1: 152- Master's Thesis: Michigan State Univer..ity. 162. Kermath, B. M., :ind R. N. Thomas. In press. Spatial dynamics of tourist in Works Progress Administration (WPA). The WPA guide to Texas. Austin. developing counlri.es: The CaseofSos1fa, Dominican Republic.Annals TX: Texas Monthly Press, reprinled 1986. of Tourism Research. Yuncn, R. E. 1977. The impact ofa 1ourism-developmen1 project in rhe city Lavery, P. 1975. Rcsorts·and recreation. In Recreational Geography. ed. of Samona, Dominican Republic. Thesis, University of . Patrick Lavery. 167-196. New Yock: Jolm Wiley & Sons. Mathieson, A., and G. Wall. 1982. Tourism : Economic.physical and social impacts. Harlow. UK: Longman Scientific & Technical. and New York: John Wiley & Sons.

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