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Faraway, Yet Close Friends Developing Relations Between Japan and Republic of Croatia Establishment of Diplomatic Relations
FARAWAY, YET CLOSE FRIENDS DEVELOPING RELATIONS BETWEEN JAPAN AND REPUBLIC OF CROATIA ESTABLISHMENT OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS Relations between the two Governments Mutual state visits between the two countries fter the declaration of independence by the Croa- roatia and Japan have exchanged numerous visits Atian Parliament in 1991, the Government of Japan Cby dignitaries and high-ranking officials soon after recognized the Republic of Croatia as an independent the establishment of diplomatic relations. But even be- state on March 17, 1992, on the occasion of the Cro- fore Croatia’s independence, their Majesties the Emperor atian Minister of Foreign Affairs Zvonimir Šeparović’s and Empress of Japan visited Dubrovnik in 1976, back visit to Japan. The two countries established diplomatic then as Their Imperial Highnesses Crown Prince Akihito relations on March 5, 1993. Croatia opened its embassy and Princess Michiko. In 2002 their daughter, Her Imperial in Tokyo on September 5, 1993, and Japan opened its Highness Princess Sayako, visited Zagreb and Dubrovnik. embassy in Zagreb on February 8, 1998. H.E. Mr. Stjepan Mesić, President of the Republic of Cro- atia, visited Japan in 2008. On that occasion, a Memoran- dum on Cooperation on Education, Science, Technology and Sports was signed between the Ministry of Educa- tion, Culture, Sport, Science and Technology of Japan and Ministry of Science, Education and Sports of the Republic of Croatia, to commemorate the 15th anniversary of diplomatic relations between two countries. On the occasion of the 20th anniversary of diplomatic relations Their Imperial Highnesses Prince and Princess Akishino visited Croatia. During their visit a commem- oration ceremony was held in the presence of Their Imperial Highnesses, H.E. -
The World Factbook Europe :: Croatia Introduction :: Croatia Background
The World Factbook Europe :: Croatia Introduction :: Croatia Background: The lands that today comprise Croatia were part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire until the close of World War I. In 1918, the Croats, Serbs, and Slovenes formed a kingdom known after 1929 as Yugoslavia. Following World War II, Yugoslavia became a federal independent communist state under the strong hand of Marshal TITO. Although Croatia declared its independence from Yugoslavia in 1991, it took four years of sporadic, but often bitter, fighting before occupying Serb armies were mostly cleared from Croatian lands, along with a majority of Croatia's ethnic Serb population. Under UN supervision, the last Serb-held enclave in eastern Slavonia was returned to Croatia in 1998. The country joined NATO in April 2009 and the EU in July 2013. Geography :: Croatia Location: Southeastern Europe, bordering the Adriatic Sea, between Bosnia and Herzegovina and Slovenia Geographic coordinates: 45 10 N, 15 30 E Map references: Europe Area: total: 56,594 sq km country comparison to the world: 127 land: 55,974 sq km water: 620 sq km Area - comparative: slightly smaller than West Virginia Land boundaries: total: 1,982 km border countries: Bosnia and Herzegovina 932 km, Hungary 329 km, Serbia 241 km, Montenegro 25 km, Slovenia 455 km Coastline: 5,835 km (mainland 1,777 km, islands 4,058 km) Maritime claims: territorial sea: 12 nm continental shelf: 200 m depth or to the depth of exploitation Climate: Mediterranean and continental; continental climate predominant with hot summers and cold -
Competition Between Minority Ethnic Parties in Post-Conflict Countries
Competition Between Minority Ethnic Parties in Post-conflict Countries: Performance of Minority Parties in Croatia and Macedonia by Dane Taleski Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Supervisor: András Bozóki Budapest, September 2014 1 ABSTRACT Academic and policy studies argue that an inclusive approach is needed for sustainable peacebuilding. This justifies the inclusion of former combatants into political parties, but some argue that it can have negative consequences for democratization. Institutional engineering is proposed to forge cross-cutting parties; however it is puzzling to find that parties from rebels often dominate in the post-conflict period. To address this puzzle I look at minority ethnic parties in post-conflict Croatia and Macedonia. SDSS dominates the competition between Serb parties in Croatia and DUI dominates between Albanian parties in Macedonia. To answer why this is so, I first look at the process of their formation and functioning and second I compared them to other minority parties. Despite the common history in Yugoslavia, the inter-ethnic conflicts, the post-conflict conditions and institutional environments for minority politics were very different in Croatia and Macedonia. My level of analysis is the competition between minority parties in each country. Because of the similar outcomes, under varying conditions, I consider that the finding in one country control for the other. Using process tracing I analyzed data from 78 interviews, party content, media and archival sources. The findings were corroborated with quantitative analysis of electoral data from national and sub- national elections in the entire post-conflict period. -
Practical Information
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development Council of Europe Directorate General I - Legal Affairs Public Governance and Territorial Department of Crime Problems Development Directorate Technical Cooperation Section Innovation and Integrity Division SPAI Programme Version of 16 November 2005 PROGRAMME AGAINST CORRUPTION AND ORGANISED CRIME IN SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE (PACO) IMPLEMENTATION OF ANTI-CORRUPTION PLANS IN SOUTH-EASTERN EUROPE (IMPACT) & OECD/STABILITY PACT ANTI-CORRUPTION INITIATIVE (SPAI) MANAGING CONFLICT OF INTEREST IN GOVERNMENT AND THE PUBLIC SECTOR Information Package Regional Thematic Seminar: Anti-corruption Services and the Implementation of Conflict-of-Interest Laws Belgrade, Serbia, 18-19 November 2005 “Intercontinental” Hotel Table of Contents I. Activity Background ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------3 A. Anti-corruption Services ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ 3 B. Implementation of Conflict-of-Interest Laws --------------------------------------------------------- 3 C. Expected Results----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 3 D. Organisers ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4 II. Draft Agenda (As of 16 November 2005) -----------------------------------------------------------5 III. Logistical Information-------------------------------------------------------------------------------- -
World Bank Document
Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized Public Disclosure Authorized World Bank – Croatia Partnership Country Program Snapshot September 2011 Public Disclosure Authorized RECENT ECONOMIC 2011. Capital adequacy remains high (at at 19 DEVELOPMENTS percent in June 2011) and continues to safeguard the banking sector soundness. Growth and External Performance 8 in % The crisis has taken a severe toll on Croatia, 6 with the economy contracting by 7.2 percent 4 in 2009-2010. A return to positive but subdued 2 growth was noted in Q2 of 2011 of 0.8 percent. 0 The 2011 growth is projected at below 1 -2 percent. The recovery is based on a modest -4 Domestic demand upturn in exports and consumption spending, if -6 Real GDP external conditions, improvements in corporate -8 credit growth and the recent rise in consumer -10 confidence are sustained. The slow rebound led to 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011e a temporary recovery of labor market conditions reducing the official unemployment rate below 17 A sustainable recovery depends on the percent in July 2011, down from the peak of emergence of a more dynamic private sector almost 20 percent in early 2011. However, the supported by an investment-friendly climate. informal sector remains large misreporting the The private sector’s share of GDP amounts to growth and employment performance. only 70 percent and is low compared to other EU peers. Croatia’s performance in terms of Nevertheless, prospects for economic recovery enterprise restructuring, privatization, and creating remain fragile, suggesting the need to accelerate an enabling investment climate has been mixed. -
RECOM Initiative's Public Advocacy-July 2011
RECOM Initiative’s Public Advocacy Report, July 7, 2011 The Parliament of Montenegro was the first to offer political support to RECOM Initiative. In the consultation with members of the Parliament of Montenegro, President of the Parliament, Ranko Krivokapić, and other members of parliament gave their full support to the civil initiative for establishing the Regional Commission for Facts About Victims and War Crimes. Subsequently, President of Croatia, Ivo Josipović and the President of the Republic of Serbia, Boris Tadić gave signatures in support of the initiative on August 31, 2010 and September 1, 2010 respectively. Then, the European Parliament Subcommittee on Human Rights offered full support to the civil initiative for establishing RECOM in the session held on September 30th, 2010 in Strasbourg. Director of the Delegation for Relations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, and Kosovo, Mr Eduard Kukan, called the European Parliament and the European Commission to give long‐lasting support for this “unique initiative”. On this occasion, Director for Western Balkans in the Directorate General for Enlargement in the European Commission, Pierre Mirel, stated: “RECOM represents a necessary supplement to judicial procedures and we have to win full support of governments and parliaments for it”. President of the Subcommittee on Human Rights of the European Parliament, Ms Heidi Hautala assessed “that this is the first time that one initiative, which is so important, comes from the bottom to us”. During the fourth inter‐parliamentary meeting between the Republic of Serbia National Assembly and the European Parliament held on October 5th, 2010 in Belgrade, President of the Serbia National Assembly Committee for European Integrations, Laslo Varga, and the President of the European Parliament Delegation for Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, Montenegro, and Kosovo, Eduardo Kukan, expressed their support for the regional initiative for establishing RECOM. -
European Pulse Foreword / Calendar
ISSN 1800-7678 ElectronicEuropean monthly magazine for European Integration pulse No 93, June 2013 FOCUS OF THIS ISSUE Consequences of Croatia’s accession to EU for the citizens of Montenegro interview Davor Gjenero, political scientist region Is Serbia’s road to EU irreversible? The project "EU Info Bus – on the road to the EU!" is funded by the communication budget of the EU Delegation to Montenegro and is carried out by the Centre for Civic Education (CCE) in cooperation with the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung and the NGO Natura. European pulse Foreword / Calendar Foreword: Deadlines Draft action plans (APs) for Chapters 23 and 24 adopted by the Government at the 27 June meeting constitute substantial improvements on the previous versions. The latest documents clearly define actors who are responsible for each of the activities, state the amounts allocated for their implementation, and brings forward some of the deadlines, such as the one for the establishment of a Special public prosecutor for the fight against organised crime and corruption. However, the remaining deadlines for the establishment of some institutions clearly suggest that the Government lacks political will to reform judiciary and fight organised crime and corruption. For instance, draft AP for Chapter 23 envisages the establishment of the Judiciary and Prosecutors’ Councils in the first quarter of 2015, and sets July 31 as the deadline for amendments to the Constitution, without which we won’t even able to begin negotiations on these two sensitive chapters. Alignment of the laws on Vladan Žugić Judiciary and Prosecutors’ Councils with the new Constitution, organising vacancies for the new posts in the judiciary and the lack of parliamentary consensus on these appointments is no excuse to take almost two years to even set the judiciary on the right track. -
List of Participants
HRVATSKI SABOR EP Pre-Accession Actions Unit and European Broadcasting Union Inter-parliamentary Conference PUBLIC SERVICE MEDIA AND THE PARLIAMENTS IN THE ENLARGEMENT COUNTRIES With Members of the Pre-Accession Countries' Parliaments and the European Parliament Hosted by the Delegation of the Croatian Parliament to the Parliamentary Assembly of Council of Europe and the Committee on Information, Computerization & Media of the Croatian Parliament Zagreb, Croatia 24 – 25 September 2015 Croatian Parliament, Trg sv. Marka 6, Josip Šokčević Hall LIST OF PARTICIPANTS EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT Members Ms Eleni THEOCHAROUS Member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs (Group of the European People's Party); former Vice-President of the Cyprus Radio Television Authority Ms Marijana PETIR Member of the the Delegation to the EU-Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia Joint Parliamentary Committee (Group of the European People's Party) Ms Ruža TOMAŠIĆ Member of the Delegation for relations with Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Kosovo; Member of the Subcommittee on Human Rights (European Conservatives and Reformists Group) Officials Mr Krzysztof BERNACKI Head, Pre-Accession Actions Unit , DG EXPO Mr Nikos SALLIARELIS Administrator, Pre-Accession Actions Unit, DG EXPO Ms Barbara ROFFI Administrator in charge of relations with broadcast partners, EuroparlTV, DG COMM Mr Óscar FONTAO REGUEIRA Audiovisual Producer, Audiovisual Unit, DG COMM CROATIAN PARLIAMENT Mr Josip LEKO Speaker of the Croatian Parliament Prof Gvozden Srećko FLEGO Head of Delegation to the Parliamentary -
KAS International Reports 04/2013
4|2013 KAS INTERNATIONAL REPORTS 7 INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL TRIBUNAL FOR THE FORMER YUGOSLAVIA AND COMING TO TERMS WITH THE PAST IN THE AFFECTED COUNTRIES Henri Bohnet is Resi- dent Representative of the KAS in Belgrade. Henri Bohnet / Anja Czymmeck / Michael A. Lange / Sabina Wölkner The break-up of Yugoslavia in the period from 1991 to 1999 was characterised by bloody wars, which made the former brother nations of Tito’s multinational state into bitter enemies. To the present day, the aftermath of the conflicts Anja Czymmeck is Resi- still affects democratic development in the majority of the dent Representative of Yugoslav successor states and the relationships between the KAS in Skopje. them. Genocide, expulsions, killings and destruction: the understanding that each nation has of the causes and the instigators of the conflicts and of the individual war crimes frequently differs greatly from that of its neighbours. In many cases, their own role in the war is glorified and their activities are justified as representing a necessary war of liberation to gain national independence. In this view of the past, Bosniaks, Croats and Serbs see themselves as Dr. Michael A. Lange is victors and victims in equal measure. That makes it difficult Resident Representative to hold a self-critical dialogue about the events of the of the KAS in Zagreb. war. One female journalist put it succinctly: “We all want reconciliation, but nobody wants to accept responsibility!”1 Against this backdrop, efforts to investigate and address their own crimes are meeting with great resistance on the part of the population. Membership in the European Union is an aim all the states of the former Yugoslavia are striving for – which has only become reality for Slovenia up to date Sabina Wölkner is Resi- dent Representative of 1 | Duška Jurišić, Editor in Chief at the weekly magazine Dani, the KAS in Sarajevo. -
1 Heroes at the Margins: Veterans, Elites and the Narrative of War
Heroes at the Margins: Veterans, Elites and the Narrative of War Abstract This chapter investigates the interaction between the elite and the everyday war narratives related to the 1991-1995 conflict in Croatia. The analysis is based on transcripts from focus groups with war veterans and from speeches at the Knin and Vukovar commemorations, all held in 2014 and 2015. The war narrative, one of Croatian self-defence against a larger Serbian aggressor, and the manner of its reproduction at the elite level has significant effects on war veterans at the level of the everyday. The manner in which the top-down narrative is constructed keeps veterans in a heightened state of alertness, which makes them vulnerable to political manipulation. The war narrative is constructed in the present (as if the war was not over) through militarised language, which is interpreted as a continuous call to arms to defend the state against internal or external aggression. This has created a notion among war veterans that the war is not over and that they are marginalised in society. Political and religious leaders reproduce this notion, thereby constructing war veterans as problematic and diverting focus from their more practical needs. 1 Introduction War veterans of the 1991-1995 conflict continue to hold a privileged position in Croatian society and politics.1 The branitelji, or “defenders”, as they are referred to in Croatian, are regarded as the embodiment of the Croatian war narrative of sacrifice, bare-handed defence and victimhood (Pavlaković, 2014). Their associations are the most powerful actor within Croatian civil society, in terms of financial and political support, and they feature prominently in media headlines.2 Their potential to garner public support, as well as to stir the domestic political situation remains significant. -
The Ombudsman Institution in Croatia: an Expert Analysis
Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Mission to Croatia The Ombudsman Institution in Croatia: An Expert Analysis Croatia 6 June, 2003 By John Hucker The OSCE ODIHR wishes to thank the Government of Italy for the generous contribution to this project. The views expressed in this report do not necessarily represent the official views of the Government of Italy. I Introduction In April 2003, the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (OSCE/ODIHR) and the OSCE Mission to Croatia asked Professor John Hucker1, an independent expert, to undertake an analysis of the current legal and political environment surrounding the Ombudsman institution in Croatia. Such analysis was intended to lead to the preparation of a report that would identify any legislative, financial or logistical limitations affecting the work of the Ombudsman, and suggest steps that might be taken to strengthen the institution’s position. The present report represents the results of the analysis undertaken. Relevant legislation, reports and other written sources were reviewed. (See Appendix 1.) Subsequently, between April 23 - May 2, meetings were scheduled with a wide range of interested parties, primarily in Zagreb but also in the Karlovac area. In-depth discussions were held with the Ombudsman, Deputy Ombudsmen, senior representatives of Parliament and government agencies, non-governmental human rights organisations, minorities’ representatives, constitutional lawyers and representatives of the international community. (See Appendix 2). Between 4 – 6 June, follow-up meetings were scheduled in Zagreb with key interlocutors to discuss a draft of the report. (See Appendix 3). As a result of those discussions, several revisions were made to the report and the final report issued. -
National Identity in the Political Party Flags in Croatia
National Identity in the Political Party Flags in Croatia Željko Heimer Abstract In 1989 the first new political parties were formed in Croatia after almost half a century of the single-party system and in 1990 the multiparty elections were held. The re-born democracy quickly produced dozens of new parties, most of which started using logos and symbols and many of them flags. In the last 20 years some of the parties were disbanded, others newly established, some have united, others split—the total number of parties registered at any given time has averaged about 100, although probably only a score or two had any significant influence in the country’s political life. With the different ideologies and interests, parties chose different flags and emblems depicted in them, some based on the national flag, on the chequy arms, on other national symbols, while other chose elements of regional and local identity, European and global symbols as well as other more particular ones. This paper systematically presents the flags of various parties in Croatia in the last 20 years with an emphasis on the identity symbols they use. A Flag of the Croatian Peasant Party, ca. 1927 (Croatian History Museum, HPM/PMH 11865) Proceedings of the 24th International Congress of Vexillology, Washington, D.C., USA 1–5 August 2011 © 2011 North American Vexillological Association (www.nava.org) 437 National Identity in the Political Party Flags in Croatia Introduction Political parties are the interest political organizations in democratic political systems, representing programs and interest of various social layers. In their competitive role, they enable competition between different programmes, and by having integrative role, they enable balance in the functioning of the political system.