KENYA ASSESSMENT October 2000
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Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Elischer, Sebastian Working Paper Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya GIGA Working Papers, No. 68 Provided in Cooperation with: GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Suggested Citation: Elischer, Sebastian (2008) : Ethnic Coalitions of Convenience and Commitment: Political Parties and Party Systems in Kenya, GIGA Working Papers, No. 68, German Institute of Global and Area Studies (GIGA), Hamburg This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/47826 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort -
Memo to Kenya's Youth: Protect Your Motherland Or Perish,Doing
Memo to Kenya’s Youth: Protect Your Motherland or Perish By Willy Mutunga Kenya’s mixed election history Sometimes it is said, with some validity, that the only peaceful, non-violent, free, fair, credible, verifiable, and acceptable elections took place during the “sunset” years of British colonialism in Kenya (1957-1963). During these six years we elected our African representatives to the now multi-racial Legislative Council (LEGCO). It is during this period that decolonization talks took place in Kenya and later at Lancaster House, London. In 1961 Jomo Kenyatta was released from his detention at Maralal in the Samburu County. He soon joined his fellow Africans in the LEGCO, participated in the independence talks at Lancaster, London, as the leader of Kenya African National Union (KANU). His party KANU won the 1963 Elections, forming the internal self- government (Madaraka) from 01 June 1963. He became our first Prime minister on 12 December 1963 and the first President of our Republic on 12 December 1964. Although it was widely accepted that the colonial government and the British settlers would have loved a government of Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU) and the liberal British settlers, KANU was the more popular party. Rigging an election against KANU was out of the question. Gone were the days the colonial government would select their colonial chiefs from the outcomes of rigged queue voting (if for some reason they thought this voting was necessary). The post-colonial times are peppered with stories of the rigging of elections, particularly during the few years the Kenya People’s Union (KPU) existed before it was banned and its leaders detained in 1969. -
Post-Election Violence in Kenya
Spontaneous or Premeditated? DISCUSSION PAPER 57 SPONTANEOUS OR PREMEDITATED? Post-Election Violence in Kenya GODWIN R. MURUNGA NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UppSALA 2011 Indexing terms: Elections Violence Political violence Political crisis Ethnicity Democratization Kenya The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-694-7 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2011 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. Spontaneous or Premeditated? Contents Contents ..............................................................................................................................................................3 Foreword .............................................................................................................................................................5 Introduction .......................................................................................................................................................7 Post-Election Violence: Overview of the Literature .............................................................................8 A Note on the Kenyan Democratisation Processes ............................................................................13 Clash of Interpretations ................................................................................................................................17 The Ballot Box and -
“Not Worth the Risk” Threats to Free Expression Ahead of Kenya’S 2017 Elections
“Not Worth the Risk” Threats to Free Expression Ahead of Kenya’s 2017 Elections HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH “Not Worth the Risk” Threats to Free Expression Ahead of Kenya’s 2017 Elections Copyright © 2017 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-34761 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org ARTICLE 19 Eastern Africa is an independent not-for profit organization that promotes freedom of expression and access to information as a fundamental human right as well as an empowerment right. ARTICLE 19 Eastern Africa was registered in Kenya in 2007 as an affiliate of ARTICLE 19 international. ARTICLE 19 Eastern African has over the past 10 years implemented projects that included policy and legislative advocacy on media and access to information laws and review of public service media policies and regulations. The organization has also implemented capacity building programmes for journalists on safety and protection and for a select civil society organisation to engage with United Nations (UN) and African Union (AU) mechanisms in 14 countries in Eastern Africa. -
Kenya Election History 1963-2013
KENYA ELECTION HISTORY 1963-2013 1963 Kenya Election History 1963 1963: THE PRE-INDEPENDENCE ELECTIONS These were the last elections in pre-independent Kenya and the key players were two political parties, KANU and KADU. KADU drew its support from smaller, less urbanized communities hence advocated majimboism (regionalism) as a means of protecting them. KANU had been forced to accept KADU’s proposal to incorporate a majimbo system of government after being pressured by the British government. Though KANU agreed to majimbo, it vowed to undo it after gaining political power. The majimbo constitution that was introduced in 1962 provided for a two-chamber national legislature consisting of an upper (Senate) and lower (House of Representative). The Campaign KADU allied with the African People’s Party (APP) in the campaign. KANU and APP agreed not to field candidates in seats where the other stood a better chance. The Voting Elections were marked by high voter turnout and were held in three phases. They were widely boycotted in the North Eastern Province. Violence was reported in various parts of the country; four were killed in Isiolo, teargas used in Nyanza and Nakuru, clashes between supporters in Machakos, Mombasa, Nairobi and Kitale. In the House of Representative KANU won 66 seats out of 112 and gained working majority from 4 independents and 3 from NPUA, KADU took 47 seats and APP won 8. In the Senate KANU won 19 out 38 seats while KADU won 16 seats, APP won 2 and NPUA only 1. REFERENCE: NATIONAL ELECTIONS DATA BOOK By Institute for Education in Democracy (published in 1997). -
Kenya: “Place of Sharīʿa in the Constitution”
PART THREE KENYA: “PLACE OF SHARĪʿA IN THE CONSTITUTION” Halkano Abdi Wario - 9789004262126 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 07:52:30AM via free access Map 5 Map of Kenya: Showing principal places referred to in Part Three Halkano Abdi Wario - 9789004262126 Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 07:52:30AM via free access CHAPTER SEVEN DEBATES ON KADHI’S COURTS AND CHRISTIAN-MUSLIM RELATIONS IN ISIOLO TOWN: THEMATIC ISSUES AND EMERGENT TRENDS Halkano Abdi Wario Introduction Since 1992, Kenya has been characterised by demands for new consti- tutional dispensations. It has also seen heightened competing interests emerge in which religion and politicised ethnicity have played a pivotal role in the political game of the day. The same scenario has been replicated at a grass roots level. Elsewhere, as in the Kenyan case, the increased calls for recognition and empowerment of courts applying aspects of sharīʿa almost instantly elicit strong negative responses from Christian communi- ties. One of the contentious issues in the referendum on a draft constitu- tion was the issue of Kadhi’s courts. Should they be empowered, or left to stay as in the current Constitution? The resultant debates are the concern of this chapter. The findings of the research have strong implications for Christian-Muslim relations. The chapter examines how different views evolved in Isiolo, a small Northern Kenyan town. The town has a his- tory of strained Christian-Muslim relations. Contests over resources and ownership of the town feature highly in every new conflict. The chapter explores the role of ethno-religious ascriptions and elite mobilization in the increasing misunderstandings about Kadhi’s courts. -
Item Box Subject Author Title Exps Pages Size Inches Pub. Date Grand
Item Box Subject Author Title Exps Pages Size Inches Pub. Date Grand Total: 3, 139, 369, 104, 343, 159, [and the 210 Namibian 51, 612, 191, 21, 44, 1, 39, 95, 428, docs so far is 2809] (2599) Central Africa:3 1 Central Africa—General Economics UNECA Subregional Strategies 19 32 8x11.5 Hints to Businessmen Visiting The London Board of 2 Central Africa—General Economics Congo (Brazzaville), Chad, Gabon 19 32 4.75x7.125 Trade and Central African Republic Purpose and Perfection Pottery as 3 Central Africa—General Art The Smithsonian Institution 3 4 8x9.25 a Woman's Art in Central Africa Botswana:139 National Institute of Access to Manual Skills Training in 1 Botswana—Bibliographies Bibliography Development and Cultural Botswana: An Annotated 9 13 8x11.5 Research Bibliography Social Thandiwe Kgosidintsi and 2 Botswana—Bibliographies Sciences—Information Publishing in Botswana 2 2 8.5x11 Neil Parsons Science National Institute of 3 Botswana—Bibliographies Bibliography Development Rearch and Working Papers 5 8 5.75x8.25 Documentation University of Botswana and Department of Library Studies 1 Botswana—Social Sciences Social Sciences 28 25 8.25x11.75 Swaziland Prospectus Social Refugees In Botswana: a Policy of 2 Botswana—Social Sciences United Nations 3 7 4.125x10.5 Sciences—Refugees Resettlement Projet De College Exterieur Du 3 Botswana—Social Sciences Social Sciences unknown 3 3 8.25x11.75 Botswana Community Relations in Botswana, with special reference to Francistown. Statement 4 Botswana—Social Sciences Social Sciences Republic of Botswana Delivered to the National Assembly 4 5 5.5x8 1971 by His Honor the Vice President Dt. -
The Post-Election Violence and Mediation 1. the Announcement Of
Bureau du Procureur Office of the Prosecutor The Post‐Election Violence and Mediation 1. The announcement of the results of the 27 December 2007 general election in Kenya triggered widespread violence, resulting in the deaths of over a thousand people, thousands of people being injured, and several hundreds of thousands of people being displaced from their homes. 2. On 28 February 2008, international mediation efforts led by Kofi Annan, Chair of the African Union Panel of Eminent African Personalities, resulted in the signing of a power‐ sharing agreement between Mwai Kibaki as President and Raila Odinga as Prime‐Minister. The agreement, also established three commissions: (1) the Commission of Inquiry on Post‐Election Violence (CIPEV); (2) the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission; and (3) the Independent Review Commission on the General Elections held in Kenya on 27 December 2007. 3. On 15 October 2008 CIPEV‐ also known as the Waki Commission, published its Final Report. The Report recommended the establishment of a special tribunal to seek accountability against persons bearing the greatest responsibility for crimes relating toe th 2007 General Elections in Kenya, short of which, the Report recommended forwarding the information it collected to the ICC. Efforts to Establish a Local Tribunal 4. On 16 December 2008, President Kibaki and Prime Minister Odinga agreed to implement the recommendations of the Waki Commission and specifically to prepare and submit a Bill to the National Assembly to establish the Special Tribunal. Yet, on 12 February 2009, the Kenyan Parliament failed to adopt the “Constitution of Kenya (Amendment) Bill 2009” which was necessary to ensure that the Special Tribunal would be in accordance with the Constitution. -
Parliament of Kenya the Senate
October 15, 2013 SENATE DEBATES 1 PARLIAMENT OF KENYA THE SENATE THE HANSARD Tuesday, 15th October, 2013 The Senate met at the Kenyatta International Conference Centre at 2.30 p.m. [The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro) in the Chair] PRAYERS QUORUM CALL AT COMMENCEMENT OF SITTING The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Do we have a quorum? (The Speaker consulted the Clerk-at-the Table) I am informed we have a quorum. Let us commence business. ADMINISTRATION OF OATH Sen. Mbuvi: Mr. Speaker, Sir, may I introduce to the House the newly nominated Senator, Njoroge Ben, from The National Alliance Party (TNA), under the Jubilee Coalition, which is the ruling Coalition in the Republic of Kenya. Sen. Njoroge is ready to take the Oath of Office. The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Let us proceed. The Oath of Allegiance was administered to:- Njoroge Ben (Applause) Sen. Ong’era: Mr. Speaker, Sir, may I present to you the newly nominated Member of the Senate, Omondi Godliver Nanjira. Godliver is from the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), as you know, the most popular party in Kenya. (Laughter) Hon. Senators: Ndiyo! Wambie. The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Proceed. Disclaimer: The electronic version of the Senate Hansard Report is for information purposes only. A certified version of this Report can be obtained from the Hansard Editor, Senate. October 15, 2013 SENATE DEBATES 2 The Oath of Allegiance was administered to:- Omondi Godliver Nanjira (Applause) The Speaker (Hon. Ethuro): Hon. Senators, as Sen. Nanjira is settling down, I would like us to give them a round of applause in our usual way. -
THE KENYATTA SUCCESSIONS: the Resurgence of Hegemonic Politics in Central Kenya
THE KENYATTA SUCCESSIONS: The Resurgence of Hegemonic Politics in Central Kenya By Dauti Kahura THE current clamour by a certain section of the political class across the board to change Kenya’s constitution is not anything new; we have been here before. Two years before the death of Kenya’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta, in August 1978, and after the hotly contested 1974 general election, this clamour reached its zenith, with its protagonists coming out openly to hold public barazas across the country to caution people about the danger of having one Daniel arap Moi succeeding Jomo. This group wanted the constitution changed so that a vice president could not automatically become president upon the death of the president, an amendment that would have made it impossible for Moi to succeed Jomo. Moi was a Kalenjin from Baringo and the so-called “Kiambu Mafia” despised him and could not in their wildest dreams countenance the fact that a non-Kikuyu could ascend to State House. Nearly forty years later, in February 2018, a little-known and first time MP for Tiaty constituency in Baringo County, received wide media coverage when, out of the blue, he proposed changes to Kenya’s 2010 constitution. The 45-year-old MP, William Kamket, through his Constitution Amendment Bill 2018, advocated for the inclusion of a powerful position of prime minister and the scrapping of the position of deputy president. (The current constitution is hardly a decade old, having been promulgated on August 27, 2010.) Less than a month later, on March 9, President Uhuru Kenyatta and his strident political nemesis, Raila Amolo Odinga, in a surprise manoevure, appeared on the steps of Harambee House – the seat of government – to declare a political détente by publicly shaking hands and smiling broadly for the cameras. -
International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge Volume-6 Issue-5, May 2021
International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge Volume-6 Issue-5, May 2021 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INNOVATIVE RESEARCH AND KNOWLEDGE ISSN-2213-1356 www.ijirk.com A HISTORY OF CONFLICT BETWEEN NYARIBARI AND KITUTU SUB-CLANS AT KEROKA IN NYAMIRA AND KISII COUNTIES, KENYA, 1820 - 2017 Samuel Benn Moturi (MA-History), JARAMOGI OGINGA ODINGA, UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY GESIAGA SECONDARY SCHOOL, P.O Box 840-40500 Nyamira-Kenya Dr. Isaya Oduor Onjala (PhD-History), JARAMOGI OGINGA ODINGA UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, P.O Box 210-40601, Bondo-Kenya Dr. Fredrick Odede (PhD-History), JARAMOGI OGINGA ODINGA UNIVERSITY OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY, P.O Box 210-40601, Bondo-Kenya ABSTRACT A lot of research done on conflict and disputes between communities, nations and organized groups across the globe. Little, however done on conflicts involving smaller groups are within larger communities. The overall image that emerges, therefore, is that conflicts and disputes only occur between communities, nations, and specially organized groups, a situation which is not fully correct, as far as the occurrence of conflict is concerned. This study looked at a unique situation of conflict between Nyaribari and Kitutu who share the same origin, history and cultural values yet have been engaged in conflict since the 19th century. The purpose of this study was to trace the history of the Sweta Clan and relationship between Nyaribari and Kitutu sub-clans. Examine the nature, source and impact of the disputes among the Sweta at Keroka town and its environ, which www.ijirk.com 57 | P a g e International Journal of Innovative Research and Knowledge ISSN-2213-1356 forms the boundary between the two groups and discuss the strategies employed to cope with conflicts and disputes between the two parties. -
Ethnicity, Governance and Socio – Economic Development in Africa: a Case Study of Kenya and Its Luo Community, 1963 – 2013
ETHNICITY, GOVERNANCE AND SOCIO – ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA: A CASE STUDY OF KENYA AND ITS LUO COMMUNITY, 1963 – 2013 ALBERT GORDON OTIENO OMULO STUDENT NUMBER: 3523464 A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor Philosophiae in Public Policy and Administration, in the School of Government, University of the Western Cape Supervisor: Senior Professor John J. Williams November 2017 KEYWORDS Ethnicity Governance Development Africa Kenya Luo Nyanza Globalists Kenyatta Odinga ii http://etd.uwc.ac.za ABSTRACT “Ethnicity” and disparate group-based socio-economic development make governance in Africa problematic. Despite this existential reality, the “ethnic” question in African governance remains, largely, only the subject of general discourse. There appears to be very little rigorous scholarship on the economic and socio-cultural dimensions related to the socio-historical construct, “ethnicity”. Similarly, attempts to explain why African political culture, in general, continues to encourage the social reproduction of “ethnic” identities also appear to be largely lacking. This thesis aims to fill some of the gaps existent in scholarship of ethnicity vis-à-vis socio-economic- cultural development by examining the antagonism between the Luo community and the Kenyan state. Its main objectives are to examine the specifics of the socio-economic consequences of the political marginalization of the Luo and to explain why “ethnicity” is, seemingly, strongly correlated with the crisis of state power in Kenya. This thesis is grounded on the following two major assertions: first, that “ethnicity”, like its correlative, “race”, is an ideological concept, devoid of any scientific substance; second, that “ethnicity” is an “exogenous construct”, imposed on aboriginal people of Africa mostly by European colonizers.