French Revolution Topic: National Assembly Formation

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

French Revolution Topic: National Assembly Formation Davis Model United Nations Conference XVIII French Revolution Topic: National Assembly Formation May 16-17, 2020 University of California, Davis Crisis Director: Nathan Kashiwamura Head Chair: Jaime Rivas Vice Chair: Isabela Jauregui Davis Model United Nations Conference XVIII The following content was developed by members of the Davis Model United Nations conference planning team for the sole purpose of framing delegate discussions and debate at the conference and does not represent any official position of the University or anyone engaged in preparing the materials. Delegates should use this information to guide their research and preparation for the conference but should not assume that it represents a complete analysis of the issues under discussion. The materials should not be reproduced, circulated or distributed for any purpose other than as may be required in order to prepare for the conference. 2 Davis Model United Nations Conference XVIII Letter from the Head Chair Dear Delegates, Welcome to the French Revolution, the great disturbance of Europe! My name is Jaime Rivas, and I will be your Head Chair for the French Revolution Crisis. As the Head Chair, I expect productive debate and discussion to keep the front room as interesting as the back room. I am a 4th year Political Science and Economics major at UC Davis and have been part of MUN for about 3 years now. Other than MUN, I occupy myself by studying current events, arguing over historical topics, listening to audiobooks and podcasts, or simply watching shows and movies on whatever streaming service I got a free trial on. As I hope many of you will know, the French Revolution holds a significant place in political history for it was the accumulation of years of political theory of the Enlightenment coming to its very violent end. This period meant the end of absolute monarchy and the rise of the republic movement across the globe. Much of the problems faced by the French government in this time still remain in many of our political systems whether it be tyranny and corruption or simple inefficiency. I hope to see debate that invokes much of that political discussion of that time and of the present in both its best and its worst. Remember that; Le silence des peuples est la lecon des rois. Sincerely, Jaime Rivas Head Chair French Revolution Davis Model United Nations XVIII [email protected] 3 Davis Model United Nations Conference XVIII Letter from the Crisis Director Dear Delegates, Welcome to the French Revolution! My name is Nathan Kashiwamura and as your Crisis Director, I cannot wait to see the crazy plans you all have in the backroom. I am a 4th Year History Major at UC Davis and have been a part of Davis’ Model UN team for two years. The French Revolution represents a watershed moment in history where ideals of liberty and equality ran headlong into the forces of tradition, fear, and constraints of government. The effects of the French Revolution are still felt today around the world as the rise of nationalism, republicanism, and democratic government proved too powerful for any nation or group of nations to contain. Ideals or pragmatism, the left or the right, is the system something that must be changed by brute force or by careful negotiation? I am expecting chaos and ingenuity from the front room and the back room, the world that the delegates create is certainly going to be an interesting one. Your enemies may be many, but your equals will be none. Good luck delegates, fight and remember, Liberté, égalité, fraternité! Vive La France! Sincerely, Nathan Kashiwamura Crisis Director French Revolution Davis Model United Nations XVIII [email protected] 4 Davis Model United Nations Conference XVIII National Assembly Information For the delegates of this committee, you will be acting as members of the French National Constituent Assembly or National Assembly representing the common people of France, previously known as the Third Estate. The National Assembly was founded on June 20th, 1789 as a response by the Third Estate to the failures of the Estate General meeting on how to conduct their voting between the three estates of the nobility, clergy, and the common people in order to solve the financial crisis impacting France after aiding in the American Revolutionary War and the nobles’ continuous expenditures. The Third Estate wanted to increase voting powers that showcased their representation of 98% of the French people, but the Estate General doors were locked and guarded to keep out the Third Estate. The Third Estate then held their own meeting at a nearby tennis court with the 576 members taking the Tennis Court Oath thus creating the National Assembly separate to the wants of the king. 5 Davis Model United Nations Conference XVIII The National Assembly became a formal opposition against the wishes of the King and would begin to run the country without the help of the King or the other estates of France. Its foundations and subsequent actions like the ratification of the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen and the abolition of the French feudal system became major inspirations for revolutionary activities from the peasants, ranging from rioting to the taking of the Bastille in the coming months. Using the support of the common people of France and growing concessions from the King, it became the goals of the National Assembly to produce a written constitution for the creation of a new government for after the storming of the Bastille it became the effective government of France. The National Assembly structure would change dramatically throughout its time as the government of France, but in the summer of 1789, the Assembly would be made up of 1,177 deputies. These deputies would be made up of members from each of the third estates with 278 deputies belonging to the nobility, 295 deputies to the clergy, and 604 deputies representing the third estate. Its mission from the onset of its creation would be creating a constitution for the French government, responding to unrest among French citizens, looming threats from foreign countries, and the contentions between the three estates. 6 Davis Model United Nations Conference XVIII Introduction Beginning in July 17th, 1789, a series of revolts and protests spark the period of time known as the “Great Fear” as the Fall of the Bastille looms over the nation with the National Assembly enabled as the effective government of France, with the King’s support, and the joining of the two other estates to the National Assembly. It will be up to the National Assembly and its deputies to respond to the unrests created by these uprisings throughout France. To evade any further protest and revolts from the masses the Assembly will also be required to engage with the financial crisis that has gone unaddressed by the now-concluded Estates General. Other less immediate issues include pressures from Prussia who has begun moving armies near the French-Prussian border. Beyond matters of state, the National Assembly faces many internal issues. The majority of the Assembly has called for the need to create a legal written constitution to clarify worries from many members that the King is gaining too much power or losing his executive authority. While the majority of the Assembly agrees that a new governmental constitution is required for a new government, many disputes over how this new government and its constitution should represent the French people. Members like the Monarchiens and Feuillants advocate for a constitutional monarchy similar to that established in the United Kingdom. Others like the Jacobins would go on to advocate for a removal of the King from governmental affairs and the abolishment of slavery and feudalism. Some, like the Royalists, view the authority of the king and the church as a non-issue but were mainly overruled by the other members in the assembly. It will thus be up to the actions of the National Assembly to determine how France will respond to these issues and reform itself to suit the needs of her people. 7 Davis Model United Nations Conference XVIII Background The Three Estates The Three Estates were composed of the clergy, nobles, and peasants. The First Estate were members of the clergy. The Second Estate were the nobles of France who were exempt from taxes and mainly focused on matters of military concerns. The Third Estate was made of everybody else who was not part of the nobility or the clergy. Members of the Third Estate were everybody including farmers, lawyers, philosophers, and merchants. Louis XVI Reign Louis XVI’s reign would begin on May 10, 1774, after the death of his grandfather, Louis the XV. His reign was marked in its beginnings with the many difficulties left from the previous reign, as the Seven Years War and the French and Indian wars with the United Kingdom lost France almost all of its colonies in the Americas along with colonies in India and Africa causing financial harm to the French. These financial difficulties would become a crisis under Louis XVI with France’s intervention in the American Revolution, as their helping of the infant United States government left the French coffers empty and its people exposed to many of the liberal ideas of the American Revolution. Although these finances greatly affect the majority of both nobles and commoners, the monarchy and its household would still engage in extravagant spending’s which further spread malcontent with the King and in particular with his wife, Marie Antoinette. Before the Revolution: In 1788, the year leading to the creation of the National Assembly, these issues met their breaking point as the year was struck with a drought in the spring and a massive hailstorm throughout many parts of the country leading to large famines in the first half of 1789.
Recommended publications
  • Jacques-Louis David's 'Oath of the Tennis Court'
    EXTENSION ACTIVITIES – Jacques-Louis David’s ‘Oath of the Tennis Court’, 1791 Read the discussion of Jacques-Louis-David’s ‘Oath of the Tennis Court’ (1791) on p. 3-8 of this handout. Then complete the following extension activities: 1. One of the big problems which faced David as the Revolution progressed was that many of the figures to whom he had given prominence in the 1791 drawing fell from favour as political conditions changed. Using Liberating France (including the Who’s Who) and other sources, find out what happened to Mounier, Mirabeau, Bailly, Barère, Barnave, and Robespierre. Then research the clergymen, Abbé Grégoire and Abbé Sieyès. 2. David alludes to the popular movement which became known as the sans-culottes through the strong and robust figure in the red bonnet of liberty in the lower left hand corner. Referring to Liberating France (including the Section B Timeline), write a paragraph to outline the role played by the sans-culottes movement from 10 August 1792 until the days of Germinal and Prairial Year III, (1 April and 20-23 May 1795). 3. Using Liberating France (including the Who’s Who) and other sources, outline David’s revolutionary career – both as a painter and as a politician. In your answer consider the importance his paintings and drawings 1789-1795, and his role in organising public ceremonies. Then investigate his political activities as a deputy in the National Convention. 4. David uses at least eight revolutionary ideas in his 1791 study of the Tennis Court Oath. Locate them and any other revolutionary ideas not mentioned in the summary above.
    [Show full text]
  • Monarchiens Et Monarchie En Exil : Conjonctures De La Monarchie Dans L’Émigration Française, 1792‒17991
    ARTICLES MONARCHIENS ET MONARCHIE EN EXIL : CONJONCTURES DE LA MONARCHIE DANS L’ÉMIGRATION FRANÇAISE, 1792‒17991 Friedemann PESTEL Le débat sur la restauration de la monarchie commence au moment de la chute de Louis XVI en 1792. Il s’est intensifié dans l’émigra- tion française. En analysant les relations entre les « monarchiens », monarchistes constitutionnels favorisant un système bicamériste, et les Bourbons en exil, cet article montre comment l’idée d’un rétablis- sement de l’Ancien Régime, souvent associé aux émigrés, est suc- cessivement écartée par les Bourbons. Les confrontations et coopé- rations politiques avec les monarchiens démontrent dans quelle mesure la pensée politique du futur Louis XVIII, dans les années 1790, s’oriente vers une monarchie constitutionnelle qui, déjà avant Brumaire, anticipe des éléments centraux de la Restauration de 1814. Mots-clés : monarchiens, Louis XVIII, émigration, monarchie consti- tutionnelle, restauration Le 10 décembre 1792, à la veille de sa première apparition devant la Convention, Louis Capet et son fils jouent au siam, un jeu de quille. Face au calme inébranlable de son père, le ci-devant dauphin n’arrive pas à remporter une seule partie : « Toutes les fois que je tombe sur seize, je ne peux gagner »2. Le valet Jean Baptiste Cléry, qui rapporte cet épisode, (1) Mes plus vifs remerciements vont à Anna Karla, Gilles Dazord ainsi qu’aux rapporteurs du comité de lecture pour leurs commentaires. De même, j’ai beaucoup profité des discussions avec Robert Griffiths et Simon Burrows. (2) Cité dans Jean-Christian PETITFILS, Louis XVI, Paris, Perrin, 2005, p. 908. ANNALES HISTORIQUES DE LA RÉVOLUTION FRANÇAISE - 2015 - N° 4 [3-29] 4 FRIEDEMANN PESTEL y voit un présage funeste pour l’avenir de la monarchie, confirmé par l’exécution du roi détrôné à peine six semaines plus tard.
    [Show full text]
  • The Democratic Sphere Communications with the French National Assembly's Committee of Research,1789-1791
    The Democratic Sphere Communications with the French National Assembly's Committee of Research,1789-1791 Maia Kirby Queen Mary, University of London Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 I, Maia Olive Claire Kirby, confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Maia Kirby Date: 24.08.16 2 Abstract On 28 July 1789 the National Assembly established the Committee of Research as a mechanism through which it could identify threats to its existence from amongst its large correspondence. In the time it was active, the committee received thousands of letters from across France. In the early 1990s the archivist Pierre Caillet wrote a thorough inventory and a general synthesis of the communications which further opened them up as a resource that could provide insight into popular reponses to various themes.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    © Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. CHAPTER 1 Introduction French Society in 1789 Historians working on the French Revolution have a problem. All of our attempts to find an explanation in terms of social groups or classes, or particular segments of society becoming powerfully activated, have fallen short. As one expert aptly expressed it: “the truth is we have no agreed general theory of why the French Revolution came about and what it was— and no prospect of one.”1 This gaping, causal void is cer- tainly not due to lack of investigation into the Revolution’s background and origins. If class conflict in the Marxist sense has been jettisoned, other ways of attributing the Revolution to social change have been ex- plored with unrelenting rigor. Of course, every historian agrees society was slowly changing and that along with the steady expansion of trade and the cities, and the apparatus of the state and armed forces, more (and more professional) lawyers, engineers, administrators, officers, medical staff, architects, and naval personnel were increasingly infusing and diversifying the existing order.2 Yet, no major, new socioeconomic pressures of a kind apt to cause sudden, dramatic change have been identified. The result, even some keen revisionists admit, is a “somewhat painful void.”3 Most historians today claim there was not one big cause but instead numerous small contributory impulses. One historian, stressing the absence of any identifiable overriding cause, likened the Revolution’s origins to a “multi- coloured tapestry of interwoven causal factors.”4 So- cial and economic historians embracing the “new social interpretation” identify a variety of difficulties that might have rendered eighteenth- century French society, at least in some respects, more fraught and vulnerable than earlier.
    [Show full text]
  • Friedemann Pestel: Kosmopoliten Wider Willen. Die »Monarchiens« Als Revolutionsemigranten, Berlin 2015
    Friedemann Pestel: Kosmopoliten wider Willen. Die »monarchiens« als Revolutionsemigranten, Berlin 2015. Schriftenreihe Pariser Historische Studien 104 Herausgegeben vom Deutschen Historischen Institut Paris DOI: Copyright Das Digitalisat wird Ihnen von perspectivia.net, der Online-Publikationsplattform der Max Weber Stiftung – Deutsche Geisteswissenschaftliche Institute im Ausland, zur Verfügung gestellt. Bitte beachten Sie, dass das Digitalisat urheberrechtlich geschützt ist. Erlaubt ist aber das Lesen, das Ausdrucken des Textes, das Herunterladen, das Speichern der Daten auf einem eigenen Datenträger soweit die vorgenannten Handlungen ausschließlich zu privaten und nicht-kommerziellen Zwecken erfolgen. Eine darüber hinausgehende unerlaubte Verwendung, Reproduktion oder Weitergabe einzelner Inhalte oder Bilder können sowohl zivil- als auch strafrechtlich verfolgt werden. Friedemann Pestel Kosmopoliten wider Willen Pariser Historische Studien Herausgegeben vom Deutschen Historischen Institut Paris Band 104 Friedemann Pestel Kosmopoliten wider Willen Die »monarchiens« als Revolutionsemigranten Pariser Historische Studien Herausgeber: Prof. Dr. omas Maissen Redaktionsleitung: Dr. Stefan Martens Redaktion: Veronika Vollmer Anschri: Deutsches Historisches Institut (Institut historique allemand) Hôtel Duret-de-Chevry, 8, rue du Parc-Royal, F-75003 Paris Zugl. überarb. Fassung von: Freiburg, Br., Univ., Diss., 2013 u.d.T.: Pestel, Friedemann: »Raumwandel und Wendezeiten. Französische Revolutionsemigranten als europäische Akteure« Library of
    [Show full text]
  • Napoléon Ier Signe Le Contrat De Mariage De Jérôme Bonaparte Avec Catherine De Wurtemberg, 22 Août 1807
    commentaire d’œuvre Napoléon Ier signe le contrat de mariage de Jérôme Bonaparte avec Catherine de Wurtemberg, 22 août 1807 Napoléon Ier signe le contrat de mariage de Jérôme Bonaparte avec Catherine de Wurtemberg, 22 août 1807, par Regnault Jean-Baptiste. Huile sur toile, 4 m x 6,46 m, MV 1558. © RMN-GP (Château de Versailles) / © Franck Raux commentaire d’œuvre / Napoléon Ier signe le contrat de mariage de Jérôme Bonaparte Établissement public du château, du musée et du domaine avec Catherine de Wurtemberg, 22 août 1807 national de versailles – www.chateauversailles.fr Secteur éducatif - RP 834 - 78008 Versailles Cedex 1 01 30 83 78 00 – [email protected] Napoléon Ier et Joséphine (de Beauharnais) Jérôme Bonparte, roi de Westphalle et Catherine de Wurtmberg Joseph Bonparte, roi de Naples (1806-1808) puis roi d’Espagne (1808-1813) et Julie Clary (issue d’une riche famille de négociants marseillais) Louis Bonaparte, roi de Hollande et Hortense de Beauharnais (fille de Joséphine et de son mari défunt Alexandre de Beauharnais - adoptée par Napoléon en 1806) Eugène de Beauharnais (fils de Joséphine et de son mari défunt Alexandre de Beauharnais - adopté par Napoléon en 1806), vice-roi d’Italie et Augusta-Amélie de Bavière Elisa Bacciochi (née Bonaparte), princesse de Lucques et de Plmobino (1805-1809) puis grande duchesse de Toscane (1809-1814) et Félix Bacciochi (officier corse) Stéphanie de Bade (née de Beauharnais, cousine d’Eugène et Hortense - adoptée par Napoléon en 1806) et Charle-Louis-Frédérique, prince héritier de Bade puis grnad-duc de Bade (1811-1818) Pauline Borhèse (née Bonaparte) et le prince Camille Borghèse Caroline Murat (née Bonaparte) et Joachim Murat, grand-duc de Berg et de Clèves (1806-1808) puis roi de Naples (1808-1815) Maria Letizia Bonaparte, dite Madame Mère Cardinal Fesch (demi-frère de Maria Letizia) Absents de la représentation : Lucien Bonaparte (exilé à Rome) et Charles Marie Bonaparte, le père de Napoléon, décédé en 1785.
    [Show full text]
  • After Robespierre
    J . After Robespierre THE THERMIDORIAN REACTION Mter Robespierre THE THERMIDORIAN REACTION By ALBERT MATHIEZ Translated from the French by Catherine Alison Phillips The Universal Library GROSSET & DUNLAP NEW YORK COPYRIGHT ©1931 BY ALFRED A. KNOPF, INC. ORIGINALLY PUBLISHED AS La Reaction Thermidorienne COPYRIGHT 1929 BY MAX LECLERC ET CIE UNIVERSAL LIBRARY EDITION, 1965 BY ARRANGEMENT WITH ALFRED A. KNOPF, INC. LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 65·14385 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA PREFACE So far as order of time is concerned, M. M athie( s study of the Thermidorian Reaction, of which the present volume is a translation, is a continuation of his history of the French Revolution, of which the English version was published in 1928. In form and character, however, there is a notable difference. In the case of the earlier work the limitations imposed by the publishers excluded all references and foot-notes, and the author had to refer the reader to his other published works for the evidence on which his conclusions were based. In the case of the present book no such limitations have been set, and M. Mathiei: has thus been able not only to state his con­ clusions, but to give the chain of reasoning by which they have been reached. The Thermidorian Reaction is therefore something more than a sequel to The French Revolution, which M. Mathiei:, with perhaps undue modesty, has described as a precis having no independent authority; it is not only a work of art, but a weighty contribution to historical science. In the preface to his French Revolution M.
    [Show full text]
  • French-Revolution-BGG-Monarchists
    To the esteemed delegates of the Assembly, In a time of global upheaval, we’ve reached that annual moment where students can play the roles they’ll soon inherit with the 46th commencement of Houston Area Model United Nations. We are extremely privileged to be your directors for this double-joint crisis, and we’re ready to return a sense of normalcy to your high school career through such a great scenario. The French Revolution is considered a watershed moment in the quest for greater human freedoms. The roles of commoners, nobility, and the clergy would radically change in Europe and beyond up to the present after such upheaval. The two movements represented in this crisis are the Monarchists and the Revolutionaries. Before we open up this guide, let’s introduce ourselves. My name is Raghav Aggarwal (he/him) and I’ll be one of your Crisis directors for this session. I’m currently a student at UT Austin studying International Relations with a track in International Security. I hope to pursue a career in diplomacy or intelligence where I can meaningfully advance American and Allied interests abroad, especially in a new, multipolar era that is the 21st Century. I’ve participated in Model UN for all four years of high school, winning awards in HAMUN and beyond. I’ve also worked extensively with the World Affairs Council of Greater Houston (I highly recommend looking into it) to realize my interests. To me, I’m very interested in the French Revolution because of how similar its themes are to modern politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Jean-Sylvain Bailly (BUY-Yee) Member of the National Assembly
    ROUSSEAU, BURKE AND REVOLUTION IN FRANCE, 1791 FEUILLANT FACTION Jean-Sylvain Bailly (BUY-yee) Member of the National Assembly ou are cultured and influential. You were born 55 years ago in Paris and raised in its environs and in Versailles. Your family has always been deeply involved in court life. Both your father and grandfather were court painters and you originally intended Y to follow in their footsteps. You became attracted in the course of your studies to astronomical science, however, and prepared a career in that path instead, building an observatory in the Louvre and promoting the new science everywhere. You were elected to the French Academy in 1783, and by the time the Revolution began, you were a renowned astronomer and a bril- liant philosophe. Your Essay on the Theory of the Satellites of Jupiter added to Galileo and Kepler’s vision of the universe, and your literary reputation was not far below that of your scientific one. Everyone knows who you are and admires you. This is France, after all, and to be a brilliant philosopher is to be influential. It is not surprising, then, that when you wished to take part in revolutionary politics, you found the path wide open. You presided over your district’s elections for delegates to the Estates General, and you yourself were elected. The Third Estate contingent was thrilled to have such a brilliant mind as yours; it brought prestige and honor to the delegates (who were, after all, mere commoners). When the Third Estate fol- lowed Sieyès and declared itself to be the National Assembly, it chose you as its president.
    [Show full text]
  • Jean-Paul Marat's the Chains Of
    The Historical Journal, 48, 3 (2005), pp. 641–660 f 2005 Cambridge University Press doi:10.1017/S0018246X05004607 Printed in the United Kingdom JEAN-PAUL MARAT’S THE CHAINS OF SLAVERY IN BRITAIN AND FRANCE, 1774 –1833* RACHEL HAMMERSLEY School of Historical Studies, University of Newcastle ABSTRACT. Originally published in London in 1774 and subsequently republished in French in 1793 and 1833, Marat’s The chains of slavery offers an interesting case study on the exchange of ideas between Britain and France during the late eighteenth century. It is suggested that the key to understanding this hitherto neglected work lies in reading it alongside other publications by Marat from the 1770s and in setting it firmly in the context in which it was published and disseminated in both Britain and France. Prompted by debates surrounding the election of 1774, the work embodies Marat’s own particular version of the British commonwealth tradition, and can be linked to the Wilkite movement in both Newcastle and London. Despite its British origins, Marat and his followers were able to utilize the work after 1789 in order to engage in a number of French debates. It thus constitutes one of the means by which English republican ideas made their way across the Channel. I In March 1793, whilst at the height of his fame and power, Jean-Paul Marat published a work entitled Les Chaıˆnes de l’esclavage.1 As both the advertisement in his newspaper and the preface indicated, the work was not new.2 An English version had originally been published in London in 1774.3 School of Historical Studies, University of Newcastle, NE1 7RU [email protected] * This article was written during my time as a Leverhulme Special Research Fellow at the University of Sussex.
    [Show full text]
  • The Coming of the French Revolution 1St Edition Pdf, Epub, Ebook
    THE COMING OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 1ST EDITION PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Georges Lefebvre | 9780691168463 | | | | | The Coming of the French Revolution 1st edition PDF Book A new governmental structure was created for Paris known as the Commune , headed by Jean-Sylvain Bailly , former president of the Assembly. The King and many Feuillants with him expected war would increase his personal popularity; he also foresaw an opportunity to exploit any defeat: either result would make him stronger. If your only way of connecting to the French Revolution in the past has been Les Miserables, this book is it. On 17 July, Louis visited Paris accompanied by deputies, where he was met by Bailly and accepted a tricolore cockade to loud cheers. By declaring war, the Convention hoped to mobilise revolutionary fervour and blame rising prices, shortages and unemployment as arising from external threats. It is therefore more difficult to live as a free man than to live as a slave, and that is why men so often renounce their freedom; for freedom is in its way an invitation to a life of courage, and sometimes "Liberty is by no means an invitation to indifference or to irresponsible power; nor is it the promise of unlimited well-being without a counterpart of toil and effort. Genoa the city became a republic while its hinterland became the Ligurian Republic. Created by WorkBot. Highly recommended. Retrieved 3 January Although persuaded to disperse, on 2 June the Convention was surrounded by a crowd of up to 80,, demanding cheap bread, unemployment pay and political reforms, including restriction of the vote to the sans-culottes , and the right to remove deputies at will.
    [Show full text]
  • Potestas N8-4
    TERESA LLÁCER VIEL Te Empress of the French. Iconography of Joséphine de Beauharnais 241 THE EMPRESS OF THE FRENCH. ICONOGRAPHY OF JOSÉPHINE DE BEAUHARNAIS TERESA LLÁCER VIEL Universitat Jaume I Recibido: 04-03-2015 / Evaluado: 14-04-2015 / Aprobado: 20-04-2015 RESUMEN: El 2 de diciembre de 1804, Josefina de Beauharnais (Martinica, 23 de junio de 1763 - Rueil-Malmaison, 29 de mayo de 1814), fue coro- nada como emperatriz de los franceses en la catedral de Notre-Dame. Su esposo, Napoleón Bonaparte (Ajaccio, 15 de agosto de 1769 - Santa Elena, 5 de mayo de 1821), colocaba sobre su cabeza la réplica de la coro- na de Carlomagno ante la mirada del papa Pío VII (1742-1823). La que fuera vizcondesa de Beauharnais, de nacimiento criolla, llevaría el manto imperial durante seis años hasta la formalización de su divorcio de Bonaparte el 10 de enero de 1810. Palabras clave: iconografía del poder, Josefina de Beauharnais, Napoleón Bonaparte, Primer Imperio francés. ABSTRACT: On the second of December 1084, Joséphine de Beauharnais (née Tascher de la Pagerie in Martinica; 23 June 1763 – 29 May 1814 in Rueil-Mailmaison) was crowned as Empress of the French in the Cathedral of Notre-Dame. Her husband, Napoleon Bonaparte (Ajaccio, 15 August 1769 – Saint Ellen, 5 May 1821) placed on her head the replica of the crown of Charlemagne before Pope Pius VII (1742-1823). Te former vizcountess of Beauharnais, born a creole, would be wearing the imperial cape for six years until her official divorce from Napoleon on 10 January 1810. Keywords: Iconography of power, Joséphine de Beauharnais, Napoleon Bonaparte, First French Empire.
    [Show full text]