___1 Giorgio Vasari, Cosimo I De ̓ Medici with His Architects
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____ 1 Giorgio Vasari, Cosimo I de ̓ Medici with his architects, engineers and sculptors. Florence, Palazzo Vecchio, Sala di Cosimo I “MaeSTRI D’alCUNE ARTI MISTE E D’INGEGNO” ARTISTS AND ARTISANS IN THE COMPAGNIA DELLO SCALZO Alana O’Brien Giorgio Vasari, in the Sala di Cosimo I, painted the men of the Compagnia dello Scalzo, who com- a tondo depicting missioned from Andrea del Sarto a cycle representing Duke Cosimo (ca. 1555;I de’ Medici surroundedFig. 1). Of by the for their cloister, he char- thehis architects, ten individuals engineers and gathered sculptors in surprising intimacy acterizedLife of themsaint Johnas “personethe Baptist basse” – people of a low around the Duke, five belonged – or would belong – socio-economic status – and as “più ricchi d’animo to the Compagnia di San Giovanni Battista commonly che di danari”.2 Perhaps echoing Vasari’s assessment, called “lo Scalzo”: Tribolo, Giovanni Battista del Tas- the Scalzo’s membership has since been characterized so, Davide Fortini, Nanni di Unghero and Benvenu- as comprising ‘anonymous’ and ‘uncultured’ artisans, to Cellini.1 Curiously though, when Vasari described such as candle makers, food vendors, cobblers, furriers, 1 Vasari identified all except Fortini (Giorgio Vasari, in: , I–III [1997], pp. 81–100: 84; Elizabeth Pil- Le vite de’ più eccellenti pit- Miscellanea storica della Valdelsa , ed. by Gaetano Milanesi, Florence 1906, VIII, p. 192). liod, “Representation, Misrepresentation, and Non-Representation”, in: tori, scultori ed architettori Vasa- For their placement see William Chandler Kirwin, “Vasari’s tondo of ‘Cosi- , ed. by Philip Jacks, Cambridge ri’s Florence: Artists and Literati at the Medicean Court mo I with his Architects, Engineers, and Sculptors’ in the Palazzo Vecchio: 1998, pp. 30–52, 254–263: 46, 262, note 73). Emanuela Ferretti (“Architetti Typology and Re-Identification of Portraits”, in: e architettura del Palazzo di Cerreto”, in: Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Il Palazzo di Cosimo I a Cerreto Guidi: , XV (1971), pp. 105–122: 114–120. Charles Davis disput- , ed. by Emanuela Institutes in Florenz la Villa Medicea dalla fabbrica di Davitte Fortini alla corte di Isabella ed Kirwin’s identification of the figure seated to Cosimo’s right (“Benvenu- Ferretti/Giovanni Micheli, Florence 1998, pp. 73–85: 82) also noted Fortini, to Cellini and the Scuola Fiorentina: Notes on Florentine Sculpture around Tribolo, and Tasso’s membership in the Scalzo, but not in association with the 1550 for the 500th anniversary of Michelangelo’s Birth”, in: tondo. Appendix, nos. 97, 69, 98, 61, 119. North Carolina , XIII [1976], 4, pp. 1–70: 65, note 32). The figure has 2 Giorgio Vasari, Museum of Art Bulletin Le vite de’ più eccellenti pittori, scultori e architettori nelle redazioni since been identified as Davide Fortini (Emanuela Ferretti Olivari, “Davitte di , ed. by Rosanna Bettarini/Paola Barocchi, Florence 1966– del 1550 e 1568 Raffaello Fortini da Castelfiorentino, architetto e ingegnere di Sua Altezza”, 1997, IV, p. 345. | 359 cloth weavers, and leather, wool and wood workers.3 and the interrelationships between confraternities and The presence of key Medici artists in the Scalzo is the artists.5 While it has long been recognized that art- first clue to the insight that the confraternity comprised ists were members of confraternities, the references a more consequential and intriguing membership than are usually isolated, acknowledged in connection with generally presumed. Fresh examination of the Scalzo’s specific commissions or briefly in artists’ biographies; surviving administrative books reveals that, while it was artistic output remains the primary interest. Few stud- certainly primarily composed of artisans, these were ies have sought to explore the participation of art- not confined to the menial artisan trades; the range of ists and artisans in a particular confraternity from the occupations they engaged in was culturally more signif- latter’s perspective.6 Lay-religious confraternities con- icant than broadly acknowledged. It included painters, tributed many benefits to early modern Florentines, of goldsmiths, sculptors, architects and engineers, many which a network of connections – friends, colleagues, of whom were leading figures in their respective profes- and possible employers – was not of minor value. The sions. The list of artists and artisans of the Compagnia rich documentation surviving for the Compagnia del- dello Scalzo, which forms the Appendix to this article, lo Scalzo offers tangible evidence of their presence provides the results of this new archival research into and involvement, their contributions, and, remarkably, the books of the confraternity. the social and spiritual bonds between the . Giorgio Vasari’s biographical treatment of artists confratelli in his barely alludes to the complexity of relation- The Compagnia dello Scalzo and Its Members ships thatVite existed between artists and artisans. Explo- The Compagnia di San Giovanni Battista called ration of their involvement with, and engagement in, dello Scalzo was a confraternity founded in Florentine confraternities both enriches our under- 1376, in the churchdisciplinati of San Jacopo in Campo Corbo- standing of them as social beings and has the benefit of lini. confraternities – one of the primary placing them at the nexus of a complex of patronage typesDisciplinati of lay religious confraternity found in four- situations. Early modern confraternities were signifi- teenth-century Florence – would honour and glorify cant consumers of work by artists and artisans.4 Real- God and the members of the celestial court, while also ization of this has inspired a proliferation of studies focusing on “the penitential denigration of humanity”, on confraternal art patronage in recent decades: on the appealing to God’s mercy through self-flagellation.7 types of works produced; the function of the objects; By the end of the 1300s the Scalzo had transferred 3 Manuela Barducci, “La Compagnia dello Scalzo dalle origini alla fine , New Haven/London 2001, pp. 91–94; Marzia A Genealogy of Florentine Art del secolo XV”, in: Faietti, “Amico’s Friends: Aspertini and the Confraternita del Buon Gesù in Da Dante a Cosimo I: ricerche di storia religiosa e culturale toscana , ed. by Domenico Maselli, Pistoia [1976], pp. 146–175: Bologna”, in: nei secoli XIV–XVI Drawing Relationships in Northern Italian Renaissance Art: Patronage and 162f.; Rita Marchi, “La Compagnia dello Scalzo nel Cinquecento”, , , ed. by Giancarla Periti, Lincolnshire 2004, pp. 51–74. ibidem Theories of Invention pp. 176–205: 184f. This characterization has been accepted without ques- Roberto Radassao has examined the participation of artists and artisans in tion: see for example Judith Bryce, “The Oral World of the Accademia Fio- confraternities in Udine and the commissioning of art from these confratelli rentina”, in: , XI (1995), pp. 77–103: 90, note 43. (“La confraternita di San Cristoforo a Udine e i suoi artisti”, in: , Renaissance Studies Ce fastu? 4 Richard Goldthwaite, , LXXVI [2000], pp. 121–136). Wealth and the Demand for Art in Italy 1300–1600 Baltimore/London 1993, pp. 119f. 7 R onald F.E. Weissman, , New York Ritual Brotherhood in Renaissance Florence 5 Cf. Barbara Wisch, “Incorporating Images: Some Themes and Tasks for 1982, p. 50; John Henderson, , Oxford Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence Confraternity Studies and Early Modern Visual Culture”, in: 1994, pp. 33–154. On the subordination of the “religious impulses to the Early Modern , social benefits” evident in Weissman’s research: NicholasE ckstein, “The Re- Confraternities in Europe and the Americas: International and Interdisciplinary Perspectives ed. by Christopher Black/Pamela Gravestock, Aldershot 2006, pp. 243–263. ligious Confraternities of High Renaissance Florence: Crisis or Continuity?”, 6 For investigations into the interrelationship of specific artists with the in: Rituals, Images, and Words: Varieties of Cultural Expression in Late Medieval and Early members of certain confraternities: Elizabeth Pilliod, , ed. by F.W. Kent/Charles Zika, Turnhout 2005, pp. 9–32: 12. Pontormo Bronzino Allori: Modern Europe 360 | ALANA O’BrIEN | to a small house in the garden of the Celestine monks year, could have been placed in it. When Andrea da of the church of San Pier Murrone on Via San Gallo. Fiesole died in 1526 the Scalzo was probably still us- Its membership grew over the following century and it ing a site in San Pier Murrone. Sarto was inhumed in expanded its meetinghouse, transferring the entrance the Santissima Annunziata, but probably by the Mise- to Via Larga (present day Via Cavour; Fig. 2).8 The ricordia.12 Nevertheless, Vasari was correct in connect- cloister where Andrea del Sarto painted his ing all three with the confraternity.13 fresco cycle depicting the is chiaroscurothe only Few published studies have focused on the Com- part of the premises to surviveLife of in the near Baptist original form pagnia dello Scalzo.14 The primary two, by Manuela (Fig. 3). Nevertheless, the late-sixteenth century lay- Barducci and Rita Marchi, published in 1976, analysed out of the Scalzo’s premises has been preserved for the range of occupations practiced by the posterity in the drawing of another , Alfonso in order to understand the Scalzo’s corporateconfratelli identi- Parigi (Fig. 4; no. 156). The sketch,confratello made in his ty and cultural condition. Barducci traced its history , shows not only the various ground floor rooms,tac- from