Interview with Ben Magubane
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Malibongwe Let Us Praise the Women Portraits by Gisele Wulfsohn
Malibongwe Let us praise the women Portraits by Gisele Wulfsohn In 1990, inspired by major political changes in our country, I decided to embark on a long-term photographic project – black and white portraits of some of the South African women who had contributed to this process. In a country previously dominated by men in power, it seemed to me that the tireless dedication and hard work of our mothers, grandmothers, sisters and daughters needed to be highlighted. I did not only want to include more visible women, but also those who silently worked so hard to make it possible for change to happen. Due to lack of funding and time constraints, including raising my twin boys and more recently being diagnosed with cancer, the portraits have been taken intermittently. Many of the women photographed in exile have now returned to South Africa and a few have passed on. While the project is not yet complete, this selection of mainly high profile women represents a history and inspiration to us all. These were not only tireless activists, but daughters, mothers, wives and friends. Gisele Wulfsohn 2006 ADELAIDE TAMBO 1929 – 2007 Adelaide Frances Tsukudu was born in 1929. She was 10 years old when she had her first brush with apartheid and politics. A police officer in Top Location in Vereenigng had been killed. Adelaide’s 82-year-old grandfather was amongst those arrested. As the men were led to the town square, the old man collapsed. Adelaide sat with him until he came round and witnessed the young policeman calling her beloved grandfather “boy”. -
2013 Annual Report
Our evolution 1990 Mr Nelson Mandela is released after over 27 years in prison. 1994 Mr Mandela becomes South Africa’s first democratically elected president. 1999 Mr Mandela steps down as president. The Nelson Mandela Foundation is established and houses Mr Mandela’s personal office. It implements a wide range of development projects, including education and health infrastructure. 2002 The Nelson Mandela Foundation moves to its current premises. 2004 Mr Mandela retires and famously says, “Don’t call me, I’ll call you.” He inaugurates the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory project. The Nelson Mandela Foundation begins process of consolidation from project implementer to enabler and facilitator. 2008 Mr Mandela says at his 90th birthday concert in London, “It is time for new hands to lift the burdens. It is in your hands now.’’ 2009 The first Nelson Mandela Day is launched. The United Nations General Assembly declares, by unanimous resolution, 18 July as Nelson Mandela International Day. 2011 The Nelson Mandela Foundation enters the final phase of its transition; the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory becomes the Foundation’s physical home. Our vision Our core work Our spiral A society which remembers its pasts, listens The Nelson Mandela Foundation delivers The spiral, which in many ancient to all its voices, and pursues social justice. to the world an integrated and dynamic societies symbolised constant renewal, information resource on the life and times simultaneously represents the centring of of Nelson Mandela, and promotes the memory, disseminating of information and Our mission finding of sustainable solutions to critical widening impact in the world, which is at To contribute to the making of a just society social problems through memory-based the heart of our work. -
Designing the South African Nation from Nature to Culture
CHAPTER 3 Designing the South African Nation From Nature to Culture Jacques Lange and Jeanne van Eeden There is to date very little published research and writing about South African design history. One of the main obstacles has been dealing with the legacy of forty years of apartheid censorship (1950 to 1990) that banned and destroyed a vast array of visual culture in the interests of propaganda and national security, according to the Beacon for Freedom of Expression (http://search.beaconforfreedom.org/about_database/south%20africa.html). This paucity of material is aggravated by the general lack of archival and doc- umentary evidence, not just of the struggle against apartheid, but also of the wider domain of design in South Africa. Even mainstream designed mate- rial for the British imperialist and later apartheid government has been lost or neglected in the inadequate archival facilities of the State and influential organizations such as the South African Railways. Efforts to redress this are now appearing as scholars start to piece together fragments, not in order to write a definitive history of South African design, but rather to write histories of design in South Africa that recuperate neglected narratives or revise earlier historiographies. This chapter is accordingly an attempt to document a number of key moments in the creation of South African nationhood between 1910 and 2013 in which communication design played a part. Our point of departure is rooted in Zukin’s (1991: 16) belief that symbolic and material manifestations of power harbour the ideological needs of powerful institutions to manipulate class, gender and race relations, ultimately to serve the needs of capital (and governance). -
Missed Experience and South African Documentary Photography
REDISCOVERING THE (EXTRA)ORDINARY: MISSED EXPERIENCE AND SOUTH AFRICAN DOCUMENTARY PHOTOGRAPHY ANDRÉ WIESNER 30 - Abstract Under apartheid, activist and commercial photog- André Wiesner is lecturer raphers confronted violent, traumatic events, and their in the Centre for Film and exposure of these to the wider world played a key role in Media Studies, University of bringing about the downfall of the state. Post-apartheid, Cape Town; e-mail: documentary photography has generally taken a diff erent [email protected]. direction, orienting attention to the surrounding society, and making good on all manner of missed experiences. In their move to peripheral situations, photographers dignify the culture-making of ordinary folk. The persons in the photographer’s gaze are frequently those caught in the shock waves of hostilities (Guy Tillim), affl icted by a dread epidemic (Kim Lubdrook), or exposed to a diff use 7 3, pp. (2007), No. Vol.14 condition of endangerment, like violent criminality (David Southwood). Photographers are themselves in a way fatally endangered from afar and their attempts to visualise what is out of frame can be seen as a form of self-defence and passionate search in a bid to come to terms with trouble. The essay probes the post-apartheid state of documentary photography and its current directions. 7 The Great Traditions In the year 2000 a young photographer called David Southwood held an exhibi- tion that to some would have looked rott en with fi n de siècle decadence. It featured an assortment of men and women in whom fl ickers of Southwood’s manner and morphology could be glimpsed, and was entitled, “People Who Other People Think Look Like Me.” Coming ten years aft er Nelson Mandela’s release from prison, and six years aft er South Africa’s landmark elections in 1994, the exhibition could be taken to epitomise the liberated, post-political sensibilities that fl ourished as the country shed its pariah status in the world at large and self-congratulatingly be- gan reinventing itself as a new and improved Rainbow Nation. -
Advancing Transformative Justice? a Case Study of a Trade Union, Social Movement and NGO Network in South Africa
Advancing transformative justice? A case study of a trade union, social movement and NGO network in South Africa Matthew Hamilton Evans PhD University of York Politics October 2013 Abstract Transitional justice mechanisms have largely focused upon individual violations of a narrow set of civil and political rights and the provision of legal and quasi-legal remedies, typically truth commissions, amnesties and prosecutions. In contrast, this thesis highlights the significance of structural violence in producing and reproducing violations of socio-economic rights. The thesis argues that there is a need to utilise a different toolkit, and a different understanding of human rights, to that typically employed in transitional justice in order to remedy structural violations of human rights such as these. A critique of the scope of existing models of transitional justice is put forward and the thesis sets out a definition of transformative justice as expanding upon and providing an alternative to the transitional justice mechanisms typically employed in post-conflict and post-authoritarian contexts. Focusing on a case study of a network of social movements, nongovernmental organisations and trade unions working on land and housing rights in South Africa, the thesis asks whether networks of this kind can advance transformative justice. In answering this question the thesis draws upon the idea of political responsibility as a means of analysing and assessing network action. The existing literature on political responsibilities and transnational advocacy networks is interrogated and adapted to the largely domestic case study network. Based on empirical research on the case study network and an analysis of its political responsibilities the thesis finds that networks of this kind can contribute to transformative justice. -
South Africa: Trial by Torture
SOUTH AFRICA: TRIAL BY TORTURE - The Case of The 22. Published by: The International Defence and Aid Fund, 2, Amen Court, London, E.C.U. - 2 - TRIAL BT TORTURE The Case of The 22 CONTENTS Page Foreword 3 I. The Accused and the Charges 6 II. The Arrests 10 III. The TTial 12 IV. The Torture Ordeal 21 V. Fiendish Torture 30 VI. The Court Refuses 37 VII. The Two Who Would Not Testify Ho VIII. The Question of Justice h1 FOREWORD The South African Government spends an enormous amount of money on propaganda. Hostile world reactions to the Sharpeville shootings of i960 and still more the consequent flight of capital, affected even the isolationist Afrikaners very deeply and over the last ten years universal efforts have been made to present South Africa favourably to the outside world. This effort and the vast sums of money expended upon it, have met with consider able success. Large numbers of people, particularly British business men, politicians, journalists and others have been invited to South Africa, taken on guided tours, fed with various kinds of "information" and have returned to tell travellers' tales of the success of apartheid, of the happiness of the coloured people, of the stability and tranquillity of this smiling and beautiful land where white people certainly enjoy the highest standard of living in the world. The International Defence and Aid Fund is not in the above sense a propagandist organisation. It does not have vast sums of money to spend, and even if it did it could make better use of it. -
Critical Perspectives on Southern Africa
critical perspectives on Southern Africa EDITORS: Bill Freund, Gerhard Mar6, Mike Morris (University of Natal), John Daniel, Vishnu Padayachee (University of Durban-Westville) CORRESPONDING EDITORS: Colin Bundy (University of the Western-Cape), Stephen Gelb, Shireen Hassim (Univer- sity of Durban-Westville), Peter Hudson, Debbie Posel (University of the Wit- watersrand), David Kaplan, Dave Lewis, Mary Simons (University of Cape Town), Francie Lund, Nic Amin (University of Natal), Mala Singh (CSD). INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATE EDITORS: Henry Bernstein (SOAS, University of London), Gillian Hart (University of Califor- nia, Berkeley), Mahmood Mamdani (Centre of Basic Research, Kampala), Martin Murray (SUNY Binghamton), Dan O'Meara (University de Quebec a Montreal), Terence Ranger (University of Oxford), John Saul (York University), Elling N Tj0nneland (Christian Michelsen Institute, Norway), Gavin Williams (University of Oxford). LAYOUT BY: Rob Evans PUBLICATION GUIDELINES: We ask contributors to submit two (2) typed copies, following the format (on such issues as references and notes) of articles in this issue of TRANSFORMATION. Whilst the journal will cater for work at any level of abstraction, or detail, a number of criteria will guide the editors in selection of material for inclusion. Articles should aim for academic rigour but also clarify the political implications of the issues discussed. We are concerned not to compete with other South African journals that may cover related ground but in different ways - this will govern our selection principles. All articles will be assessed anonymously by the referees. Contributions should preferably not exceed the following lengths: Analytical articles: 7 000 words Debates and review articles: 3 000 words The views expressed in TRANSFORMATION do not necessarily reflect those of the editors. -
School Leadership Under Apartheid South Africa As Portrayed in the Apartheid Archive Projectand Interpreted Through Freirean Education
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 2021 SCHOOL LEADERSHIP UNDER APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA AS PORTRAYED IN THE APARTHEID ARCHIVE PROJECTAND INTERPRETED THROUGH FREIREAN EDUCATION Kevin Bruce Deitle University of Montana, Missoula Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Deitle, Kevin Bruce, "SCHOOL LEADERSHIP UNDER APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA AS PORTRAYED IN THE APARTHEID ARCHIVE PROJECTAND INTERPRETED THROUGH FREIREAN EDUCATION" (2021). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 11696. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/11696 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SCHOOL LEADERSHIP UNDER APARTHEID SCHOOL LEADERSHIP UNDER APARTHEID SOUTH AFRICA AS PORTRAYED IN THE APARTHEID ARCHIVE PROJECT AND INTERPRETED THROUGH FREIREAN EDUCATION By KEVIN BRUCE DEITLE Dissertation presented in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Educational Leadership The University of Montana Missoula, Montana March 2021 Approved by: Dr. Ashby Kinch, Dean of the Graduate School -
Black Power, Black Consciousness, and South Africa's Armed Struggle
Binghamton University The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB) Graduate Dissertations and Theses Dissertations, Theses and Capstones 6-2018 UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson Asheeke Binghamton University--SUNY, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Asheeke, Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson, "UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985" (2018). Graduate Dissertations and Theses. 78. https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses/78 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations, Theses and Capstones at The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 BY TOIVO TUKONGENI PAUL WILSON ASHEEKE BA, Earlham College, 2010 MA, Binghamton University, 2014 DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate School of Binghamton University State University of New -
STRUGGLES in SOUTHERN AFRICA for SURVIVAL and EQUALITY Also by H
STRUGGLES IN SOUTHERN AFRICA FOR SURVIVAL AND EQUALITY Also by H. 1. Simons AFRICAN WOMEN: Their Legal Status in South Africa CLASS AND COLOUR IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1850--1950 (with R. E.) JOB RESERVATION AND THE TRADE UNIONS (with R. E.) MEMORANDUM ON THE NEED FOR PENAL REFORM IN SOUTH AFRICA (with M. L. Ballinger) SLUMS OR SELF-RELIANCE? Urban Growth in Zambia Struggles in Southern Africa for Survival and Equality H. 1. Simons First published in Great Britain 1997 by MACMILLAN PRESS LTD Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and London Companies and representatives throughout the world A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 978-1-349-39739-6 ISBN 978-0-230-37304-4 (eBook) DOI 10.1057/9780230373044 First published in the United States of America 1997 by ST. MARTIN'S PRESS, INC .. Scholarly and Reference Division, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 ISBN 978-0-312-16260-3 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Simons, H. J. (Harold Jack) Struggles in Southern Africa for survival and equality 1 H. J. Simons. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-312-16260-3 (cloth) I. South Africa-Race relations. 2. Ethnology-South Africa. 3. Women-South Africa-Social conditions. 4. South Africa-Social conditions. 5. Zambia-Race relations I. Title. DT1756.S53 1996 305.8'00968---{!c20 96-2812 CIP © Ray Alexander Simons 1997 Sofie over reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 1997 978-0-333-65664-8 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. -
The State of the Left in South Africa Martin Legassick 2057 Words I
The state of the left in South Africa Martin Legassick 2057 words I would have liked to start with the objective conditions, which are very favourable for social change. But there is no time for that. Instead I ask: what is the state of the left? The real question of course is not the state of the left but state of the working class. The only real force for change – for ending capitalism and establishing socialism -- is a united and conscious working class – by which I mean everyone who does not control the means of production, not just employed workers – ie workers’ families, the unemployed, youth and pensioners, urban and rural. Since the 1980s, the level of consciousness in the working class has been driven back – by the propaganda for neo-liberal capitalism churned out daily. Today in the working class there are manifestations of xenophobia. In the Western Cape Coloureds are turned against African. No doubt it is the same with Indians in Kwa- Zulu Natal. In the Eastern Cape, I am told, older workers are sacked by the bosses to bring in young workers with no knowledge of trade unionism. The task of the left is to assist in bringing about a united and conscious working class – not by preaching as a vanguard of intellectuals, but by joining in struggles and seeking to broaden and develop them. Who is the left? Can the South African Communist Party be regarded as of the “left” when its two most prominent leaders form part of a government that is still functioning with policies of neo-liberalism. -
Contestations Over Knowledge Production Or Ideological Bullying?: a Response to Legassick on the Workersʼ Movement
Contestations over knowledge production or ideological bullying?: A response to Legassick on the workersʼ movement JABULANI SITHOLE Historical Studies, University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg Campus The key characteristic of the vast amount of literature on the South African work- ersʼ movement in the post-1973 period is the denial that the class and national struggles were closely intertwined. This denial is underpinned by a strong ʻanti- nationalist currentʼ which dismisses the national liberation struggle as ʻpopulist and nationalistʼ and therefore antithetical to socialism. This article cautions against uncritical endorsement of these views. It argues that they are the work of partisan and intolerant commentators who have dominated the South African academy since the 1970s and who have a tendency to suppress all versions of labour history which highlight these linkages in favour of those which portray national liberation and socialism as antinomies. The article also points out that these commentators use history to mobilise support for their rigidly held ideolog- ical positions and to wage current political struggles under the pretext of advanc- ing objective academic arguments. The previous edition of this journal, a Special Issue entitled ʻMaking historiesʼ which was co-edited by Ciraj Rassool and Leslie Witz, features an article by Martin Legassick. In this article, ʻDebating the revival of the workersʼ movement in the 1970s: The South African Democracy Education Trust and post-apartheid patriotic historyʼ,1 Legassick accuses me, along with Bernard Magubane and Sifiso Ndlovu, of at least six serious (academic) crimes. The first is that we have succumbed to prevailing power relations rather than challenged them in our quest to uncover the history of the workersʼ movement during the 1970s.