Democracy, Cyberspace, and the Body
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Types of Democracy the Democratic Form of Government Is An
Types of Democracy The democratic form of government is an institutional configuration that allows for popular participation through the electoral process. According to political scientist Robert Dahl, the democratic ideal is based on two principles: political participation and political contestation. Political participation requires that all the people who are eligible to vote can vote. Elections must be free, fair, and competitive. Once the votes have been cast and the winner announced, power must be peacefully transferred from one individual to another. These criteria are to be replicated on a local, state, and national level. A more robust conceptualization of democracy emphasizes what Dahl refers to as political contestation. Contestation refers to the ability of people to express their discontent through freedom of the speech and press. People should have the ability to meet and discuss their views on political issues without fear of persecution from the state. Democratic regimes that guarantee both electoral freedoms and civil rights are referred to as liberal democracies. In the subfield of Comparative Politics, there is a rich body of literature dealing specifically with the intricacies of the democratic form of government. These scholarly works draw distinctions between democratic regimes based on representative government, the institutional balance of power, and the electoral procedure. There are many shades of democracy, each of which has its own benefits and disadvantages. Types of Democracy The broadest differentiation that scholars make between democracies is based on the nature of representative government. There are two categories: direct democracy and representative democracy. We can identify examples of both in the world today. -
Section 75: Tories Try to Privatise by Back Door
So& Wloirkdersa’ Lirbeirtty y No 279 20 March 2013 30p/80p www.workersliberty.org For a workers’ government SWP: time to The threat from The origins of the rethink Golden Dawn ‘united front’ page 5 pages 6-7 pages 9-10 SECTION 75: TORIES TRY TO Se e PRIVATISE BY BACK DOOR page 3 Public health, not private profit! LOBBY : HOUSE OF LORDS, TUESDAY 26TH MARCH 2 NEWS What is the Alliance for Anti-cuts councillors meet Workers’ Liberty? By Tom Vickers The role of the unions has on the council are clearly so far been contradictory. agitated. It was agreed that Today one class, the working class, lives by selling its labour power to Around 60 activists and another, the capitalist class, which owns the means of On the one hand unions are the councillors should con - production. Society is shaped by the capitalists’ councillors met in Birm - helping to run local cam - tinue to share their experi - relentless drive to increase their wealth. Capitalism ingham on 16 March to paigns, but nationally their ences and work with local causes poverty, unemployment, the blighting of lives discuss the Councillors leaderships are advising campaigns. The conference by overwork, imperialism, the destruction of the Against Cuts campaign. union-backed counillors to also agreed on the impor - environment and much else. The event had four ses - vote for the cuts or failing to tance of not splitting local Against the accumulated wealth and power of the sions: defend them, other then for - anti-cuts campaigns by in - capitalists, the working class has one weapon: solidarity. -
THE RISE of COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A
Elections Without Democracy THE RISE OF COMPETITIVE AUTHORITARIANISM Steven Levitsky and Lucan A. Way Steven Levitsky is assistant professor of government and social studies at Harvard University. His Transforming Labor-Based Parties in Latin America is forthcoming from Cambridge University Press. Lucan A. Way is assistant professor of political science at Temple University and an academy scholar at the Academy for International and Area Studies at Harvard University. He is currently writing a book on the obstacles to authoritarian consolidation in the former Soviet Union. The post–Cold War world has been marked by the proliferation of hy- brid political regimes. In different ways, and to varying degrees, polities across much of Africa (Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Zambia, Zimbab- we), postcommunist Eurasia (Albania, Croatia, Russia, Serbia, Ukraine), Asia (Malaysia, Taiwan), and Latin America (Haiti, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru) combined democratic rules with authoritarian governance during the 1990s. Scholars often treated these regimes as incomplete or transi- tional forms of democracy. Yet in many cases these expectations (or hopes) proved overly optimistic. Particularly in Africa and the former Soviet Union, many regimes have either remained hybrid or moved in an authoritarian direction. It may therefore be time to stop thinking of these cases in terms of transitions to democracy and to begin thinking about the specific types of regimes they actually are. In recent years, many scholars have pointed to the importance of hybrid regimes. Indeed, recent academic writings have produced a vari- ety of labels for mixed cases, including not only “hybrid regime” but also “semidemocracy,” “virtual democracy,” “electoral democracy,” “pseudodemocracy,” “illiberal democracy,” “semi-authoritarianism,” “soft authoritarianism,” “electoral authoritarianism,” and Freedom House’s “Partly Free.”1 Yet much of this literature suffers from two important weaknesses. -
Measuring Polyarchy Across the Globe, 1900–2017
St Comp Int Dev https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-018-9268-z Measuring Polyarchy Across the Globe, 1900–2017 Jan Teorell1 & Michael Coppedge2 & Staffan Lindberg3 & Svend-Erik Skaaning 4 # The Author(s) 2018 Abstract This paper presents a new measure polyarchy for a global sample of 182 countries from 1900 to 2017 based on the Varieties of Democracy (V-Dem) data, deriving from an expert survey of more than 3000 country experts from around the world, with on average 5 experts rating each indicator. By measuring the five compo- nents of Elected Officials, Clean Elections, Associational Autonomy, Inclusive Citi- zenship, and Freedom of Expression and Alternative Sources of Information separately, we anchor this new index directly in Dahl’s(1971) extremely influential theoretical framework. The paper describes how the five polyarchy components were measured and provides the rationale for how to aggregate them to the polyarchy scale. We find Previous versions of this paper were presented at the APSA Annual Meeting in Washington, DC, August 28- 31, 2014, at the Carlos III-Juan March Institute of Social Sciences, Madrid, November 28, 2014, and at the European University Institute, Fiesole, January 20, 2016. Any remaining omissions are the sole responsibility of the authors. Electronic supplementary material The online version of this article (https://doi.org/10.1007/s12116-018- 9268-z) contains supplementary material, which is available to authorized users. * Jan Teorell [email protected] Michael Coppedge [email protected] Staffan Lindberg [email protected] -
Islamic Shura, Democracy, and Online Fatwas 50
yber C yberO rient, Vol. 5, Iss. 2, 2011 pp. 50-72 Islamic Shura, Democracy, and Online Fatwas Jens Kutscher Abstract: Publications on the Islamic shura concept – Arabic and English – usually include a com- parison with present-day liberal democracy. This paper addresses the issue of shura and democracy from the perspective of Muslim communities residing in non-Islamic countries. How do muftis in their online fatwas respond to questions whether Islam and democracy can be reconciled? How do they address the issue of shura? This paper argues that one might well expect the shura concept to serve as a justification for the reconciliation of Islam and democracy or at least find the shura concept to be a distinctly Islamic understanding of democracy. The online fatwas considered for this survey (from AskImam.org, IslamiCity. com, IslamOnline.net, and IslamQA.com) reveal a number of distinct understandings of shura, which are nevertheless linked with each other – be they elections as an expression of shura, shura as a constitutional principle and perfect form of government, or shura in cases of hardship or the political participation of women. While muftis from all websites are unanimous in their defense of shura, their conclusions regarding the centrality and impli- cations of this concept reflect the different streams of thought and currents they represent. Keywords: study of religion, democracy, legal science, Islam and civil society, Islam and politics, Is- lamic law, websites, fatwas Islam and Democracy in the 21st Century Whether “Islam” and “democracy” are actually compatible is an issue that has been raised for several decades now (McElroy 1938). -
Patterns of Democracy This Page Intentionally Left Blank PATTERNS of DEMOCRACY
Patterns of Democracy This page intentionally left blank PATTERNS OF DEMOCRACY Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries SECOND EDITION AREND LIJPHART First edition 1999. Second edition 2012. Copyright © 1999, 2012 by Arend Lijphart. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, including illustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections 107 and 108 of the US Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publishers. Yale University Press books may be purchased in quantity for educational, business, or promotional use. For information, please e-mail [email protected] (US offi ce) or [email protected] (UK offi ce). Set in Melior type by Integrated Publishing Solutions, Grand Rapids, Michigan. Printed in the United States of America. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Lijphart, Arend. Patterns of democracy : government forms and performance in thirty-six countries / Arend Lijphart. — 2nd ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-300-17202-7 (paperbound : alk. paper) 1. Democracy. 2. Comparative government. I. Title. JC421.L542 2012 320.3—dc23 2012000704 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. This paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48–1992 (Permanence of Paper). 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 for Gisela and for our grandchildren, Connor, Aidan, Arel, Caio, Senta, and Dorian, in the hope that the twenty-fi rst century—their century—will yet become more -
Political Crisis in Greece and Italy: a Comparative Analysis of SYRIZA and 5 Stars Movement
Political Crisis in Greece and Italy: a comparative analysis of SYRIZA and 5 Stars Movement Raffaele Borreca PhD Candidate University of Peloponnese Department of Political Science and International Relations 1 Abstract The spaces opened by the economic and political crisis offered many rooms for manoeuvre to those opposition forces able to canalise in electoral terms the protest and translate its claims in specific demands or a coherent political narrative. Strong of their electoral results, the Greek SYRIZA and the Italian Five Stars Movement (M5S) assumed soon a pivotal role in their political systems. However, although the demands and the objectives of both SYRIZA and the M5S are, to a certain extent, similar, the two parties differ in terms of political background, ideology and internal organization. The success of the M5S trace its roots in the context of deep distrust against the political system reigning in Italy since the 1990s. In the M5S problematically coexist a grassroots direct democracy approach and the charismatic and substantially unchallenged leadership of the founder Beppe Grillo. The capability of the radical left SYRIZA to convey the anti–Memorandum contestation and its constitution in an unitarian party following the 2012 elections reaffirmed the centrality of the traditional mass party in the Greek democratic representation. However, its electoral drive towards the centre poses major ideological challenges. Finally, the scepticism towards the European governance of both parties cannot be mistaken for anti-europeism. SYRIZA and the M5S canalized the protest from the streets to the national Parliament giving democratic representation to the contestation and contributing in the politicisation of the European polity. -
International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding
The Unintended Consequences of Democracy Promotion: International Organizations and Democratic Backsliding Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Anna M. Meyerrose, M.A. Graduate Program in Political Science The Ohio State University 2019 Dissertation Committee: Alexander Thompson, Co-Advisor Irfan Nooruddin, Co-Advisor Marcus Kurtz William Minozzi Sara Watson c Copyright by Anna M. Meyerrose 2019 Abstract Since the end of the Cold War, international organizations (IOs) have engaged in unprecedented levels of democracy promotion and are widely viewed as positive forces for democracy. However, this increased emphasis on democracy has more re- cently been accompanied by rampant illiberalism and a sharp rise in cases of demo- cratic backsliding in new democracies. What explains democratic backsliding in an age of unparalleled international support for democracy? Democratic backsliding oc- curs when elected officials weaken or erode democratic institutions and results in an illiberal or diminished form of democracy, rather than autocracy. This dissertation argues that IOs commonly associated with democracy promotion can support tran- sitions to democracy but unintentionally make democratic backsliding more likely in new democracies. Specifically, I identify three interrelated mechanisms linking IOs to democratic backsliding. These organizations neglect to support democratic insti- tutions other than executives and elections; they increase relative executive power; and they limit states’ domestic policy options via requirements for membership. Lim- ited policy options stunt the development of representative institutions and make it more difficult for leaders to govern. Unable to appeal to voters based on records of effective governance or policy alternatives, executives manipulate weak institutions to maintain power, thus increasing the likelihood of backsliding. -
Taking Stock of Democracy – Still a Success Story Or Not Competitive Anymore?
Page 6 | Trilogue Salzburg 2018 Background Paper Taking Stock of Democracy – Still a Success Story or not Competitive Anymore? Jörg Habich | Verena Nowotny | Christina Tillmann Introduction Taking stock of democracy seems to be easy. Democracy doubtlessly was the most successful idea of the 20th century, in spite of its flaws and problems. Democracy is able to adapt to changing environments and has been able to cope with challenges and problems in most cases. As a consequence, the number of democracies has increased and many countries have moved from a non-democratic government to a democratic one over the years. The number has risen from 69 in 1989/1990 to 125 electoral democracies in 2016.1 Nowadays, the majority of countries are governed by democratic regimes. Democratic systems are characterized by a variety of criteria, such as an electoral process and pluralism, political participation, civil liberties, the functioning of government, constraints on the power of the executive, and political culture with a guarantee of civil liberties. The victory of the liberal democracies as the end point of mankind’s ideological evolution and the final form of human government as predicted by Fukuyama seemed theirs for the taking.2 1 Freedom House. Freedom in the World 2018 – Democracy in Crisis; https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom- world/freedom-world-2018, retrieved July 16, 2018. 2 Francis Fukuyama. The end of history?. In: The National Interest. Summer 1989. Background Paper Trilogue Salzburg 2018 | Page 7 But the right to vote, political participation, freedom of press and media, and the rule of law are under pressure and in retreat globally. -
Analyzing Patterns of Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe
ANALYZING PATTERNS OF DEMOCRACY IN CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPE By Karolína Púllová Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Associate Professor Matthijs Bogaards CEU eTD Collection Vienna, Austria (2021) Author’s Declaration I, the undersigned, Karolína Púllová, candidate for the MA degree in Political Science declare herewith that the present thesis is exclusively my own work, based on my research and only such external information as properly credited in notes and bibliography. I declare that no unidentified and illegitimate use was made of the work of others, and no part of the thesis infringes on any person’s or institution’s copyright. I also declare that no part of the thesis has been submitted in this form to any other institution of higher education for an academic degree. Vienna, 01/06/2021 __________________________ Signature CEU eTD Collection ii Abstract Arend Lijphart’s typology of democratic systems, where he differentiates between majoritarian and consensus democracies, has been regarded as one of the most prominent and influential typologies of modern democratic systems. However, in recent decades its usefulness as a typology of democratic systems started to be questioned, as many scholars by replicating his work revealed that some of his core findings do not hold outside his sample of mature democracies. The present thesis tests the usefulness of Lijphart’s typology, firstly by analyzing institutional constellation in two of the newest democracies from the Central and Eastern European region – Croatia and Serbia, and, secondly by mapping more recent institutional changes and developments in the sample of ten Central and Eastern European democracies, which were previously analyzed by Andrew Roberts in 2006. -
Group Dynamics in the Citizens' Assembly on Electoral Reform
Group dynamics in the Citizens’ Assembly on Electoral Reform Manon de Jongh ISBN: 978-1-56592-479-6 Design: Het is mooi werk, Cothen, the Netherlands Photograph on cover: Arthur Mebius Photography, Naarden, the Netherlands Print: Toptryk Grafisk, Gråsten, Denmark © 2013 Manon de Jongh. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owner. 2 Group dynamics in the Citizens’ Assembly on Electoral Reform Groepsdynamiek in het Burgerforum Kiesstelsel (met een samenvatting in het Nederlands) Proefschrift ter verkrijging van de graad van doctor aan de Universiteit Utrecht op gezag van de rector magnificus, prof.dr. G.J. van der Zwaan, ingevolge het besluit van het college voor promoties in het openbaar te verdedigen op vrijdag 17 mei 2013 des middags te 12.45 uur door Manon Sabine de Jongh geboren op 18 augustus 1978 te Deventer 3 Promotor: Prof.dr. S.G.L. Schruijer Dit proefschrift werd (mede) mogelijk gemaakt met financiële steun van Maatschap voor Communicatie, Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken en Koninkrijkrelaties, en Udviklingskonsulenterne. 4 Foreword Today is the 25th of March, it is exactly seven years since I formally started this PhD project! And now, seven years later, my project has been approved and I am finishing the very last part of the thesis, the foreword. Coincidence? Maybe there is no such thing as coincidence... While reflecting on the past seven years, the first thing that comes to mind is the round of interviews that I held during the autumn of 2005. -
Our Democracy in Latin America (2011) Contents Authorities
Our Democracy in Latin America (2011) Contents Authorities ...................................................................................................................................... 4 Project Team ................................................................................................................................. 4 Executive Summary ..................................................................................................................... 5 Acknowlegments .......................................................................................................................... 7 Foreword ........................................................................................................................................ 9 José Miguel Insulza, Secretary-General of the Organization of American States ......... 9 Helen Clark, UNDP Administrator ....................................................................................... 10 Heraldo Muñoz, UN Assistant Secretary General and UNDP Regional Director for Latin America and the Caribbean ........................................................................................ 11 Introduction .................................................................................................................................. 12 Chapter 1: OUR STARTING POINT ....................................................................................... 15 Inequality and power .............................................................................................................